{"id":448,"date":"2010-01-28T19:26:15","date_gmt":"2010-01-28T16:26:15","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/94.237.85.66\/?p=448"},"modified":"2022-03-31T11:15:41","modified_gmt":"2022-03-31T08:15:41","slug":"leninist-parti-xxi-yuzyilda-ortodoks-olmak","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/trockist.net\/index.php\/2010\/01\/28\/leninist-parti-xxi-yuzyilda-ortodoks-olmak\/","title":{"rendered":"Leninist parti: XXI. y\u00fczy\u0131lda Ortodoks olmak"},"content":{"rendered":"\n

Yaklas\u0327\u0131k yirmi y\u0131ld\u0131r bir ideolojik kas\u0131rgan\u0131n i\u00e7inden ge\u00e7iyoruz, s\u0131n\u0131f m\u00fccadelesi \u00fczerinde politik etkilere yol a\u00e7m\u0131s\u0327 olan bir kas\u0131rga. S\u0131n\u0131fsal bir kategori olarak proletaryan\u0131n tarihten silinmis\u0327 oldug\u0306u, dahas\u0131 is\u0327\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 ve halk devrimleri tarihinin sona erdig\u0306i, b\u00f6ylece zincirlerinden kurtulmus\u0327 olan serbest piyasan\u0131n insanl\u0131g\u0306\u0131n \u00f6n\u00fcnde art\u0131k evrensel bir gelis\u0327me-ilerleme \u00e7ag\u0306\u0131 a\u00e7t\u0131g\u0306\u0131 tezlerine dayal\u0131; daha dog\u0306rusu bunlar\u0131n b\u00f6yle olmas\u0131 gerekti\u011fi <\/em>varsay\u0131m\u0131ndan hareketle geriye olarak kurulmus\u0327 yapay bir ideolojinin yaratt\u0131g\u0306\u0131 bir kas\u0131rga bu. Neoliberalizmin kuramc\u0131lar\u0131n\u0131n, y\u0131k\u0131lan Stalinist diktat\u00f6rl\u00fcg\u0306\u00fcn cesedini didikleyerek yaratt\u0131klar\u0131 bu \u201cmodernlik sonras\u0131\u201d (postmodern<\/em>) kurgunun g\u00fcc\u00fc sadece art\u0131k kendilerinin de birer ger\u00e7ek \u201ct\u00fcketici\u201d haline gelebileceg\u0306ine inanan yoksullar\u0131n zihninde yaratt\u0131g\u0306\u0131 umutla kar\u0131s\u0327\u0131k s\u0327as\u0327k\u0131nl\u0131ktan kaynaklanm\u0131yordu; s\u00f6yleminin yan\u0131 s\u0131ra bir de politik y\u00f6nergesi vard\u0131: Sermayenin k\u00fcreselles\u0327mesinin \u00f6n\u00fcndeki her t\u00fcrl\u00fc ulusal ya da uluslararas\u0131 engelin, demokratik is\u0327lerlik i\u00e7inde \u2013 \u00f6rneg\u0306in, parlamentolarda kabul edilen \u201creformlar\u201d arac\u0131l\u0131g\u0306\u0131yla sendikal yap\u0131lar\u0131n \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fclmesi – ya da \u201c\u00f6nleyici s\u0327iddet\u201d uygulanarak ilga edilmesi \u2013 Irak, Afganistan, Haiti… <\/p>\n\n\n\n

Devrimler ve savas\u0327lar \u00e7ag\u0306\u0131n\u0131n, kars\u0327\u0131devrim ve is\u0327gal bisturileriyle k\u00fcrtaj edilmesi \u00e7abas\u0131nda morfin olarak kullan\u0131lan neoliberal ideolojinin ve s\u00f6ylemin etkisi olduk\u00e7a uzun s\u00fcrd\u00fc; ama daha d\u00fcn sadece Asya\u2019da her y\u0131l milyonlarca insan\u0131n d\u00fcnya proletarya ordusuna kat\u0131lmakta oldug\u0306u ger\u00e7eg\u0306ini \u201cis\u0327\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131na veda\u201d mars\u0327\u0131n\u0131n g\u00fcr\u00fclt\u00fcs\u00fc i\u00e7inde bog\u0306maya \u00e7al\u0131s\u0327anlar, s\u0327imdi bizzat emperyalizmin merkezinde yayg\u0131nlas\u0327an \u201cis\u0327sizlig\u0306in\u201d devasa boyutlar\u0131 kars\u0327\u0131s\u0131nda duyduklar\u0131 \u00fcrk\u00fcnt\u00fcy\u00fc dile getirmeye bas\u0327lam\u0131s\u0327 durumdalar. Modernlik sonras\u0131 \u00e7ag\u0306da sendikalara gerek kalmad\u0131g\u0306\u0131n\u0131 iddia eden teorisyenler bug\u00fcn, kapitalizmi i\u00e7ine s\u00fcr\u00fcklendig\u0306i bunal\u0131mdan \u00e7ekip \u00e7\u0131karmakta sendikalar\u0131n \u2013 sendika b\u00fcrokrasilerinin – ne denli gerekli oldug\u0306unu vaaz ediyorlar. ABD emperyalizmi Irak ve Afganistan\u2019da i\u00e7ine g\u00f6m\u00fcld\u00fcg\u0306\u00fc bataktan kurtulabilmek i\u00e7in, daha d\u00fcne kadar \u201czaman d\u0131s\u0327\u0131\u201d ulusalc\u0131 h\u00fck\u00fcmet olarak g\u00f6rd\u00fcg\u0306\u00fc I\u0307ran\u2019daki mollalar iktidar\u0131ndan medet umuyor; Haiti ve Honduras\u2019ta Lula\u2019n\u0131n ve Chavez\u2019in yard\u0131m\u0131na ihtiyac\u0131 var. D\u00fcnya ekonomik kriziyle birlikte neoliberal ideolojinin ne denli \u00e7\u00fcr\u00fck temeller \u00fczerinde kurulmus\u0327 oldug\u0306u yavas\u0327 yavas\u0327 a\u00e7\u0131g\u0306a \u00e7\u0131k\u0131yor; ama is\u0327\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 hareketi \u00fczerinde yaratt\u0131g\u0306\u0131 tahribat olduk\u00e7a derin ve proletaryan\u0131n dog\u0306al bir nekahet d\u00f6neminden sonra kendilig\u0306inden ayag\u0306a kalkmas\u0131n\u0131 beklemek safdillik olur. \u00d6n\u00fcm\u00fczde yeni bir m\u00fccadeleler ve ins\u0327a d\u00f6nemi a\u00e7\u0131l\u0131yor. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u00c7\u00f6z\u00fclme s\u00fcreci\u00a0<\/strong><\/h4>\n\n\n\n

Neoliberal ideologlar\u0131n \u201celveda\u201d demesiyle is\u0327\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 tarihten silinmedi elbette, ama onlar\u0131n bu sevin\u00e7 \u00e7\u0131g\u0306l\u0131g\u0306\u0131 s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n politik \u00f6rg\u00fctl\u00fcl\u00fcg\u0306\u00fcndeki bir \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fclme s\u00fcreciyle de hepten ilis\u0327kisiz deg\u0306ildi. 1980\u2019lerin sonlar\u0131ndan bas\u0327layarak Sovyetler Birlig\u0306i\u2019nin \u00e7\u00f6kmesi, onunla birlikte dig\u0306er Dog\u0306u Avrupa is\u0327\u00e7i devletlerinin y\u0131k\u0131lmas\u0131, kom\u00fcnist partilerin eriyip yok olmas\u0131, sendika b\u00fcrokrasilerinin ve sosyal demokrat partilerin kabuk deg\u0306is\u0327tirip sosyal liberalizme y\u00f6nelmesi, is\u0327\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n b\u00fcy\u00fck b\u00f6l\u00fcm\u00fcn\u00fcn kendisini bir \u201cs\u0131n\u0131f\u201d olarak tan\u0131mlamas\u0131nda ara\u00e7 olan b\u00fct\u00fcn bu kurumlar\u0131n ve temsil organlar\u0131n\u0131n tasfiyesi, bir anlamda s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n \u201c\u00f6rg\u00fctl\u00fc bir hareket\u201d olarak toplum sahnesinden silinmekte oldug\u0306u anlam\u0131na gelmiyor muydu? <\/p>\n\n\n\n

Oysa is\u0327\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 hareketinde olus\u0327an as\u0131l tahribat\u0131 Stalinist partilerin ortadan kalkmas\u0131, Stalinist sendikal \u00f6nderliklerin eriyip sosyal demokratlas\u0327mas\u0131 ya da sosyal demokrasinin neoliberalizmin yeni toplumsal \u00f6nderlig\u0306ine aday olmas\u0131 yaratmam\u0131s\u0327t\u0131. Ger\u00e7ekte bu gelis\u0327meler d\u00fcnya proletaryas\u0131n\u0131n \u00f6n\u00fcndeki en g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc \u00f6znel engellerin ortadan kalkmas\u0131 anlam\u0131na da geliyordu. Ama as\u0131l sorun, onlardan bos\u0327alan politik alan\u0131n yeni bir devrimci alternatif taraf\u0131ndan doldurulamam\u0131s\u0327 olmas\u0131nda yat\u0131yordu. Bu alan, iki farkl\u0131 u\u00e7ta cisimles\u0327en iki anlay\u0131s\u0327tan \u00f6t\u00fcr\u00fc doldurulamad\u0131. Birinci u\u00e7ta, \u00f6zellikle Latin Amerika\u2019da k\u00fcmelenmis\u0327 devrimci Tro\u00e7kistler yer al\u0131yordu; bunlar dog\u0306ru olarak, 1980\u2019lerin sonunda Dog\u0306u Avrupa\u2019da a\u00e7\u0131lan s\u00fcre\u00e7leri is\u0327\u00e7i devletlerindeki politik devrimlerin bas\u0327lang\u0131c\u0131 olarak tan\u0131mlam\u0131s\u0327lar, Stalinist partilerin y\u0131k\u0131lmas\u0131n\u0131 proleter devrimin \u00f6n\u00fcnde dikilen bu b\u00fcy\u00fck engellerin ortadan kalkmas\u0131 olarak g\u00f6rm\u00fcs\u0327ler, ama hemen bununla birlikte is\u0327\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n kendilig\u0306inden bir bi\u00e7imde Tro\u00e7kist programa sar\u0131lacag\u0306\u0131na, devrimi ger\u00e7ekles\u0327tirecek organlar\u0131 derhal kuracag\u0306\u0131na inanm\u0131s\u0327lar, Lenin\u2019in devrimci d\u00f6nemlerde devrimin g\u00f6revlerini \u00fcstlenmeye haz\u0131rl\u0131kl\u0131 partiler olmad\u0131g\u0306\u0131 s\u00fcrece proletaryan\u0131n bas\u0327ar\u0131ya ulas\u0327amayacag\u0306\u0131 yolundaki ikaz\u0131n\u0131n \u00fczerinden atlam\u0131s\u0327lard\u0131. Bu hatalar\u0131n\u0131 sadece i\u00e7ine s\u00fcr\u00fcklendikleri bir dizi kriz sonucunda Nahuel Moreno d\u00f6neminde ins\u0327a ettikleri devasa miras\u0131n par\u00e7alanmas\u0131na neden olarak \u00f6demekle kalmad\u0131lar, ayn\u0131 zamanda bir dizi \u00fclkede proletaryan\u0131n \u00f6nderlik krizinin derinles\u0327erek s\u00fcrmesine katk\u0131da bulunmus\u0327 oldular. Merkezinde bug\u00fcn LIT\u2019in (Liga Internacional de los Trabajadores <\/em>\u2013 Uluslararas\u0131 I\u0307s\u0327\u00e7i Birlig\u0306i)(1)<\/strong> ve UIT\u2019in (Unidad Internacional de los Trabajadores <\/em>\u2013 I\u0307s\u0327\u00e7ilerin Uluslararas\u0131 Birlig\u0306i) yer ald\u0131g\u0306\u0131 bu d\u00fcnya ak\u0131m\u0131n\u0131n, \u201csol oport\u00fcnizm\u201d diye adland\u0131rabileceg\u0306imiz bu sapmadan kurtulmas\u0131, b\u00fcnyesinde a\u00e7\u0131lan \u00f6rg\u00fctsel ve programatik yaralar\u0131 sarmas\u0131 ve yeniden bir ins\u0327a s\u00fcrecine girmesi olduk\u00e7a zor oldu ve uzun y\u0131llar ald\u0131, h\u00e2l\u00e2 da bu s\u00fcre\u00e7 s\u00fcrmekte. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

Bunun kars\u0327\u0131 ucunda ise, 1989\u2019da Berlin Duvar\u0131\u2019n\u0131n y\u0131k\u0131lmas\u0131n\u0131 is\u0327\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 ad\u0131na bir \u201ctarihsel yenilgi\u201d olarak g\u00f6ren ve neoliberalizm ile birlikte d\u00fcnya kapitalizmi tarihinde \u201cyeni bir as\u0327aman\u0131n\u201d bas\u0327lam\u0131s\u0327 oldug\u0306una kanaat getiren, \u00f6zellikle Avrupa k\u00f6kenli eski Tro\u00e7kist partiler ile feminizmden \u00e7evrecilere kadar uzanan bir yelpazede kendini tan\u0131mlayan \u201cyeni toplumsal hareketler\u201d yer al\u0131yordu. Bu kanad\u0131n merkezi referans noktas\u0131na, toplumsal hareket\u00e7ilik ile Marksizm aras\u0131nda kuramsal ve eylemsel bir k\u00f6pr\u00fc olus\u0327turmaya \u00e7al\u0131s\u0327an, daha dog\u0306rusu devrimci Tro\u00e7kist programdan ve Leninist partiden uzaklas\u0327man\u0131n \u201cLeninist ve Tro\u00e7kist\u201d arg\u00fcmanlar\u0131n\u0131 olus\u0327turmaya giris\u0327en D\u00f6rd\u00fcnc\u00fc Enternasyonal Birles\u0327ik Sekreterlig\u0306i (DEBS) ile onun Fransa \u2013eski- seksiyonu LCR\u2019yi (Ligue Communiste R\u00e9volutionnaire <\/em>\u2013 Devrimci Kom\u00fcnist Birlik) yerles\u0327tirmek yanl\u0131s\u0327 olmaz. \u00c7evresinde farkl\u0131 uluslararas\u0131 Tro\u00e7kist k\u00f6kenli parti ve ak\u0131mlar\u0131n da yer ald\u0131g\u0306\u0131 bu kesimin(2)<\/strong> genel yaklas\u0327\u0131m\u0131n\u0131n son bir \u00f6rneg\u0306ini, DEBS\u2019in Mart 2009 tarihli Uluslararas\u0131 Komite toplant\u0131s\u0131nda 16. d\u00fcnya kongresine sunulmak \u00fczere kabul edilen karar taslag\u0306\u0131nda bulmak olanakl\u0131(3)<\/strong>: <\/p>\n\n\n\n

5. G\u00f6r\u00fc\u015flerimizi 1992\u2019den itibaren \u00e7e\u015fitli bi\u00e7imlerde, son iki d\u00fcnya kongremizde, \u201cYeni D\u00f6nem, Yeni Program, Yeni Parti\u201d bro\u015f\u00fcr\u00fcnde, Enternasyonal\u2019in \u00e7e\u015fitli belgelerinde dile getirdik. 2003\u2019teki son D\u00fcnya Kongresi\u2019nde geni\u015f antikapitalist partilere ili\u015fkin olarak temel tercihlerimizi belirttik. D\u00f6rd\u00fcnc\u00fc Enternasyonal, bir b\u00fct\u00fcn olarak, yeni bir a\u015famaya girmi\u015ftir. Devrimci Marksist militanlar, \u00e7ekirdekler, ak\u0131mlar ve \u00f6rg\u00fctler, i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n yeni bir ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131z politik temsilini olu\u015fturmak perspektifiyle, antikapitalist, devrimci olu\u015fumlar\u0131n in\u015fas\u0131 sorununu \u00f6nlerine koymal\u0131d\u0131rlar. Bu her \u00fclkenin kendi \u00f6l\u00e7e\u011finde oldu\u011fu kadar uluslararas\u0131 d\u00fczeyde de ge\u00e7erlidir. Son on y\u0131l boyunca s\u0131n\u0131f m\u00fccadelesi deneyimi, k\u00fcresel adalet hareketinin geli\u015fimi, savunma m\u00fccadeleleri ve sava\u015f kar\u015f\u0131t\u0131 seferberlikler temelinde, ve \u00f6zellikle de Brezilya\u2019daki \u0130\u015f\u00e7i Partisi (PT) ve \u0130talya\u2019daki Kom\u00fcnist Yeniden Kurulu\u015f\u0327 (RC – Rifondazione Comunista) partilerinin evrimi ile Frans\u0131z antiliberal solunun tart\u0131s\u0327malar\u0131na ilis\u0327kin deneyimlerin \u0131\u015f\u0131\u011f\u0131nda, devrimci Marksistler Brezilya\u2019da PSOL\u2019un (Partido Socialismo e Liberdade \u2013 Sosyalizm ve \u00d6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck Partisi), \u0130talya\u2019da Sol Ele\u015ftiri\u2019nin (Sinistra Critica), Fransa\u2019da NPA\u2019n\u0131n (Nouveau Parti Anticapitaliste – Yeni Antikapitalist Parti), I\u0307ngiltere\u2019de Respect\u2019in in\u015fas\u0131n\u0131 \u00fcstlenmi\u015flerdir. Bu perspektife Portekiz\u2019deki Sol \u0130ttifak (Bloco de Esquerda) ve Danimarka\u2019daki K\u0131z\u0131l Ye\u015fil \u0130ttifak\u0131 ile ortak deneyler geli\u015ftirmeyi s\u00fcrd\u00fcrd\u00fck. Ortak hedefimiz, farkl\u0131 yollar izleyerek, geni\u015f antikapitalist partiler in\u015fa etmektir. Bu, eski yeniden k\u00fcmele\u015fme ya da salt devrimci ak\u0131mlar form\u00fcllerine geri d\u00f6nme sorunu de\u011fildir. Hedefimiz, sadece devrimci g\u00fc\u00e7leri de\u011fil, bunlar\u0131n \u00f6tesindeki g\u00fc\u00e7leri bir araya getirmektir.\u00a0<\/p><\/blockquote>\n\n\n\n

Ayn\u0131 belgenin 7. maddesinde \u201cyeni olus\u0327umlar\u0131n\u201d, yani hedeflenen \u201cantikapitalist\u201d partilerin bir araya getirmesi gereken g\u00fc\u00e7ler olarak s\u0327unlar say\u0131lmakta: \u201c\u00c7es\u0327itli t\u00fcrden Tro\u00e7kistler, liberterler, devrimci sendikalistler, devrimci ulusalc\u0131lar, sol reformistler\u201d. Tro\u00e7kistlerin Leninist parti kavray\u0131s\u0327\u0131nda hi\u00e7bir zaman anars\u0327istlerle, ulusalc\u0131larla ya da \u2013 sag\u0306l\u0131 sollu – reformistlerle birlikte devrimci parti ve Enternasyonal ins\u0327as\u0131 yer almad\u0131g\u0306\u0131ndan, bu \u201c\u00e7es\u0327itli t\u00fcrden Tro\u00e7kistler\u201d tan\u0131m\u0131n\u0131, farkl\u0131 uluslararas\u0131 k\u00f6kenlerden gelen eski Tro\u00e7kistler olarak okumak herhalde yanl\u0131s\u0327 olmaz. \u00d6te yandan, bu t\u00fcr ak\u0131mlarla kurulacak \u201cgenis\u0327 antikapitalist\u201d partinin hede nde proletarya diktat\u00f6rl\u00fcg\u0306\u00fcne dayal\u0131 sosyalizmin ins\u0327as\u0131 yer almayacag\u0306\u0131 \u00e7ok a\u00e7\u0131k oldug\u0306undan, \u201cyeni\u201d partinin antikapitalizminin geleneksel Leninist-Tro\u00e7kist programdan farkl\u0131 olacag\u0306\u0131n\u0131 anlamak da zor deg\u0306il. Buna as\u0327ag\u0306\u0131da somut \u00f6rnekler bag\u0306lam\u0131nda geri d\u00f6neceg\u0306iz. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

Bu noktada belirtmek istedig\u0306imiz, 1980\u2019lerin sonlar\u0131ndan itibaren Dog\u0306u Avrupa devrimleriyle birlikte Stalinist b\u00fcrokrasinin y\u0131k\u0131lmas\u0131, onun tarihi \u00fczerinde gelis\u0327mis\u0327 olan kom\u00fcnist partilerin h\u0131zla erimeye ve sosyal demokrat \u201cmutasyona\u201d ug\u0306ramaya bas\u0327lamas\u0131, geleneksel sosyal demokrat partilerin liberalles\u0327mesi ve nihayet neoliberal ideolojinin toplumsal kesimler aras\u0131nda dikey bir yayg\u0131nlas\u0327ma olanag\u0306\u0131 bulmas\u0131 sonucunda is\u0327\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 ve sosyalist hareket b\u00fcnyesinde ag\u0306\u0131rlas\u0327an \u00f6nderlik bunal\u0131m\u0131na DEBS ve benzeri merkezlerin getirdig\u0306i yan\u0131t\u0131n, bizzat bu krizin yol a\u00e7t\u0131g\u0306\u0131 \u201csol enkaz\u0131n\u201d baz\u0131 par\u00e7alar\u0131n\u0131 tekrar biraraya getirme \u00e7abas\u0131n\u0131n \u00f6tesine ge\u00e7ememis\u0327 oldug\u0306u. \u201cSag\u0306 oport\u00fcnizm\u201d olarak tan\u0131mlayabileceg\u0306imiz bu kanatta yer alan ak\u0131mlar farkl\u0131 noktalardan hareket etseler de(4)<\/strong> ortaklas\u0327t\u0131klar\u0131 nokta, antikapitalist olman\u0131n \u00f6l\u00e7\u00fct\u00fcn\u00fcn art\u0131k proletarya diktat\u00f6rl\u00fcg\u0306\u00fc paradigmas\u0131 ve devrimci-reformist ayr\u0131m\u0131 temelinde ifade edilemeyeceg\u0306i, dolay\u0131s\u0131yla da sol hareketin yeniden \u00f6rg\u00fctlenmesinin neoliberalizme muhalif t\u00fcm toplumsal hareketlerin hede erine ve duyarl\u0131l\u0131klar\u0131na dayand\u0131r\u0131lmas\u0131 zorunlulug\u0306u. Ve de D\u00fcnya Sosyal Forumlar\u0131n\u0131n bu yeni paradigman\u0131n gelis\u0327tirilmesine hizmet ettig\u0306i, hizmet etmesi gerektig\u0306i. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

Eski Stalinist hareketlerin baz\u0131 kal\u0131nt\u0131lar\u0131n\u0131n, \u201cd\u00fcr\u00fcst\u201d ya da \u201ciyi niyetli\u201d diye tarif edilen \u00e7es\u0327itli reformist \u00f6nderlerin, bir b\u00fct\u00fcn olarak \u201cmuhalif\u201d toplumsal hareketlerin, vb. neoliberal d\u00f6nemde sola dog\u0306ru kaymakta oldug\u0306u iddias\u0131ndan\/inanc\u0131ndan hareketle, onlarla bulus\u0327abilmek i\u00e7in sag\u0306a \u00e7ark eden eski radikal devrimci hareketlerin, baz\u0131lar\u0131n\u0131n \u201ctaktik\u201d dig\u0306erlerinin ise \u201cstratejik y\u00f6nelis\u0327\u201d s\u00f6ylemleriyle giris\u0327tikleri bir dizi \u201cyeniden gruplas\u0327ma\u201d ya da \u201cyeniden \u00f6rg\u00fctlenme\u201d \u00f6rneg\u0306i yas\u0327and\u0131, halen de yas\u0327anmakta. DEBS\u2019in yukarda al\u0131nt\u0131lad\u0131g\u0306\u0131m\u0131z belgesinde de deg\u0306inilen bu deneyimlerden baz\u0131lar\u0131 \u00f6nemli se\u00e7im bas\u0327ar\u0131lar\u0131 elde etti; \u00f6rneg\u0306in Eyl\u00fcl ay\u0131nda Portekiz, Almanya ve Yunanistan\u2019da ger\u00e7ekles\u0327tirilen genel se\u00e7imlerde, s\u0131ras\u0131yla, Sol I\u0307ttifak oylar\u0131n\u0131 %6,4\u2019ten %9,85\u2019e (8\u2019den 16 milletvekiline), Die Linke <\/em>(Sol) %8,7\u2019den %11,9\u2019a (54\u2019ten 76 milletvekiline) ve Syriza <\/em>%4,5\u2019e (12 milletvekili) y\u00fckseltti. Bunlar\u0131n hemen hepsinin i\u00e7inde, dig\u0306erlerinin yan\u0131 s\u0131ra, DEBS\u2019in \u201c\u00e7es\u0327itli t\u00fcrden Tro\u00e7kistler\u201d olarak and\u0131g\u0306\u0131 ak\u0131mlar bulunmakta, bununla birlikte bizzat bu ak\u0131mlar\u0131n baz\u0131lar\u0131 taraf\u0131ndan ins\u0327a edilmeye \u00e7al\u0131s\u0327\u0131lan birka\u00e7 \u00f6rnek var ki, i\u00e7erdikleri dersler a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan tart\u0131s\u0327t\u0131g\u0306\u0131m\u0131z konuya olduk\u00e7a \u0131s\u0327\u0131k tutucu. Bunlara biraz daha yak\u0131ndan bakal\u0131m. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u201cYeni Antikapitalist Parti\u201d <\/strong><\/h4>\n\n\n\n

Fransa\u2019dan bas\u0327layal\u0131m. DEBS\u2019in en \u00f6nemli partilerinden biri olan LCR, May\u0131s 1968 ayaklanmalar\u0131 i\u00e7inde, \u00f6g\u0306renci hareketinin o d\u00f6nemdeki liderlerinden Alain Krivine \u00f6nderlig\u0306inde dog\u0306du ve 1969 Nisan ay\u0131nda Ligue Communiste <\/em>(Kom\u00fcnist Birlik) ad\u0131yla politika sahnesine \u00e7\u0131kt\u0131. I\u0307ki ay sonra d\u00fczenlenen bas\u0327kanl\u0131k se\u00e7imlerinde Krivine oylar\u0131n %1\u2019ini ald\u0131. Ayn\u0131 y\u0131l ve daha sonra 1973\u2019te parti iki kez I\u0307\u00e7is\u0327leri Bakanl\u0131g\u0306\u0131 taraf\u0131ndan kapat\u0131ld\u0131, ama bu tarihten sonra LCR ad\u0131yla m\u00fccadelesine devam etti. K\u0131sa s\u00fcrede Ernest Mandel, Pierre Frank ve Livio Maitan \u00f6nderlig\u0306indeki DEBS\u2019in Avrupa\u2019daki en b\u00fcy\u00fck partisi haline gelen LCR, ayn\u0131 zamanda bu uluslararas\u0131 Tro\u00e7kist ak\u0131m\u0131n ideolojik ve politik merkezi haline d\u00f6n\u00fcs\u0327t\u00fc, bir anlamda DEBS\u2019in \u201cana\u00e7 partisi\u201d oldu. 1970\u2019lerin ortalar\u0131na deg\u0306in Guevarac\u0131 gerilla m\u00fccadelesine, ard\u0131ndan avrokom\u00fcnist anlay\u0131s\u0327lara uyarlanmas\u0131na kars\u0327\u0131n kendisini genel olarak Tro\u00e7kist geleneg\u0306in s\u0131n\u0131rlar\u0131 i\u00e7inde tan\u0131mlad\u0131 ve IV. Enternasyonal\u2019in yeniden ins\u0327as\u0131 perspektifine sad\u0131k kald\u0131, ta ki 1989\u2019da Stalinizmin y\u0131k\u0131lmas\u0131na deg\u0306in. Bu tarihten sonra, Stalinizmin tarihe g\u00f6m\u00fclmesiyle birlikte Tro\u00e7kizmin de farkl\u0131 bir ak\u0131m olarak var olmas\u0131n\u0131n tarihsel anlam\u0131n\u0131n kalmad\u0131g\u0306\u0131 ve d\u00fcnya s\u0131n\u0131f m\u00fccadelesinin yeni bir as\u0327amas\u0131na girildig\u0306i tespitlerinden hareketle Tro\u00e7kist programdan ve Leninist parti anlay\u0131s\u0327\u0131ndan iyiden iyiye uzaklas\u0327maya y\u00f6neldi. 1990\u2019larda y\u00fckselen \u201cyeni toplumsal hareketlere\u201d dayal\u0131 yeni bir parti ve Enternasyonal, ve yeni bir toplumsal devrim projesi gelis\u0327tirmeye koyuldu. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

2000\u2019lerin bas\u0327\u0131nda \u201ckus\u0327ak deg\u0306is\u0327imi\u201d yas\u0327ayan LCR\u2019nin kamuoyu \u00f6n\u00fcndeki temsilini, gen\u00e7 posta emek\u00e7isi Olivier Besancenot \u00fcstlendi. D\u00fcnya kapitalizminin 2001\u2019de yas\u0327ad\u0131g\u0306\u0131 kriz ve geleneksel is\u0327\u00e7i partilerinin h\u0131zla erimesi, radikal devrimci sol i\u00e7in yepyeni bir alan yaratt\u0131, ve nitekim 21 Nisan 2002 bas\u0327kanl\u0131k se\u00e7imlerinde, Fransa\u2019daki en eski Tro\u00e7kist \u00f6rg\u00fctlerden biri olan Loutte Ouvriere<\/em>\u2019in (LO – I\u0307s\u0327\u00e7i M\u00fccadelesi) tarihsel \u00f6nderlerinden Arlette Laguiller ile Besancenot\u2019un listeleri birinci turda oylar\u0131n %10\u2019unu alarak Frans\u0131z Kom\u00fcnist Partisi\u2019ni (%3,37) tarih kitaplar\u0131na g\u00f6mm\u00fcs\u0327 oldular. Ama bu bas\u0327ar\u0131 ayn\u0131 zamanda iki \u00f6rg\u00fct i\u00e7in bir krizin de bas\u0327lang\u0131c\u0131n\u0131 olus\u0327turdu. I\u0307lk sorun 1999 Avrupa Parlamentosu se\u00e7imlerinden beri s\u00fcregelmekteydi; bu se\u00e7imlerde ortak LCR-LO listesi oylar\u0131n %5,18\u2019ini toplayarak AB parlamentosuna 5 temsilci g\u00f6ndermeyi bas\u0327arm\u0131s\u0327 ve bunun hemen ard\u0131ndan bu bas\u0327ar\u0131n\u0131n kal\u0131c\u0131 bir kimlig\u0306e d\u00f6n\u00fcs\u0327mesi dog\u0306rultusunda d\u00fcnya Tro\u00e7kizmi i\u00e7inde bir bas\u0131n\u00e7 dog\u0306mus\u0327tu. T\u00fcm Tro\u00e7kist ak\u0131mlar\u0131n, bu iki \u00f6rg\u00fct\u00fcn ortak bir yeni devrimci parti ins\u0327as\u0131na giris\u0327mesi \u00e7ag\u0306r\u0131s\u0131nda bulunduklar\u0131 bir d\u00f6nemde Arlette Laguiller \u00f6nce b\u00f6yle bir olas\u0131l\u0131g\u0306\u0131 \u00f6ng\u00f6ren a\u00e7\u0131klamalarda bulunmus\u0327, ama LO merkezi daha sonra Laguiller\u2019yi yalanlayarak \u2013LCR\u2019nin birlikte hareket ettig\u0306i toplumsal hareketleri kastederek- \u201ck\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck burjuva \u00fctopyac\u0131lar\u0131yla\u201d birlikte bir parti kurulamayacag\u0306\u0131n\u0131 ilan etmis\u0327ti. I\u0307ki farkl\u0131 liste halinde girilmis\u0327 olsa bile 2002 bas\u0327kanl\u0131k se\u00e7iminde elde edilen ortak bas\u0327ar\u0131 birles\u0327ik bir parti kurulmas\u0131 y\u00f6n\u00fcndeki taleplerin canlanmas\u0131na yol a\u00e7arak iki \u00f6rg\u00fct i\u00e7inde de farkl\u0131l\u0131klar\u0131n dog\u0306mas\u0131na neden oldu. I\u0307kinci sorun ise, bas\u0327kanl\u0131k se\u00e7iminin ikinci turunda verilecek oy konusunda patlak verdi; LCR fas\u0327ist Jean-Marie Le Pen kars\u0327\u0131s\u0131nda Chirac\u2019\u0131n desteklenmesi \u00e7ag\u0306r\u0131s\u0131nda bulunurken, LO burjuva adaylardan hi\u00e7birinin desteklenemeyeceg\u0306ini ilan etti, ve bu farkl\u0131l\u0131k iki \u00f6rg\u00fct\u00fcn birbirinden iyiden iyiye uzaklas\u0327mas\u0131na neden oldu. Daha sonraki se\u00e7imlerde LCR ve LO ortak se\u00e7im platformlar\u0131 olus\u0327turmakla birlikte, Frans\u0131z Tro\u00e7kizmine s\u0131\u00e7rama yas\u0327atacak bir moment ka\u00e7\u0131r\u0131lm\u0131s\u0327 oldu ve her iki \u00f6rg\u00fct\u00fcn se\u00e7im performans\u0131nda ciddi d\u00fcs\u0327\u00fcs\u0327ler ger\u00e7ekles\u0327ti: Mart 2004 belediye se\u00e7imlerinde LCR-LO ortak listesi oylar\u0131n ancak %5\u2019ini toplayabildi, \u00fc\u00e7 ay sonraki Avrupa Parlamentosu se\u00e7imlerinde ise oylar\u0131n\u0131n toplam\u0131 %2,4\u2019e d\u00fcs\u0327t\u00fc. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

2007 bas\u0327kanl\u0131k se\u00e7imleri LCR i\u00e7in bir d\u00f6n\u00fcm noktas\u0131 olus\u0327turdu. Her iki Tro\u00e7kist \u00f6rg\u00fct\u00fcn oy toplam\u0131 ancak %5\u2019e ulas\u0327m\u0131s\u0327 olmakla birlikte (Besancenot %4,8, Laguiller %1,33), LCR kendi aday\u0131n\u0131n LO\u2019nun \u00e7ok \u00f6n\u00fcne ge\u00e7mis\u0327 olmas\u0131 f\u0131rsat\u0131ndan hareketle \u201cart\u0131k birles\u0327ik cephe politikas\u0131na son verilmesini\u201d kararlas\u0327t\u0131rd\u0131. O g\u00fcne kadar izlenen, LO ile ya da kom\u00fcnist ve sosyalist partilerden kopan kesimlerle birliktelik arama \u00e7izgisi terk edilecek ve \u201ctek bas\u0327\u0131na\u201d hareket edilecekti. Ama bu \u201cyeni d\u00f6neme eski ara\u00e7la\u201d girilemezdi, dolay\u0131s\u0131yla da \u201cg\u00fcndelik yas\u0327am\u0131n kahramanlar\u0131yla birlikte\u201d yeni bir parti kurulmal\u0131yd\u0131. B\u00f6ylece LCR 2008 sonlar\u0131nda d\u00fczenledig\u0306i son kongresinde kendisini feshederek, \u201cstratejik olarak tan\u0131mlanmam\u0131s\u0327\u201d yeni bir antikapitalist partinin kurulus\u0327una ge\u00e7ilmesi karar\u0131 ald\u0131.(5)<\/strong> Bu dog\u0306rultuda s\u00fcrd\u00fcr\u00fclen kampanya 8 S\u0327ubat 2009\u2019da d\u00fczenlenen ortak bir kongreyle sonu\u00e7land\u0131 ve 9.000 \u00fcyeyi (bunlar\u0131n 3.200\u2019\u00fc LCR k\u00f6kenliydi) temsil eden 600 delegenin \u00e7og\u0306unluk oyuyla NPA (Nouveau Parti Anticapitaliste – <\/em>Yeni Antikapitalist Parti) dog\u0306mus\u0327 oldu. NPA\u2019n\u0131n kurulus\u0327unda LCR\u2019nin yan\u0131 s\u0131ra LO\u2019dan kopan K\u0131v\u0131lc\u0131m Fraksiyonu, Devrimci Sol (Tro\u00e7kist hareket i\u00e7inde Militan <\/em>ak\u0131m\u0131 olarak adland\u0131r\u0131lan I\u0307s\u0327\u00e7i Enternasyonali I\u0307\u00e7in Komite\u2019nin Fransa seksiyonu), Enternasyonalist Devrimci Grup (Arjantin k\u00f6kenli D\u00f6rd\u00fcnc\u00fc Enternasyonal I\u0307\u00e7in Tro\u00e7kist Fraksiyon\u2019un Fransa seksiyonu) ile bir dizi toplumsal hareket \u00e7evresi ve bag\u0306\u0131ms\u0131z devrimci yer ald\u0131. NPA ilk se\u00e7im deneyini Haziran 2009 Avrupa Parlamentosu se\u00e7imlerinde yas\u0327ad\u0131 ve %4,9 oyla hen\u00fcz LCR\u2019nin b\u0131rakt\u0131g\u0306\u0131 yerde beklemekte oldug\u0306unu g\u00f6sterdi; buna kars\u0327\u0131l\u0131k Kom\u00fcnist Parti ile \u2013SP\u2019den kopmus\u0327 olan- Sol Parti ittifak\u0131 %6 oyla NPA\u2019n\u0131n \u00f6n\u00fcne ge\u00e7ti. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

NPA\u2019n\u0131n, d\u00fcnya ekonomik krizinin t\u00fcm d\u00f6nemsel inis\u0327 ve \u00e7\u0131k\u0131s\u0327lar\u0131na kars\u0327\u0131n uzunca bir s\u00fcre daha devam edeceg\u0306i ve ka\u00e7\u0131n\u0131lmaz s\u0327ekilde is\u0327\u00e7i-emek\u00e7i muhalefetiyle kars\u0327\u0131las\u0327acag\u0306\u0131 \u00f6n\u00fcm\u00fczdeki s\u00fcre\u00e7te nas\u0131l bir politika izleyeceg\u0306ini g\u00f6receg\u0306iz, ama baz\u0131 temel politik noktalar partinin yukar\u0131da \u00f6zetledig\u0306imiz kurulus\u0327 tarih\u00e7esinden hareketle, bizzat belgelerinden kolayca anlas\u0327\u0131labilir. Dikkati \u00e7eken birinci husus, NPA\u2019n\u0131n kurulus\u0327una \u00f6nc\u00fcl\u00fck eden LCR k\u00f6kenli \u00f6nderlig\u0306in, III. Enternasyonal\u2019in gelis\u0327tirmis\u0327 oldug\u0306u ve d\u00fcnya Tro\u00e7kist hareketinin hep savunageldig\u0306i geleneksel \u201cbirles\u0327ik cephe\u201d politikas\u0131ndan kopmus\u0327 oldug\u0306u. Bu kopman\u0131n karakterini eski LCR\u2019nin ve yeni NPA\u2019n\u0131n s\u00f6ylediklerinden ve belgelerinden kalkarak tespit etmek olduk\u00e7a zor. Burjuvazinin ve politik gericilig\u0306in sald\u0131r\u0131lar\u0131 kars\u0327\u0131s\u0131nda is\u0327\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n birles\u0327ik bir direnis\u0327 cephesini olus\u0327turmaya y\u00f6nelik bu politika esas olarak is\u0327\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n politik ve sendikal \u00f6rg\u00fctlerinin ortak m\u00fccadelesini olus\u0327turmay\u0131, bu arada reformist ve b\u00fcrokratik \u00f6nderliklerin uzlas\u0327mac\u0131l\u0131g\u0306\u0131n\u0131 ve ihanetlerini kitlelerin g\u00f6z\u00fcnde tes\u0327hir etmeyi ama\u00e7lar. Oysa NPA s\u0327imdi Fransa\u2019daki Sosyalist ve Kom\u00fcnist partileri \u201ckurumsal sol\u201d olarak tan\u0131mlamakta ve se\u00e7imlerde ve s\u0131n\u0131f m\u00fccadelesinde bu partilerle bir cephe olus\u0327turma politikas\u0131na kap\u0131y\u0131 kapatmakta. Neden? Bu partiler \u201ckurumsallas\u0327malar\u0131\u201d nedeniyle is\u0327\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 \u00f6rg\u00fctleri olmaktan m\u0131 \u00e7\u0131km\u0131s\u0327 durumdalar, bu soruya bir yan\u0131t getirmiyor NPA. Sadece SP ve KP\u2019nin \u201chalk\u0131n \u00f6zlemlerine s\u0131rt \u00e7evirmis\u0327 oldug\u0306unu\u201d s\u00f6yl\u00fcyor. Ama Leninist III. Enternasyonal birles\u0327ik cephe taktig\u0306ini bizzat bu nedenle, yani reformist is\u0327\u00e7i partilerinin proletaryan\u0131n devrimci taleplerine s\u0131rt \u00e7evirmis\u0327 oldug\u0306undan \u00f6t\u00fcr\u00fc gelis\u0327tirmemis\u0327 miydi? <\/p>\n\n\n\n

Eg\u0306er NPA kendisini proletaryan\u0131n devrimci partisi olarak tan\u0131mlam\u0131s\u0327 olsayd\u0131, birles\u0327ik cephe politikas\u0131ndan uzaklas\u0327mas\u0131n\u0131 bir \u201csol sapma\u201d olarak nitelemek olanakl\u0131 olurdu, ama durum \u00f6yle deg\u0306il. Bu da yeni partiyi tan\u0131mlayabilmemizi olanakl\u0131 k\u0131lan ikinci noktaya tekab\u00fcl ediyor: NPA kendisini bir s\u0131n\u0131f partisi olarak tarif etmiyor. NPA\u2019ya g\u00f6re, yeni parti kendisini \u201ckapitalizm kars\u0327\u0131t\u0131\u201d olarak tan\u0131mlayan b\u00fct\u00fcn toplumsal kesimlerin ve hareketlerin partisidir: \u201cNPA\u2019n\u0131n tamamen demokratik, arzulad\u0131g\u0306\u0131m\u0131z toplumun bir yans\u0131mas\u0131 olmas\u0131n\u0131 istiyoruz.\u201d NPA belgelerinde arzulanan topluma ilis\u0327kin olarak b\u00fct\u00fcn sol ve ilerici s\u00f6ylemde rastlanabilecek bir dizi tes\u0327hirin ve talebin d\u0131s\u0327\u0131nda somut bir projeye rastlamak olanakl\u0131 deg\u0306il; b\u00fct\u00fcn dile getirilen tarif edilmemis\u0327 genel bir \u201cekososyalizm\u201d ya da Chavezci propagandadan devral\u0131nm\u0131s\u0327 bir \u201c21. Y\u00fczy\u0131l Sosyalizmi\u201d. Kurulus\u0327 belgelerinde asla yer almayan noktalar ise t\u00fcm parlakl\u0131g\u0306\u0131yla g\u00f6zal\u0131yor: Proletaryan\u0131n \u00f6nc\u00fc devrimci partisi ve is\u0327\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n devrimci diktat\u00f6rl\u00fcg\u0306\u00fc. Bunlar NPA i\u00e7in (elbette eski LCR ve yeni toplumsal hareketler i\u00e7in), \u00e7ag\u0306d\u0131s\u0327\u0131, \u201cyeni toplumsal k\u00fclt\u00fcre\u201d ters d\u00fcs\u0327en kavramlard\u0131r. Dolay\u0131s\u0131yla, NPA bir s\u0131n\u0131f partisi deg\u0306ildir ve s\u0131n\u0131f cephesine y\u00f6nelik taktikler izlemenin anlam\u0131 kalmam\u0131s\u0327t\u0131r, birles\u0327ik cephe politikas\u0131 son bulmus\u0327tur. Hedef tan\u0131mlanmam\u0131s\u0327 bir ekososyalist toplumun yans\u0131mas\u0131n\u0131 olus\u0327turacak, stratejik olarak tan\u0131mlanmam\u0131s\u0327 ve kapitalizmle sorunu olan herkesin, bu arada elbette is\u0327\u00e7ilerin de i\u00e7inde yer alabileceg\u0306i bir partidir. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

Parti mi, cephe mi?\u00a0<\/strong><\/h4>\n\n\n\n

Buradan Britanya\u2019daki bir bas\u0327ka \u00f6rneg\u0306e ge\u00e7elim: \u201cGenis\u0327 parti\u201d ve \u201cRespect\u201d olarak an\u0131lan blok \u00e7evresinde d\u00f6nen tart\u0131s\u0327malara. Bu tart\u0131s\u0327malarda ve parti-blok ins\u0327as\u0131 faaliyetlerinde bas\u0327\u0131 \u00e7ekenler SWP(6)<\/strong> (Socialist Workers Party <\/em>– Sosyalist I\u0307s\u0327\u00e7i Partisi) ve SSP\u2019dir(7)<\/strong> (Scotish Socialist Party <\/em>\u2013 I\u0307sko\u00e7ya Sosyalist Partisi). Tart\u0131s\u0327malar ve birles\u0327me\/ ayr\u0131s\u0327malar Stalinizm sonras\u0131 yeni d\u00f6nemde, \u00f6zellikle de Britanya\u2019da Tony Blair\u2019in I\u0307s\u0327\u00e7i Partisi i\u00e7in gelis\u0327tirdig\u0306i neoliberal \u201c\u00dc\u00e7\u00fcnc\u00fc Yol\u201d \u00e7izgisiyle birlikte bu partinin girdig\u0306i \u00e7\u00f6k\u00fcnt\u00fc evresinde \u201cnas\u0131l bir sosyalist parti?\u201d sorusuna aranan yan\u0131t \u00e7evresinde yog\u0306unlas\u0327makta. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ger\u00e7ekte SSP, Britanya\u2019daki Militan <\/em>ak\u0131m\u0131n\u0131n \u00e7ok uzun y\u0131llardan beri I\u0307s\u0327\u00e7i Partisi (I\u0307P) i\u00e7inde s\u00fcrd\u00fcrd\u00fcg\u0306\u00fc \u201centrizm\u201d politikas\u0131na 1990\u2019lar\u0131n bas\u0327lar\u0131nda son vermesinin bir \u00fcr\u00fcn\u00fc olarak g\u00f6r\u00fclebilir. Bu d\u00f6nemde I\u0307P \u00f6nderlig\u0306i parti i\u00e7indeki Tro\u00e7kistlere y\u00f6nelik bir tas ye kampanyas\u0131 bas\u0327latm\u0131s\u0327t\u0131r. Buna tepki olarak CWI \u00f6nderlig\u0306i, I\u0307P\u2019ye ilis\u0327kin tarihsel \u201cis\u0327\u00e7i partisi\u201d tan\u0131m\u0131na son verir ve kendisine bag\u0306l\u0131 t\u00fcm seksiyonlar\u0131n i\u00e7inde \u00e7al\u0131s\u0327t\u0131klar\u0131 sosyal demokrat ve sosyalist partilerden koparak bag\u0306\u0131ms\u0131z devrimci \u00f6rg\u00fctlerin ins\u0327as\u0131na ge\u00e7melerine y\u00f6nelik bir karar al\u0131r. Ak\u0131m\u0131n kurucusu ve tarihsel \u00f6nderi Ted Grant\u2019\u0131n (1913-2006) tas yesiyle sonu\u00e7lanan b\u00fcy\u00fck bir krize ve b\u00f6l\u00fcnmelere yol a\u00e7an bu karar, \u00f6zellikle I\u0307rlanda, I\u0307ngiltere (ve Galler) ve I\u0307sko\u00e7ya\u2019da \u201cSosyalist Parti\u201d adlar\u0131yla yas\u0327ama ge\u00e7irilmeye bas\u0327lar. I\u0307sko\u00e7ya partisi SSP 1998\u2019de bas\u0327ar\u0131l\u0131 bir kurulus\u0327 ger\u00e7ekles\u0327tirir ve 2003 se\u00e7imlerinde I\u0307sko\u00e7ya Parlamentosuna 6 \u00fcye sokmay\u0131 bas\u0327ar\u0131r; ne var ki, \u201cStalinizm ve sosyal demokrasi sonras\u0131\u201d d\u00f6nemde devrimci partinin ne t\u00fcr olmas\u0131 gerektig\u0306i \u00fczerine gelis\u0327en tart\u0131s\u0327malar hareket i\u00e7inde yeni bir krize ve b\u00f6l\u00fcnmeye neden olur. SSP \u00e7og\u0306unlug\u0306u, yeni olus\u0327umlar\u0131n eski devrimci \u00f6rg\u00fctlerin bir tekrar\u0131 deg\u0306il, yeni d\u00f6nemde ortaya \u00e7\u0131kan \u00e7ok farkl\u0131 ak\u0131mlar\u0131 da i\u00e7eren \u201cgenis\u0327 partiler\u201d olmas\u0131 sonucuna ulas\u0327\u0131r (ve CWI\u2019den kopar). Bir d\u00f6nem SSP\u2019nin \u00f6nderlig\u0306ini yapan Murray Smith, SWP ile ger\u00e7ekles\u0327tirdig\u0306i bir polemikte(8)<\/strong> \u201cgenis\u0327 parti\u201dyi s\u0327\u00f6yle a\u00e7\u0131klar: <\/p>\n\n\n\n

Bug\u00fcnk\u00fc halleriyle SWP, LCR, vb. tipi devrimci \u00f6rg\u00fctler in\u015fa etmenin anlams\u0131z hale geldig\u0306ine ve bu \u00f6rg\u00fctlerin yeni geni\u015f sosyalist partilerin kurulmas\u0131na katk\u0131da bulunarak onlar\u0131n i\u00e7inde ak\u0131mlar olarak faaliyet g\u00f6stermeleri gerekti\u011fine inan\u0131yorum. Yoksa stratejik bir perspektif olarak devrimci parti, yani bir devrime, toplumun sosyalist d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015f\u00fcm\u00fcne \u00f6nderlik edebilecek partilerin in\u015fas\u0131n\u0131n anlams\u0131zla\u015ft\u0131\u011f\u0131na de\u011fil. Bana g\u00f6re devrimci Marksistlerin g\u00f6revi geni\u015f sosyalist partiler in\u015fa etmek, bir yandan da kendi Marksist pozisyonlar\u0131n\u0131 o partilerin i\u00e7inde savunmakt\u0131r; ama \u201centrist\u201d bir perspektife devrimci bir fraksiyon olu\u015fturmak amac\u0131yla de\u011fil, partiyi bir b\u00fct\u00fcn olarak ileri ta\u015f\u0131mak ve partinin kar\u015f\u0131la\u015faca\u011f\u0131 sorunlara bir b\u00fct\u00fcn olarak yan\u0131tlar aramak amac\u0131yla.\u00a0<\/p><\/blockquote>\n\n\n\n

Devrimci Marksistlerin devrimci \u00f6rg\u00fctler ins\u0327a etmeleri anlams\u0131zlas\u0327m\u0131s\u0327t\u0131r, kurulmas\u0131na yard\u0131m edecekleri genis\u0327 partinin i\u00e7inde devrimci bir fraksiyon da olus\u0327turmamal\u0131d\u0131rlar, ama kendi Marksist pozisyonlar\u0131n\u0131 savunmal\u0131d\u0131rlar… \u00d6rg\u00fctl\u00fc ifade hakk\u0131 olmayan d\u00fcs\u0327\u00fcnce \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fcg\u0306\u00fc(!) Kendisiyle \u00e7elis\u0327ik bu tip savlar, son tahlilde devrimci Marksizmin reformist ideolojiler aras\u0131nda kaybolmas\u0131na yol a\u00e7abilecek iddialard\u0131r. Ama Smith ve SSP bununla da yetinmiyor ve devrimciler ile reformistler aras\u0131ndaki ayr\u0131l\u0131g\u0306\u0131n yok oldug\u0306unu, daha dog\u0306rusu \u201ctersine d\u00f6nd\u00fcg\u0306\u00fcn\u00fc\u201d ileri s\u00fcr\u00fcyor: <\/p>\n\n\n\n

Uzun y\u0131llar reformizm tamamen egemendi ve devrimci \u00f6rg\u00fctler birer az\u0131nl\u0131k olarak kald\u0131lar. \u0130\u015f\u00e7iler bu partilerin pe\u015finden gittikleri s\u00fcrece reformist partilerin solunda devrimci kitle partileri in\u015fa etmenin olas\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131 yoktu. Bug\u00fcn vard\u0131r. Bug\u00fcn \u0130ngiltere, Fransa ve di\u011fer \u00fclkelerde on binlerce i\u015f\u00e7i ve gen\u00e7 antikapitalist politik eyleme giri\u015fmi\u015f durumdad\u0131rlar ve bunlar\u0131n ger\u00e7ek bir alternatif sunan partilere kazan\u0131lmas\u0131 olanakl\u0131d\u0131r… Bug\u00fcn ayr\u0131m \u00e7izgisi antikapitalizm\/sosyalizm ile kapitalizm yanl\u0131s\u0131 olmak aras\u0131ndad\u0131r. Bu, k\u00fcreselle\u015fme kar\u015f\u0131t\u0131 hareket i\u00e7inde \u00e7ok belirgindir. Kar\u015f\u0131tl\u0131k, sosyalizme nas\u0131l ve hangi yoldan ula\u015f\u0131laca\u011f\u0131 konusunda farkl\u0131 d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnen devrimciler ile reformistler aras\u0131nda de\u011fildir. Neoliberal k\u00fcreselle\u015fmeye kar\u015f\u0131 kapitalizmden kurtulmadan, kapitalizmin daha insanc\u0131l bir bi\u00e7imine geri d\u00f6n\u00fclerek m\u00fccadele edilebilece\u011fini d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnenler ile neoliberalizmin kapitalizmin tam da \u00e7a\u011fda\u015f bi\u00e7imi oldu\u011funu ve y\u0131k\u0131lmas\u0131 gerekti\u011fini d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnenler aras\u0131ndad\u0131r.\u00a0<\/p><\/blockquote>\n\n\n\n

Eg\u0306er kars\u0327\u0131tl\u0131k kapitalizm yanl\u0131lar\u0131 ile kars\u0327\u0131tlar\u0131 aras\u0131ndaysa ve yeni \u201cgenis\u0327\u201d parti antikapitalist olacaksa, devrimci Marksistler neden ayr\u0131 bir kimlik olarak kendi g\u00f6r\u00fcs\u0327lerini savunacaklard\u0131r? Yoksa antikapitalist olman\u0131n farkl\u0131 bi\u00e7imleri mi var, yani sosyalizme nas\u0131l ulas\u0327\u0131lacag\u0306\u0131 konusunda g\u00f6r\u00fcs\u0327 farkl\u0131l\u0131klar\u0131 dog\u0306mas\u0131 potansiyeli mi s\u00f6z konusu? Hani bu tip bir reformist\/devrimci kars\u0327\u0131tl\u0131g\u0306\u0131 yok olmus\u0327tu? B\u00fct\u00fcn bu \u00e7elis\u0327ik \u201cLeninizm sonras\u0131\u201d ifadelerle kendisini yeni d\u00f6nemin \u201cgenis\u0327 sosyalist partisi\u201d olarak sunan, ve Fransa\u2019da NPA\u2019n\u0131n kurulus\u0327unu cos\u0327kuyla selamlayan SSP, 2007 se\u00e7imlerinde I\u0307sko\u00e7ya Parlamentosu\u2019ndaki b\u00fct\u00fcn sandalyelerini kaybetmesine kars\u0327\u0131n varl\u0131g\u0306\u0131n\u0131 ve savlar\u0131n\u0131 s\u00fcrd\u00fcr\u00fcyor. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

I\u0307ngiltere\u2019de buna paralel bir bas\u0327ka s\u00fcre\u00e7 de Respect <\/em>(Sayg\u0131, Es\u0327itlik, Sosyalizm, Bar\u0131s\u0327, \u00c7evrecilik, Cemaat ve Sendikac\u0131l\u0131k s\u00f6zc\u00fcklerinin I\u0307ngilizce kars\u0327\u0131l\u0131klar\u0131n\u0131n ilk harfleri uyar\u0131nca) koalisyonunun gelis\u0327imi oldu. Bu koalisyonun k\u00f6keni 1990\u2019lar\u0131n bas\u0327lar\u0131nda Britanya\u2019n\u0131n \u00e7es\u0327itli kesimlerinde baz\u0131 sosyalist gruplar aras\u0131nda gelis\u0327en b\u00f6lgesel ittifaklara 1999\u2019da SWP, Enternasyonal Sosyalist Grup (DEBS I\u0307ngiltere seksiyonu), I\u0307s\u0327\u00e7i G\u00fcc\u00fc (SWP\u2019den kopan 5. Enternasyonal savunucular\u0131) gibi Tro\u00e7kist \u00f6rg\u00fctlerin kat\u0131l\u0131m\u0131yla ulusal d\u00fczeyde olus\u0327an \u201cSosyalist I\u0307ttifak\u201d platformuna dayan\u0131r. I\u0307ttifak\u2019\u0131n en kalabal\u0131k grubu olan SWP i\u00e7in Sosyalist I\u0307ttifak \u201cyeni t\u00fcrden\u201d bir birles\u0327ik cephedir, yoksa bir \u201cgenis\u0327 parti\u201d deg\u0306il. Asl\u0131nda SWP de I\u0307ngiliz I\u0307s\u0327\u00e7i Partisi\u2019nin erimekte oldug\u0306unu, bunun reformist sosyalizmin solunda yeni bir alan a\u00e7t\u0131g\u0306\u0131n\u0131 ve bu alan\u0131n k\u00fcreselles\u0327me kars\u0327\u0131t\u0131 b\u00fct\u00fcn g\u00fc\u00e7lerin bir araya gelmesiyle doldurulmas\u0131 gerektig\u0306ine inanmaktad\u0131r. Bu y\u00fczden de SWP kendi devrimci program\u0131n\u0131 geri \u00e7ekmeye ve b\u00f6ylece hen\u00fcz devrimci s\u0327iarlar\u0131n t\u00fcm\u00fcne kazan\u0131lmam\u0131s\u0327 ak\u0131mlarla ittifaklara girmeye haz\u0131rd\u0131r. Ne var ki, onu Militan <\/em>ak\u0131m\u0131ndan ve SSP\u2019den ay\u0131ran, reformizmin erime s\u00fcrecinin ritmi \u00fczerinedir; ona g\u00f6re, yeni bir \u201cgenis\u0327 parti\u201d ancak I\u0307P\u2019den b\u00fcy\u00fck kopmalar\u0131n ger\u00e7ekles\u0327mesiyle olanakl\u0131 olabilecektir, bu ger\u00e7ekles\u0327medig\u0306i s\u00fcrece de \u201cyeni t\u00fcrden bir birles\u0327ik cephe\u201d taktig\u0306i izlenmek zorundad\u0131r. SWP\u2019nin \u00f6nde gelen liderlerinden Alex Callinicos, bunu s\u0327\u00f6yle anlat\u0131r: <\/p>\n\n\n\n

Stratejik bak\u0131\u015f a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan Britanya\u2019da kitlesel bir sosyalist parti ancak \u0130\u015f\u00e7i Partisi\u2019nin taban\u0131ndan \u00f6nemli kesimler koparabilmesi durumunda geli\u015febilir, oysa \u0130P, \u00e7\u00fcr\u00fcmekte olmas\u0131na kar\u015f\u0131n h\u00e2l\u00e2 i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 \u00f6rg\u00fctlerinin ve topluluklar\u0131n\u0131n derinliklerine ula\u015fabilmektedir. Sosyalist \u0130ttifak\u2019\u0131n amac\u0131, \u0130P k\u00f6kenli genis\u0327 kesimlere do\u011frudan seslenebilmek ve onlar\u0131 kazanabilmek amac\u0131yla, a\u015f\u0131r\u0131 solun sa\u011fl\u0131kl\u0131 unsurlar\u0131n\u0131 (yeni t\u00fcrden) bir cephe i\u00e7inde birle\u015ftirmekti. Bu y\u00fczden de SWP, Sosyalist \u0130ttifak\u2019\u0131n program\u0131n\u0131n bariz bir bi\u00e7imde devrimci olmas\u0131 dog\u0306rultusunda ger\u00e7ekle\u015ftirilen giri\u015fimlere kar\u015f\u0131 koydu. Reform mu devrim mi sorusunu a\u00e7\u0131kta b\u0131rakarak kap\u0131y\u0131 hayal k\u0131r\u0131kl\u0131\u011f\u0131na u\u011fram\u0131\u015f \u0130P destek\u00e7ilerine a\u00e7\u0131k tutmay\u0131 umduk.(9)<\/strong>\u00a0<\/p><\/blockquote>\n\n\n\n

Sosyalist I\u0307ttifak 2000 Londra belediye bas\u0327kanl\u0131g\u0306\u0131 se\u00e7imleri ile 2001 genel se\u00e7imlerinde tatmin edici oylar toplamakla birlikte ne cephe olarak gelis\u0327ir, ne de SWP d\u0131s\u0327\u0131ndaki g\u00fc\u00e7lerin istedig\u0306i bi\u00e7imde bir partiye d\u00f6n\u00fcs\u0327\u00fcr. Bu arada I\u0307ttifak i\u00e7indeki gruplar SWP\u2019nin militan g\u00fcc\u00fcn\u00fc dayatmac\u0131 bir bi\u00e7imde kullanmas\u0131ndan ve cepheyi kendi politikalar\u0131 dog\u0306rultusunda y\u00f6nlendirmesinden s\u0327ik\u00e2yet etmeye bas\u0327larlar. Militan <\/em>ak\u0131m\u0131n\u0131n temsilcisi Sosyalist Parti\u2019nin I\u0307ttifak\u2019tan ayr\u0131lmas\u0131yla kopmalar ger\u00e7ekles\u0327ir, ama tam o anda imdada 2001 y\u0131l\u0131nda Bush h\u00fck\u00fcmetinin Afganistan\u2019a sald\u0131r\u0131s\u0131na kars\u0327\u0131 \u00e7\u0131k\u0131s\u0327la gelis\u0327en savas\u0327 kars\u0327\u0131t\u0131 hareket yetis\u0327ir. SWP\u2019nin de kat\u0131lmas\u0131yla dog\u0306an \u201cSavas\u0327\u0131 Durdur Koalisyonu\u201dnda (StWC), Tony Blair\u2019in savas\u0327 yanl\u0131s\u0131 politikalar\u0131na kars\u0327\u0131 \u00e7\u0131kan I\u0307s\u0327\u00e7i Partisi militanlar\u0131ndan (baz\u0131 milletvekilleri d\u00e2hil), Britanya Kom\u00fcnist Partisi ve baz\u0131 Tro\u00e7kist gruplar ile sendikac\u0131lara kadar yay\u0131lan bir yelpazeden genis\u0327 kesimler kat\u0131l\u0131r; koalisyon ayn\u0131 zamanda M\u00fcsl\u00fcman cemaatlerle yak\u0131n bir ilis\u0327ki gelis\u0327tirir. Koalisyonun en \u00f6nemli s\u00f6zc\u00fclerinden biri, savas\u0327 kars\u0327\u0131t\u0131 tutumu nedeniyle partiden ihra\u00e7 edilen I\u0307P milletvekili George Galloway\u2019dir. SWP 2003\u2019te Sosyalist I\u0307ttifak\u2019a, savas\u0327 kars\u0327\u0131t\u0131 hareket i\u00e7indeki g\u00fc\u00e7lerle yeni bir politik koalisyon olus\u0327turulmas\u0131 karar\u0131 ald\u0131r\u0131r ve b\u00f6ylece 2004 bas\u0327\u0131nda Respect <\/em>kurulur. Bu yeni ittifak\u0131n biles\u0327imini ve nitelig\u0306ini Callinicos s\u0327\u00f6yle a\u00e7\u0131klar: <\/p>\n\n\n\n

D\u00f6rt ana g\u00fc\u00e7 Respect\u2019i olu\u015fturdu. Birincisi, George Galloway\u2019in \u015fahs\u0131nda temsil edilen, Blair h\u00fck\u00fcmetine ili\u015fkin ho\u015fnutsuzluklar\u0131 onlar\u0131 partiden kopmaya itecek denli derin k\u0131demli \u0130\u015f\u00e7i Partisi \u00fcyeleriydi. \u0130kinci ak\u0131m\u0131, a\u015f\u0131r\u0131 solun g\u00f6zleri sekterlikle k\u00f6rle\u015fmemi\u015f ve dolay\u0131s\u0131yla sava\u015f kar\u015f\u0131t\u0131 hareketin sundu\u011fu tarihsel f\u0131rsat\u0131n fark\u0131na varan kesimleri olu\u015fturuyordu. Bunlar\u0131n i\u00e7inde en \u00f6nemlisi SWP olmakla birlikte, bu grupta Sosyalist \u0130ttifak\u2019\u0131n baz\u0131 ba\u015fka unsurlar\u0131 ile b\u00fcy\u00fck sinema y\u00f6netmeni Ken Loach gibi bireyler de yer al\u0131yordu. \u00dc\u00e7\u00fcnc\u00fc kesim ise, T\u00fcrk ve K\u00fcrt \u00f6rg\u00fctlerinin yan\u0131 s\u0131ra b\u00fcy\u00fck b\u00f6l\u00fcm\u00fc M\u00fcsl\u00fcman k\u00f6kenli aktivistlerden ve ayd\u0131nlardan olu\u015fan \u201cetnik cemaatti\u201d. Ve nihayet, \u00f6nemli say\u0131da sendikac\u0131… Bu g\u00fc\u00e7ler bile\u015fimi, yukar\u0131da da ifade etti\u011fim gibi, ba\u015fka yerlerde a\u015f\u0131r\u0131 solun uygulad\u0131\u011f\u0131 di\u011fer se\u00e7im modellerinden \u00f6nemli bir farkl\u0131l\u0131\u011fa tekab\u00fcl eder; \u00f6rne\u011fin, Fransa\u2019da LCR ve LO\u2019nun izledi\u011fi a\u00e7\u0131k devrimci kampanya ya da SSP \u00f6nderlerinin olu\u015fturmaya \u00e7al\u0131\u015ft\u0131\u011f\u0131 geni\u015f parti modelleri. Ger\u00e7ekten de, Respect o kadar ola\u011fand\u0131\u015f\u0131d\u0131r ki, \u0130ngiltere\u2019de ve ba\u015fka yerlerde a\u015f\u0131r\u0131 sol unsurlar taraf\u0131ndan \u201coport\u00fcnizm\u201d, \u201chalk cephecili\u011fi\u201d, vb. temellerinde su\u00e7lanm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r… (Respect\u2019in) oda\u011f\u0131na ald\u0131\u011f\u0131 konular \u2013sava\u015f, neoliberalizm, \u0131rk\u00e7\u0131l\u0131k, cinsiyet\u00e7ilik- Avrupa Sosyal Forumlar\u0131nda \u00f6ne \u00e7\u0131kan sorunlar\u0131n ayn\u0131s\u0131d\u0131r. Respect\u2019in geni\u015f ideolojisi asl\u0131nda bir\u00e7ok bak\u0131mdan Avrupa\u2019da, \u00f6zellikle de Cenova\u2019da geli\u015fen antikapitalist hareketin ideolojisidir, bir\u00e7ok farkl\u0131 ak\u0131m\u0131 (reformist, sosyalist, otonomcu, vb) i\u00e7erir, ama bununla birlikte onlar\u0131 ilkeli bir temelde birle\u015ftirir.(10)<\/strong>\u00a0<\/p><\/blockquote>\n\n\n\n

\u00d6zetle, SWP stratejik olarak \u201cgenis\u0327 partiye\u201d kars\u0327\u0131 deg\u0306ildir, ama bunun i\u00e7in reformizmden \u00f6nemli kopmalar\u0131n olmas\u0131 gerekir, ki hen\u00fcz b\u00f6yle bir s\u00fcre\u00e7 s\u00f6z konusu deg\u0306ildir. Bu ger\u00e7ekles\u0327ene deg\u0306in de, parti yerine ayn\u0131 \u201cgenis\u0327 ideolojiyi\u201d temsil eden \u201cyeni t\u00fcrden cepheler\u201d \u00fczerinden y\u00fcr\u00fcnmelidir. SWP\u2019nin Militan <\/em>k\u00f6kenli SSP ile DEBS k\u00f6kenli Yeni Antikapitalist Parti\u2019den ayr\u0131l\u0131g\u0306\u0131 stratejik ya da programatik deg\u0306il, taktik karakterlidir. B\u00f6ylece bir dizi farkl\u0131 k\u00f6kenli devrimci hareket politik a\u00e7\u0131dan, Ernest Mandel\u2019in \u201cdevrimci program\u0131n yeni \u00f6nc\u00fcn\u00fcn duyarl\u0131l\u0131g\u0306\u0131na uyarlanmas\u0131\u201d tezinde birles\u0327mis\u0327tir; \u201cyeni \u00f6nc\u00fcy\u00fc\u201d ise, Cenova temsil etmektedir. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u201cGenis\u0327 ideoloji\u201d \u00fczerine kurulan Respect <\/em>daha bas\u0327\u0131ndan itibaren \u00f6nemli bir gerilim i\u00e7erir: Galloway\u2019in \u00f6nderlik ettig\u0306i I\u0307P k\u00f6kenli aktivistlerin salt se\u00e7imlerde daha fazla oy toplamaya y\u00f6nelik politikalar\u0131 (elektoralizm), SWP\u2019nin \u00f6rg\u00fctsel ag\u0306\u0131rl\u0131g\u0306\u0131yla koalisyonun etkinlig\u0306ini politik ve organik a\u00e7\u0131lardan denetleme aray\u0131s\u0327\u0131yla \u00e7at\u0131s\u0327ma i\u00e7indedir. Ama \u00f6nceleri, \u00f6zellikle savas\u0327 kars\u0327\u0131t\u0131 seferberliklerin, yavas\u0327 yavas\u0327 geri \u00e7ekilmeye bas\u0327lamakla birlikte h\u00e2l\u00e2 s\u00fcrmekte oldug\u0306u 2004-05 y\u0131llar\u0131nda Galloway, kendisini destekledig\u0306i s\u00fcrece SWP\u2019den s\u0327ikayet etmez. SWP de \u201cgenis\u0327 ideoloji\u201d politikas\u0131 \u00e7er\u00e7evesinde sosyalizm talebini ne Respect<\/em>\u2019e, ne de is\u0327\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131na sunar.(11)<\/strong> 2004\u2019teki Avrupa Parlamentosu se\u00e7imlerinde 250 binin \u00fczerinde (%1,5) oy toplayan Respect <\/em>b\u00f6ylece tarihte ilk kez I\u0307s\u0327\u00e7i Partisi\u2019nin d\u0131s\u0327\u0131nda bu denli desteklenen Sol olus\u0327um olur. 2005 genel se\u00e7imlerinde ise oy oran\u0131 sadece %0,3 olmakla birlikte (68.094) Galloway parlamentoya girer; ayr\u0131ca Londra d\u0131s\u0327\u0131ndaki baz\u0131 b\u00f6lgelerde en fazla oyu alan liste haline gelir (baz\u0131 b\u00f6lgelerde ise ikinci ya da \u00fc\u00e7\u00fcnc\u00fc s\u0131raya oturur).(12)<\/strong> 2006 ve 2007 yerel se\u00e7imlerinde de benzer oylar toplayan koalisyonda kriz tam bu d\u00f6nemde patlak verir. Galloway ve \u00e7evresinin parlamenter etkinlig\u0306i SWP\u2019nin denetimi d\u0131s\u0327\u0131na kaymaya bas\u0327lar; SWP\u2019nin buna yan\u0131t\u0131 ise Galloway\u2019i \u201cbirlikte kabul edilmis\u0327 minimum program\u0131n d\u0131s\u0327\u0131na \u00e7\u0131kmakla\u201d ve sag\u0306a kaymakla eles\u0327tirmek olur. SWP, koalisyon i\u00e7indeki \u00f6rg\u00fctl\u00fc g\u00fcc\u00fcn\u00fc olus\u0327uma \u201cdemokratik merkeziyet\u00e7i\u201d bir yap\u0131 kazand\u0131rmak dog\u0306rultusunda harekete ge\u00e7irir, Galloway yanl\u0131lar\u0131 ise bu giris\u0327imi dayatmac\u0131l\u0131k ve \u00f6rg\u00fctsel kaos yaratmak olarak su\u00e7lar. 2007 Ekimi\u2019nde Galloway yanl\u0131lar\u0131 SWP d\u0131s\u0327\u0131nda bir konvansiyon toplarlar ve DEBS seksiyonu Enternasyonalist Sosyalist Grup, M\u00fcsl\u00fcman cemaat dernekleri, bag\u0306\u0131ms\u0131z sol sosyalistler ve baz\u0131 SWP \u00fcyelerinin (bunlar daha sonra SWP\u2019den ihra\u00e7 edilirler) desteg\u0306iyle \u201cRespect Renewal<\/em>\u201d (Respect Yenilenme) ad\u0131yla yeni bir olus\u0327um kurulur. B\u00f6ylece Respect <\/em>deneyimi ilen sona ermis\u0327 olur. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u201cG\u00fcne<\/strong>\u015f Partisi\u201d \u00f6rne<\/strong>\u011fi\u00a0<\/strong><\/h4>\n\n\n\n

Pek \u00e7ok Sol hareket birka\u00e7 y\u0131l \u00f6ncesine kadar Brezilya\u2019da Lula\u2019n\u0131n I\u0307s\u0327\u00e7i Partisi\u2019ni (PT) \u201cideal\u201d \u00f6rnek olarak kabul ediyordu; ama daha sonralar\u0131, PT\u2019nin \u00f6zellikle de 2002\u2019de Lula\u2019n\u0131n devlet bas\u0327kanl\u0131g\u0306\u0131na se\u00e7ilmesinden sonraki uygulamalar\u0131 kus\u0327kuyla g\u00f6zlenir oldu; nihayet 2004\u2019te ondan kopan \u2013ya da ihra\u00e7 edilen- kesimlerin kurdug\u0306u PSOL (Partido Socialismo e Liberdade<\/em>(13)<\/strong> \u2013 Sosyalizm ve \u00d6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck Partisi) bu kez \u201cSol birlik\u201d ve \u201cantikapitalist genis\u0327 parti\u201d umutlar\u0131n\u0131n topland\u0131g\u0306\u0131 merkez haline geldi. PSOL\u2019un Brezilya\u2019daki s\u0131n\u0131f m\u00fccadelesi a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan tas\u0327\u0131d\u0131g\u0306\u0131 \u00f6nemi asla k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fcmsemeden, bu deneyimin \u00f6zelliklerini ve zaaflar\u0131n\u0131 tahlil edebilmemiz, g\u00f6rebilmemiz gerekiyor. Bu incelemede PT\u2019nin kurulus\u0327u ve evrimi tarih\u00e7esine girmemize olanak yok, ancak PSOL\u2019un belirleyici \u00f6zelliklerini kavrayabilmek i\u00e7in bu tarih\u00e7enin baz\u0131 temel noktalar\u0131n\u0131 an\u0131msamam\u0131zda yarar var. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

S\u0327ubat 1980\u2019de kurulan PT, 1964\u2019ten beri s\u00fcrmekte olan askeri diktat\u00f6rl\u00fck rejimine kars\u0327\u0131 1970\u2019lerin sonlar\u0131nda y\u00fckselen is\u0327\u00e7i m\u00fccadelelerinin bir \u00fcr\u00fcn\u00fc oldu. D\u00fcs\u0327ey bi\u00e7imde \u00f6rg\u00fctlenmis\u0327, korporatist ve devlete bag\u0306\u0131ml\u0131 CGT\u2019nin (Comando General de los Trabajadores <\/em>\u2013 Genel I\u0307s\u0327 Y\u00f6netimi) i\u00e7inde s\u0131n\u0131f sendikac\u0131l\u0131g\u0306\u0131na y\u00f6nelen muhalif kesimler bir yandan grevlere ve direnis\u0327lere \u00f6nderlik etmeye bas\u0327lam\u0131s\u0327lar, bir yandan da kendilig\u0306inden bi\u00e7imde yayg\u0131nlas\u0327makta olan m\u00fccadeleleri belirli politik ve \u00f6rg\u00fctsel \u00e7er\u00e7evelerde birles\u0327tirme \u00e7abas\u0131na giris\u0327mis\u0327lerdi. Daha sonralar\u0131, 1983\u2019te \u2013bug\u00fcnk\u00fc- CUT\u2019u (Central \u00danica dos Trabalhadores <\/em>\u2013 Tek I\u0307s\u0327\u00e7i Merkezi) olus\u0327turacak olan bu sendikal hareket 1978 ve 1979 y\u0131llar\u0131nda S\u00e3o Bernardo, ABC (S\u00e3o Paulo), Santo Andr\u00e9, S\u00e3o Caetano, S\u00e3o Jos\u00e9 gibi b\u00f6lgelerde \u00f6zellikle metal sanayisinde on binlerce is\u0327\u00e7inin kat\u0131ld\u0131g\u0306\u0131 bas\u0327ar\u0131l\u0131 bas\u0327ar\u0131s\u0131z grev ve direnis\u0327lerle askeri rejimin temellerini sarsmaya bas\u0327lam\u0131s\u0327 ve diktat\u00f6rl\u00fck h\u00fck\u00fcmeti \u201cyavas\u0327, tedrici ve g\u00fcvenli\u201d bir demokrasiye ge\u00e7is\u0327 program\u0131 kabul etmek zorunda kalm\u0131s\u0327t\u0131. Bu as\u0327amada Brezilya is\u0327\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n en \u00f6nemli sorunu, askeri rejimin geleneksel ara\u00e7lar\u0131 olarak \u00f6n plana \u00e7\u0131kan burjuva partileri ile proletaryay\u0131 CGT arac\u0131l\u0131g\u0306\u0131yla rejime bag\u0306laman\u0131n manivelas\u0131 olarak is\u0327lev g\u00f6ren Brezilya Kom\u00fcnist Partisi\u2019nden bag\u0306\u0131ms\u0131z bir politik temsilin olus\u0327turulmas\u0131 haline gelmis\u0327ti. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

I\u0307s\u0327te tam bu d\u00f6nemde Brezilya\u2019daki Morenocu Tro\u00e7kist hareketin \u00f6rg\u00fct\u00fc Sosyalist Birles\u0327me (CS – Converg\u00eancia Socialista<\/em>) Ocak 1979\u2019da Santo Andr\u00e9\u2019deki metal\u00fcrji is\u0327\u00e7ileri sendikas\u0131n\u0131n kongresine bir is\u0327\u00e7i partisinin kurulmas\u0131 i\u00e7in \u00e7ag\u0306r\u0131da bulunma \u00f6nerisini sunar. Kongrece kabul g\u00f6ren \u00f6neri birka\u00e7 hafta sonra da S\u00e3o Paulo eyaleti metal\u00fcrji is\u0327\u00e7ileri sendikas\u0131 kongresinde tart\u0131s\u0327\u0131larak onaylan\u0131r. B\u00f6ylece dog\u0306an harekete ard\u0131 ard\u0131na sendikalar, Stalinizmin ve gerillac\u0131l\u0131g\u0306\u0131n etki alan\u0131 d\u0131s\u0327\u0131ndaki devrimci sol ak\u0131mlar, Kurtulus\u0327 Teolojisi hareketi ve ayd\u0131nlar kat\u0131lmaya bas\u0327lar. S\u00e3o Bernardo\u2019daki metal is\u0327\u00e7ilerinin \u00f6nderi konumundaki Luiz In\u00e1cio Lula da Silva hareketin s\u00f6zc\u00fcs\u00fc olarak \u00f6n plana \u00e7\u0131kar ve nihayet S\u0327ubat 1980\u2019de \u201ctoplumsal \u00f6rg\u00fctlenme bi\u00e7imi olarak sosyalizmi savunan\u201d bir Sol parti olarak PT kurulur. I\u0307\u00e7inde farkl\u0131 politik ak\u0131mlar\u0131n bulunmas\u0131n\u0131 kabul eden PT\u2019nin \u00e7og\u0306unluk eg\u0306ilimi, Lula\u2019n\u0131n \u00f6nderlig\u0306indeki sol sendika b\u00fcrokrasisinin olus\u0327turdug\u0306u Articula\u00e7\u00e3o Unidade na Luta<\/em>\u2019d\u0131r (M\u00fccadelede Birlik Grubu); partinin kurulus\u0327unda CS\u2019nin yan\u0131 s\u0131ra Causa Oper\u00e1ria <\/em>(I\u0307s\u0327\u00e7i Davas\u0131), A\u00e7\u00e3o Popular Socialista <\/em>(Sosyalist Halk Eylemi), Tend\u00eancia pelo Partido Oper\u00e1rio Revolucion\u00e1rio <\/em>(Devrimci I\u0307s\u0327\u00e7i Partisi I\u0307\u00e7in Eg\u0306ilim) gibi merkezci ve radikal sol ak\u0131mlar da yer al\u0131r. Birles\u0327ik Sekreterlik\u2019in Brezilya seksiyonu Democracia Socialista <\/em>(Sosyalist Demokrasi) ile Lambert\u00e7i ak\u0131ma d\u00e2hil O Trabalho <\/em>(I\u0307s\u0327\u00e7i), \u00f6nce b\u00f6yle bir partinin kurulmas\u0131na kars\u0327\u0131 \u00e7\u0131karlar, ama birka\u00e7 y\u0131l sonra onlar da PT\u2019ye kat\u0131l\u0131rlar. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

PT\u2019nin kurulus\u0327u Brezilya is\u0327\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n burjuvaziden bag\u0306\u0131ms\u0131z politik \u00f6rg\u00fctlenmesini ger\u00e7ekles\u0327tirmesi ve m\u00fccadelesinde olgunlas\u0327mas\u0131 a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan devasa bir ad\u0131md\u0131r. Ama ne var ki, parti daha bas\u0327\u0131ndan itibaren i\u00e7 gerilimlerle y\u00fckl\u00fcd\u00fcr. Lula\u2019n\u0131n \u00f6nderlig\u0306indeki \u00e7og\u0306unluk kanad\u0131 Articula\u00e7\u00e3o<\/em>, PT\u2019nin dig\u0306er burjuva partileriyle ittifak\u0131n\u0131 tes\u0327vik ederken ve onu bir se\u00e7im cephesi haline d\u00f6n\u00fcs\u0327t\u00fcrmeye \u00e7abalarken, CS ve baz\u0131 dig\u0306er devrimci ak\u0131mlar devrimci program \u00fczerindeki \u0131srarlar\u0131n\u0131 s\u00fcrd\u00fcr\u00fcrler. Bu iki ucun aras\u0131nda bir dizi bas\u0327ka \u201cTro\u00e7kist\u201d ak\u0131m vard\u0131r; \u00f6rneg\u0306in Lambert\u00e7i O Trabalho<\/em>, PT\u2019nin \u201cmerkezi\u201d bir ak\u0131m oldug\u0306unu s\u00f6yler ve kendisini lag\u0306vederek PT\u2019nin i\u00e7inde erimek ile Articula\u00e7\u00e3o<\/em>\u2019nun yedek g\u00fcc\u00fc olmak aras\u0131nda bocalar, ard\u0131ndan krize girip b\u00f6l\u00fcn\u00fcr; DEBS seksiyonu Sosyalist Demokrasi ise, Lula \u00f6nderlig\u0306inin halk cepheci politikalar\u0131n\u0131 desteklemekle yetinir. B\u00fct\u00fcn bu farkl\u0131 tutumlar, PT\u2019nin ve CUT\u2019un \u00f6nderlik ettig\u0306i is\u0327\u00e7i m\u00fccadelelerinde ve sendikalar\u0131n i\u00e7inde de yans\u0131mas\u0131n\u0131 buldug\u0306undan, Lula \u00f6nderlig\u0306i 1980\u2019lerin ikinci yar\u0131s\u0131nda parti kanatlar\u0131n\u0131n bag\u0306\u0131ms\u0131z \u00e7al\u0131s\u0327malar\u0131n\u0131 engelleyici b\u00fcrokratik uygulamalara bas\u0327vurmaya bas\u0327lar. Merkezi ve yerel parlamentolara girmis\u0327 olan PT milletvekilleri, belediye bas\u0327kanlar\u0131 ve sendika liderleri, \u00e7evrelerindeki d\u00fczinelerce \u201cdan\u0131s\u0327man\u201dla birlikte, parti yap\u0131s\u0131n\u0131n d\u0131s\u0327\u0131nda ve onun \u00fczerinde s\u0327is\u0327kin bir b\u00fcrokratik kast olus\u0327tururlar, b\u00f6ylece partinin burjuva devletle b\u00fct\u00fcnles\u0327mesi dog\u0306rultusunda niteliksel bir s\u0131\u00e7rama ger\u00e7ekles\u0327ir. \u00d6yle ki, 1992\u2019de \u00e7og\u0306unluk kanad\u0131 partinin mevcut Fernando Collor h\u00fck\u00fcmetine kars\u0327\u0131 bir kampanya a\u00e7mamas\u0131 dog\u0306rultusunda bir karar al\u0131r ve \u201cCollor\u2019a Hay\u0131r!\u201d slogan\u0131nda \u0131srar eden CS\u2019yi partiden ihra\u00e7 eder. Bir\u00e7ok bas\u0327ka devrimci ak\u0131m CS ile birlikte PT\u2019den ayr\u0131larak \u00f6nce bir devrimci cephe olus\u0327tururlar, ard\u0131ndan da 1994\u2019te PSTU\u2019yu (Partido Socialista dos Trabalhadores Unicado <\/em>\u2013 Birles\u0327ik Sosyalist I\u0307s\u0327\u00e7i Partisi) kurarlar. Mandelci Sosyalist Demokrasi ve Lambert\u00e7i O Trabalho<\/em>, tasfiyeci parti \u00e7og\u0306unluk kanad\u0131n\u0131 desteklerler. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

Lula\u2019n\u0131n 2002 sonunda devlet bas\u0327kan\u0131 se\u00e7ilmesi ve dig\u0306er burjuva partileriyle birlikte halk cepheci bir h\u00fck\u00fcmet kurmas\u0131, ard\u0131ndan Brezilya\u2019da neoliberal politikalar\u0131n uygulanmas\u0131n\u0131 \u00fcstlenmesi partinin i\u00e7indeki kanatlar aras\u0131 m\u00fccadeleyi derinles\u0327tirir. Bu arada, Sosyalist Demokrasi bakanl\u0131k d\u00fczeyinde h\u00fck\u00fcmetin sorumlulug\u0306una ortak olmus\u0327tur; bu durum DEBS i\u00e7inde tart\u0131s\u0327malara neden olur, Sosyalist Demokrasi DEBS\u2019ten koparken, ondan ayr\u0131lan Sosyalist B\u00fct\u00fcnles\u0327me (ES – Enlace Socialista<\/em>) grubu parti sol kanad\u0131na kayar. Bu arada Helo\u00edse Helena, Luciana Genro, Jo\u00e3o Fontes ve Jo\u00e3o Batista Oliveira (Bab\u00e1) gibi \u00f6nde gelen sol kanat milletvekilleri Lula h\u00fck\u00fcmetinin neoliberal politikalar\u0131na mecliste kars\u0327\u0131 \u00e7\u0131karlar; 2003\u2019te ise, h\u00fck\u00fcmetin emeklilik yasas\u0131ndaki deg\u0306is\u0327iklik \u00f6nerisine kars\u0327\u0131 oy kullanmalar\u0131 nedeniyle de partiden ihra\u00e7 edilirler. Onlarla birlikte Enlace Socialista<\/em>, Corrente Socialista dos Trabalhadores <\/em>(CST \u2013 Sosyalist I\u0307s\u0327\u00e7i Ak\u0131m\u0131; Morenocu UIT seksiyonu), Movimento Esquerda Socialista <\/em>(MES \u2013 Sol Sosyalist Hareket; eski Morenocu, s\u0327imdilerde Chavezci ak\u0131m), Socialismo Revolucion\u00e1rio <\/em>(SR \u2013 Devrimci Sosyalizm; CWI Brezilya seksiyonu) gibi bir dizi grup da PT\u2019den ayr\u0131l\u0131r ve 2004\u2019te Helo\u00edse Helena\u2019n\u0131n bas\u0327kanl\u0131g\u0306\u0131nda PSOL\u2019u kurarlar. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

PSOL\u2019\u00fcn kurulus\u0327u s\u0131ras\u0131ndaki en belirleyici noktalardan birisi, \u00f6nderlerinin PSTU\u2019nun yapt\u0131g\u0306\u0131 birlik \u00e7ag\u0306\u0131r\u0131s\u0131na verdig\u0306i olumsuz yan\u0131tt\u0131r. PSTU, PSOL biles\u0327enlerini devrimci program \u00fczerinde demokratik merkeziyet\u00e7i enternasyonalist bir partinin ortaklas\u0327a ins\u0327as\u0131na davet eder; PSOL\u2019\u00fcn buna yan\u0131t\u0131 ise, \u201cilk PT\u201d benzeri, se\u00e7im platformuna dayal\u0131 federatif bir parti kurmak olur. 2005\u2019te A\u00e7\u00e3o Popular Socialista <\/em>(AP \u2013 Sosyalist Halk Eylemi) adl\u0131 merkezci grup ile PSTU\u2019dan kopan Coletivo Socialismo e Liberdade <\/em>(CSOL \u2013 Sosyalizm ve \u00d6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck Kolekti ) de PSOL\u2019a kat\u0131l\u0131r. 2006 bas\u0327kanl\u0131k se\u00e7imlerine PSOL ve PSTU ortak bir cephe halinde kat\u0131l\u0131rlar ve bas\u0327kan adaylar\u0131 Helo\u00edse Helena 6,5 milyon (%6,85) oy al\u0131r. Bu Lula kars\u0327\u0131s\u0131nda sosyalist solun ciddi bir bas\u0327ar\u0131s\u0131d\u0131r, ancak ayn\u0131 zamanda PSOL\u2019un i\u00e7ine s\u00fcr\u00fckleneceg\u0306i krizin de bas\u0327lang\u0131c\u0131n\u0131 olus\u0327turur. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

PSOL\u2019u olus\u0327turan \u00e7og\u0306unluk ak\u0131mlar\u0131n\u0131n (esas olarak MES, ES ve APS) proletaryan\u0131n devrimci iktidar\u0131n\u0131 hede eyen Leninist bir parti anlay\u0131s\u0327\u0131ndan dikkatle uzak durmalar\u0131, partiyi federatif bir se\u00e7im ayg\u0131t\u0131 olarak is\u0327letmeleri ve parti politikalar\u0131n\u0131n belirlenmesinde parti i\u00e7i demokratik tart\u0131s\u0327malardan ziyade ak\u0131mlar aras\u0131nda pazarl\u0131klara bas\u0327vurulmas\u0131, hem \u00e7og\u0306unluk kanatlar\u0131 aras\u0131nda hem de bunlar ile sosyalist sol fraksiyonlar\u0131n aras\u0131ndaki gerginlikleri s\u0327iddetlendirir. \u00c7og\u0306unluk kanatlar\u0131n\u0131n Chavezcilig\u0306i ve XXI. y\u00fczy\u0131l sosyalizmi anlay\u0131s\u0327\u0131, Lula\u2019n\u0131n m\u00fcttefiki burjuva partileriyle ittifaklara girme eg\u0306ilimleri, s\u0131n\u0131f m\u00fccadelesinden ziyade toplumsal muhalefet hareketlerine ag\u0306\u0131rl\u0131k vermeleri, hatta se\u00e7im kampanyas\u0131 s\u0131ras\u0131nda \u00e7okuluslu s\u0327irketlerden para yard\u0131m\u0131 almalar\u0131, parti solunun tepkileriyle kars\u0327\u0131las\u0327\u0131r. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u00d6te yandan \u00e7og\u0306unluk ak\u0131mlar\u0131 aras\u0131nda ciddi bir politik ayr\u0131l\u0131k olmamas\u0131na kars\u0327\u0131n, parti birimlerinin ele ge\u00e7irilmesi dog\u0306rultusunda b\u00fcrokratik manevralara dayal\u0131 b\u00fcy\u00fck bir yar\u0131s\u0327 bas\u0327lar. \u00d6yle ki, 2009 Ag\u0306ustosu sonunda yap\u0131lan ikinci parti kongresinde, neredeyse hi\u00e7bir politik tart\u0131s\u0327ma yap\u0131lmaz, sadece y\u00f6netim organ\u0131 i\u00e7in b\u00fcy\u00fck bir \u00e7ekis\u0327me yas\u0327an\u0131r. APS, ES ve CSOL aralar\u0131nda b\u00fcrokratik bir ittifak kurarlar (%48,9) ve bir \u00f6nceki kongrenin \u00e7og\u0306unlug\u0306u olan Helo\u00edse Helena ve Luciana Genro (MES) grubunu az\u0131nl\u0131g\u0306a iterler (%40,8); CST ve Sol Direnis\u0327 ak\u0131mlar\u0131n\u0131n sol muhalefeti ise ancak %10,2 oran\u0131nda kal\u0131r. Helo\u00edse Helena, 2010\u2019daki bas\u0327kanl\u0131k se\u00e7imlerinde aday olmayacag\u0306\u0131n\u0131 a\u00e7\u0131klayarak partinin krizini iyiden iyiye derinles\u0327tirir. Parti, art\u0131k sadece adays\u0131z deg\u0306il, ama ayn\u0131 zamanda s\u0131n\u0131f m\u00fccadelesi kars\u0327\u0131s\u0131nda politikas\u0131z kalm\u0131s\u0327 durumdad\u0131r. Brezilya, ve bir b\u00fct\u00fcn olarak Latin Amerika proletaryas\u0131na devrimci enternasyonalist bir alternatif sunma f\u0131rsat\u0131, bir kez daha \u201cmodern k\u00fclt\u00fcr\u201d, yani Leninist parti d\u00fcs\u0327manl\u0131g\u0306\u0131 ad\u0131na heba edilmenin es\u0327ig\u0306indedir. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u201cYeni \u00d6nc\u00fc\u201dn\u00fcn krizi\u00a0<\/strong><\/h4>\n\n\n\n

Yukar\u0131daki \u00f6rneklere kus\u0327kusuz dig\u0306erleri eklenebilir; \u00f6zellikle de, I\u0307talya\u2019daki PRC (Partito della Rifondazione Comunista <\/em>\u2013 Kom\u00fcnist Yeniden I\u0307ns\u0327a Partisi), Portekiz\u2019deki Sol Blok, I\u0307spanya\u2019daki Birles\u0327ik Sol (Izquierda Unida<\/em>) ve elbette T\u00fcrkiye\u2019deki \u00d6DP (\u00d6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck ve Dayan\u0131s\u0327ma Partisi) deneyimleri \u00f6g\u0306retici derslerle dolu. Hemen hi\u00e7birinin krizlerden ve b\u00f6l\u00fcnmelerden bag\u0306\u0131s\u0327\u0131k olmad\u0131g\u0306\u0131 bu deneylerin kesis\u0327im noktalar\u0131n\u0131 arad\u0131g\u0306\u0131m\u0131zda, kars\u0327\u0131m\u0131za baz\u0131 ortak \u00f6zellikler \u00e7\u0131k\u0131yor. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

Birincisi, b\u00fct\u00fcn bu yeni parti ins\u0327as\u0131 aray\u0131s\u0327lar\u0131n\u0131n, \u00f6nce 1970\u2019lerin sonlar\u0131ndan itibaren neoliberalizmin d\u00fcnya is\u0327\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131na sald\u0131r\u0131s\u0131 kars\u0327\u0131s\u0131nda ulusalc\u0131 k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck burjuva gerillac\u0131l\u0131ktan avrokom\u00fcnizme kadar yay\u0131lan bir Sag\u0306 politik yelpazede h\u00fccrelerine kadar ayr\u0131s\u0327an; 1980\u2019lerin sonlar\u0131nda da SSCB\u2019nin \u00e7\u00f6k\u00fcs\u0327\u00fcyle birlikte politik referanslar\u0131n\u0131 yitiren Stalinist k\u00f6kenli ve merkezci Sol hareketin, i\u00e7ine s\u00fcr\u00fcklendig\u0306i par\u00e7alanma ve dag\u0306\u0131lma s\u00fcreci sonucunda ortaya \u00e7\u0131kan kesimlerin kendilerini bir yeniden \u00f6rg\u00fctlenme zorunlulug\u0306uyla kars\u0327\u0131 kars\u0327\u0131ya bulmus\u0327 olmalar\u0131. Dikkat edilecek olursa yeni parti giris\u0327imlerinin \u00e7og\u0306unlug\u0306unda eski Stalinist k\u00f6kenli kom\u00fcnist partiler ya da ak\u0131mlar ya da bunlar\u0131n baz\u0131 kesimleri \u2013deg\u0306is\u0327en ag\u0306\u0131rl\u0131klarda- yer almakta, baz\u0131 \u00f6rneklerde ise (I\u0307talya, Almanya, I\u0307spanya, vb) bas\u0327\u0131 \u00e7ekmektedir. Bu gelis\u0327im Sol hareketin yeniden yap\u0131lanmas\u0131 a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan \u00f6nemli olmakla birlikte, eski Stalinist \u00f6g\u0306elerin hangi y\u00f6nde evrildikleri belirleyici bir \u00f6zellik tas\u0327\u0131r. Stalinizmin krizi, neoliberal d\u00f6nemde sosyal demokrasinin iyiden iyiye sag\u0306a kaymas\u0131yla es\u0327zamanl\u0131 oldug\u0306undan, bu ak\u0131mlar kendilerini yeniden kurman\u0131n alan\u0131 olarak sosyal reformizmin bos\u0327altt\u0131g\u0306\u0131 politik vakumu tercih etmekteler. Daha dog\u0306ru bir ifadeyle, Moskova k\u00f6kenli ideolojik kriz Stalinizm k\u00f6kenli ak\u0131mlar\u0131n sola ya da merkezcilig\u0306e dog\u0306ru deg\u0306il, daha da sag\u0306a kaymalar\u0131na yol a\u00e7makta. Ama bu sadece bir ideoloji sorunu da deg\u0306il; burjuva kurumlar\u0131n\u0131n bir par\u00e7as\u0131n\u0131 olus\u0327turan eski kom\u00fcnist parti \u00f6nderlikleri ve sendika b\u00fcrokratlar\u0131 ayr\u0131cal\u0131kl\u0131 toplumsal ve politik konumlar\u0131n\u0131, neoliberal sistemin kurumsall\u0131g\u0306\u0131 i\u00e7inde yeniden \u00fcretmenin aray\u0131s\u0327\u0131na y\u00f6nelmekteler. Dolay\u0131s\u0131yla da yeniden ins\u0327a giris\u0327imlerinde \u201cmodern\u201d sosyal reformizmin, kapitalizmin \u201cinsaniles\u0327tirilmesi\u201d anlay\u0131s\u0327\u0131n\u0131n temsilcilig\u0306ini \u00fcstlenmekteler. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

Yeni \u201cgenis\u0327\u201d parti giris\u0327imlerinin b\u00fcy\u00fck b\u00f6l\u00fcm\u00fcn\u00fcn ikinci bir ortak \u00f6zellig\u0306i ise, kendilerini proletaryan\u0131n s\u0131n\u0131f partisi olarak deg\u0306il, b\u00fct\u00fcn \u201cmuhalif toplumsal hareketlerin\u201d politik ifadesi olarak kurmaya y\u00f6nelmeleri. Bu yaklas\u0327\u0131m yaln\u0131zca Lenin\u2019in is\u0327\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n \u00f6nc\u00fc devrimci partisi anlay\u0131s\u0327\u0131ndan kopmakla kalmay\u0131p, birer s\u0131n\u0131f \u00f6rg\u00fct\u00fc olarak eski Stalinist ve sosyal demokrat reformist partilerin de \u00f6tesine tas\u0327an bir sistem i\u00e7i temsil anlay\u0131s\u0327\u0131na y\u00f6nelmek anlam\u0131na geliyor. Sistem i\u00e7i, \u00e7\u00fcnk\u00fc \u201cpostmodern\u201d diye nitelenen ya da \u201cg\u00f6kkus\u0327ag\u0306\u0131\u201d, ekososyalizm, \u201cyes\u0327il-mor-k\u0131z\u0131l\u201d vb. s\u0131fatlarla tan\u0131mlanan ve \u201cyeni genis\u0327 partiler\u201d i\u00e7inde toplanmaya \u00e7al\u0131s\u0327\u0131lan hareketlerin hemen hi\u00e7biri, Marksist- Leninist kuram\u0131n belkemig\u0306ini olus\u0327turan proletaryan\u0131n devrimci diktat\u00f6rl\u00fcg\u0306\u00fcnden yana deg\u0306il, hatta bu hede n \u201cmodern k\u00fclt\u00fcre\u201d uymad\u0131g\u0306\u0131 gerek\u00e7esiyle tam kars\u0327\u0131s\u0131nda konumlan\u0131yorlar. Bunun yaratt\u0131g\u0306\u0131 toplumsal ve politik bas\u0131n\u00e7 kus\u0327kusuz radikal ya da devrimci solu kendi program\u0131ndan bir dizi gerek\u00e7e ve bi\u00e7im alt\u0131nda vazge\u00e7meye itiyor. Sonu\u00e7ta ortaya en fazlas\u0131ndan \u201cminimum program\u201d etraf\u0131nda toplanm\u0131s\u0327, Respect<\/em>, Die Linke<\/em>, Sol Blok, NPA, \u00d6DP vb. federatif kampanya ve se\u00e7im \u201cpartileri\u201d ya da parlamento gruplar\u0131 \u00e7\u0131k\u0131yor, s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n seferberlik ve m\u00fccadele partileri deg\u0306il. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

Bunun nesnel nedenlerini tahlil ettig\u0306imizde ise kars\u0327\u0131m\u0131za bir \u00fc\u00e7\u00fcnc\u00fc \u00f6zellik \u00e7\u0131k\u0131yor: Bu partilerin hi\u00e7biri is\u0327\u00e7i hareketinin y\u00fckselis\u0327i \u00fczerine oturmuyor ya da b\u00f6yle bir y\u00fckselis\u0327i temsil etmiyor. I\u0307s\u0327\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n \u00f6rg\u00fctl\u00fc kesimleriyle en fazla ilis\u0327kili olan Brezilya PSOL\u2019u bile, Lula iktidar\u0131n\u0131n ard\u0131ndan s\u0131n\u0131f hareketinde ger\u00e7ekles\u0327en muazzam geri \u00e7ekilis\u0327in \u2013dog\u0306rudan \u00fcr\u00fcn\u00fc olmasa bile- bir sonucu olarak dog\u0306du. Almanya\u2019da SPD\u2019den (Sosyal Demokrat Parti) kopan ve Oskar Lafontaine \u00e7evresinde toplanan sendikac\u0131lar, is\u0327\u00e7i hareketinin itmesiyle deg\u0306il, \u201cmali kapitalizmin bas\u0327ar\u0131s\u0131zl\u0131g\u0306a ug\u0306ramas\u0131 kars\u0327\u0131s\u0131nda ekonomiyi demokratikles\u0327tirebilmek<\/em>\u201d(14)<\/strong>, yani sendikalar\u0131n sistem i\u00e7indeki konumunu koruyabilmek amac\u0131yla Die Linke<\/em>\u2019ye y\u00f6neldiler. I\u0307ngiltere\u2019de Respect <\/em>ve Fransa\u2019da NPA, savas\u0327 kars\u0327\u0131tl\u0131g\u0306\u0131n\u0131, \u00e7evreci duyarl\u0131l\u0131g\u0306\u0131n\u0131, Sosyal Forumlar\u0131 vb. kendine temel edinmeye \u00e7al\u0131s\u0327\u0131yor. I\u0307s\u0327\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 hareketindeki geri \u00e7ekilmeler, k\u0131smi m\u00fccadelelerin birles\u0327ememesi ve savunma d\u00fczeyinde kalmas\u0131, yeni proleter \u00f6rg\u00fctlerin dog\u0306mamas\u0131 vb. kus\u0327kusuz Sol\u2019un \u00fczerindeki neoliberal ideolojinin bask\u0131s\u0131n\u0131 art\u0131r\u0131yor ve onu politik k\u00f6klerinden kopar\u0131p \u201cyeni \u00f6nc\u00fc\u201d kesimler aramaya dog\u0306ru itiyor. Dolay\u0131s\u0131yla, Sol hareket i\u00e7indeki yeni gruplas\u0327malar\u0131n is\u0327\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 hareketindeki bir yeniden ins\u0327a s\u00fcrecine tekab\u00fcl etmedig\u0306ini s\u00f6ylemek yanl\u0131s\u0327 olmaz. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

Yeni kitle parti aray\u0131s\u0327lar\u0131n\u0131n \u00f6nemli bir biles\u0327eninin, hatta PSOL, NPA, Respect<\/em>, Sol Blok gibi baz\u0131 \u00f6rneklerde \u00f6nc\u00fc kesiminin Tro\u00e7kist k\u00f6kenli partiler olmas\u0131 nedeniyle, bu yeniden gruplas\u0327ma eg\u0306ilimlerinin baz\u0131lar\u0131n\u0131n d\u00f6rd\u00fcnc\u00fc bir \u00f6zellig\u0306i de bunlar\u0131n Tro\u00e7kizmin bunal\u0131ml\u0131 bir evresine tekab\u00fcl ediyor olmalar\u0131. Bir b\u00fct\u00fcn olarak bak\u0131ld\u0131g\u0306\u0131nda Tro\u00e7kist ak\u0131m i\u00e7indeki b\u00f6l\u00fcnmeler yeni bir olgu deg\u0306il, ne var ki bug\u00fcn s\u00f6z konusu olan ge\u00e7mis\u0327teki b\u00f6l\u00fcnmelere \u00f6nayak olmus\u0327 baz\u0131 partilerin s\u0327imdi bizzat IV. Enternasyonal geleneg\u0306inden kopmalar\u0131. Bu kopus\u0327un en bariz iki \u00f6rneg\u0306i Fransa\u2019da NPA\u2019ya \u00f6nc\u00fcl\u00fck eden eski DEBS seksiyonu LCR ile Brezilya\u2019da PSOL\u2019un kurulus\u0327unda ve y\u00f6netiminde etkin bir g\u00fc\u00e7 olan \u20131990\u2019lar\u0131n ortalar\u0131nda LIT\u2019ten kopup bug\u00fcn Chavezci 21. y\u00fczy\u0131l sosyalizmi anlay\u0131s\u0327\u0131n\u0131n savunuculug\u0306unu \u00fcstlenen- MES (Movimento Esquerda Socialista <\/em>– Sosyalist Sol Hareket). IV. Enternasyonal\u2019in yeniden ins\u0327as\u0131ndan hep uzak durmus\u0327 olan CWI (Militan <\/em>ak\u0131m\u0131) ile asla uluslararas\u0131 bir parti ins\u0327as\u0131n\u0131 \u00f6n\u00fcne koymam\u0131s\u0327 olan IST\u2019nin de (eski \u201cdevlet kapitalizmcileri\u201d), Leninist-Tro\u00e7kist parti geleneg\u0306inden uzaklas\u0327arak t\u00fcm toplumsal hareketleri ve \u201cd\u00fcr\u00fcst\u201d reformistleri de i\u00e7eren federalist parti ya da cepheler kurma aray\u0131s\u0327lar\u0131na y\u00f6neldiklerini s\u00f6ylemek yanl\u0131s\u0327 olmaz. Bu bak\u0131mdan, is\u0327\u00e7i hareketinin geri \u00e7ekildig\u0306i kos\u0327ul ve ortamlarda, Mandelci \u201cyeni \u00f6nc\u00fc\u201d kuram\u0131, yani proletaryan\u0131n devrimci program\u0131n\u0131n kitle hareketlerinin \u00f6nc\u00fc kesimleri olarak tespit edilen toplumsal gruplar\u0131n talepleri dog\u0306rultusunda deg\u0306is\u0327tirilmesi anlay\u0131s\u0327\u0131, Tro\u00e7kizm \u00fczerinde egemen olmus\u0327tur. \u201cYeni genis\u0327 partilerde\u201d kendini somutlamaya \u00e7al\u0131s\u0327an anlay\u0131s\u0327 is\u0327te budur. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

Tabii bu anlay\u0131s\u0327\u0131n yas\u0327ama ge\u00e7ebilmesi, \u201cyeni \u00f6nc\u00fc\u201d olarak tan\u0131mlananlar\u0131n varl\u0131g\u0306\u0131na ve hareketlilig\u0306ine bag\u0306l\u0131. Oysa, 1990\u2019lar\u0131n ortalar\u0131ndan itibaren g\u00fcn\u00fcm\u00fcze deg\u0306in \u00fczerine parti ins\u0327as\u0131 \u00e7abalar\u0131 kurulan bu \u201c\u00f6nc\u00fc\u201d sekt\u00f6rler de kendi tarihsel evrimleri i\u00e7inde olduk\u00e7a mesafe kat ettiler. Sosyal Forumlar, Brezilya, Venezuela gibi \u201c\u00fc\u00e7\u00fcnc\u00fc d\u00fcnyac\u0131\u201d h\u00fck\u00fcmetlerin kendilerine uluslararas\u0131 alan a\u00e7ma platformlar\u0131na d\u00f6n\u00fcs\u0327t\u00fc; \u00e7evrecilik, ulusal burjuva h\u00fck\u00fcmetleriyle koalisyonlar kurarak kendini kapitalizmin insaniles\u0327tirilmesine adad\u0131; savas\u0327 kars\u0327\u0131tl\u0131g\u0306\u0131 ve bar\u0131s\u0327 hareketleri sonunda Obama\u2019y\u0131 ABD\u2019ye bas\u0327kan se\u00e7tirerek neredeyse murad\u0131na eris\u0327ti; feminist hareket birbiriyle uzlas\u0327maz par\u00e7alara ayr\u0131s\u0327t\u0131(15)<\/strong>; ulusalc\u0131 sol hareketler (ETA, PKK) egemen ulus h\u00fck\u00fcmetleriyle pazarl\u0131k kos\u0327ullar\u0131 pes\u0327inde kos\u0327an silahl\u0131 reformist ak\u0131mlara d\u00f6n\u00fcs\u0327t\u00fcler, baz\u0131lar\u0131 (IRA) \u00e7oktan kurumsal yap\u0131ya uyarland\u0131lar… \u201cYeni \u00f6nc\u00fc\u201dn\u00fcn durumu bu olunca, b\u00fct\u00fcn bu \u201ctoplumsal muhalefet hareketlerini\u201d kucaklayacak partilerin ya da \u201cyeni t\u00fcrden\u201d (yani kal\u0131c\u0131) cephelerin ins\u0327as\u0131 da, bizzat bu \u00f6nc\u00fcn\u00fcn krizinin yans\u0131mas\u0131 haline d\u00f6n\u00fcs\u0327mekte. Eski Tro\u00e7kist ak\u0131mlar ne denli kendi programlar\u0131ndan vazge\u00e7ip bu ak\u0131mlar\u0131 biraraya getirecek bir \u201casgari\u201d ya da \u201cantikapitalist\u201d program ararlarsa aras\u0131nlar, anl\u0131k eylem birliklerinin ya da se\u00e7im platformlar\u0131n\u0131n \u00f6tesine ge\u00e7en kal\u0131c\u0131 \u00f6rg\u00fctler yaratamayacaklar ve ne yaz\u0131k ki kendileri tek bas\u0327lar\u0131na b\u00f6ylesi bir hayali hede n g\u00f6lge avukatlar\u0131 haline d\u00f6n\u00fcs\u0327eceklerdir. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

B\u00fct\u00fcn bunlar\u0131n \u0131s\u0327\u0131g\u0306\u0131nda, Tro\u00e7ki\u2019nin Ge\u00e7i\u015f Program\u0131<\/em>\u2019nda dile getirdig\u0306i \u201cinsanl\u0131g\u0306\u0131n krizi is\u0327\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n \u00f6nderlik krizi haline d\u00f6n\u00fcs\u0327m\u00fcs\u0327t\u00fcr\u201d ifadesinin bug\u00fcn art\u0131k \u201cis\u0327\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 \u00f6nderlig\u0306inin ins\u0327as\u0131n\u0131n krizi\u201d olarak yorumlanmas\u0131 gerektig\u0306ini s\u00f6yleyebiliriz.(16)<\/strong> <\/p>\n\n\n\n

Emperyalist \u00e7a\u011f\u0131n ger\u00e7ekleri\u00a0<\/strong><\/h4>\n\n\n\n

Leninist parti kuram\u0131n\u0131n \u00e7ok genis\u0327 bir Sol yelpaze taraf\u0131ndan reddedilir ya da \u201cas\u0327\u0131l\u0131r\u201d oldug\u0306u bir s\u00fcre\u00e7te politik faaliyetin devrimci Marksist temelde y\u00f6nlendirilmesi eldeki bu bilimsel ara\u00e7la Leninist kuram\u0131n temel noktalar\u0131n\u0131n yeniden irdelenmesiyle olanakl\u0131. Bu y\u00f6ntemle soruna yaklas\u0327t\u0131g\u0306\u0131m\u0131zda kars\u0327\u0131m\u0131za \u00e7\u0131kan ilk soru, Lenin\u2019in parti anlay\u0131s\u0327\u0131n\u0131 dayand\u0131rd\u0131g\u0306\u0131 emperyalist d\u00f6nem tahlilinde herhangi bir revizyona gereksinim olup olmad\u0131g\u0306\u0131. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

Bilindig\u0306i gibi Karl Marx ve Friedrich Engels 1848\u2019de yay\u0131mlad\u0131klar\u0131 Kom\u00fcnist Manifesto<\/em>\u2019da \u201cis\u0327\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n kurtulus\u0327u onun kendi eseri olacakt\u0131r\u201d der ve \u201cProleterlerin bir s\u0131n\u0131f olarak ve b\u00f6ylece bir siyasal parti olarak\u201d \u00f6rg\u00fctlendiklerini ifade ederken, bir yandan da kom\u00fcnistlerin is\u0327\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n \u00f6rg\u00fctl\u00fc bir kesimi ve \u201cpratikte, b\u00fct\u00fcn \u00fclkelerin is\u0327\u00e7i partilerinin en kararl\u0131, hep ileriye g\u00f6t\u00fcren kesimleri\u201d oldug\u0306unu s\u00f6ylerler.(17)<\/strong> Yani, Marksizmin kurucular\u0131nda her iki g\u00f6r\u00fcs\u0327 de, is\u0327\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n genel kitlesel partisi ile kom\u00fcnistlerin ayr\u0131 bir parti olus\u0327turmas\u0131 anlay\u0131s\u0327lar\u0131 birlikte bulunmaktad\u0131r. Lenin\u2019in \u00f6nc\u00fc parti kuram\u0131 ise, \u201creformlar \u00e7ag\u0306\u0131\u201d olarak adland\u0131r\u0131lan kapitalizmin gelis\u0327me evresine ve s\u0131n\u0131f temelli ilk modern politik ve sendikal gruplas\u0327malar\u0131n dog\u0306maya bas\u0327lad\u0131g\u0306\u0131 d\u00f6neme \u00f6zg\u00fc bu anlay\u0131s\u0327tan ileri dog\u0306ru bir s\u0131\u00e7ray\u0131s\u0327\u0131 temsil eder. Tro\u00e7ki, bu konuya s\u0327\u00f6yle deg\u0306inir: <\/p>\n\n\n\n

Manifesto<\/em>\u2019nun en eskimi\u015f k\u0131s\u0131mlar\u0131 ise \u2013 y\u00f6ntem a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan de\u011fil, fakat malzeme a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan \u2013 on dokuzuncu y\u00fczy\u0131l\u0131n ilk yar\u0131s\u0131ndaki \u201csosyalist\u201d yaz\u0131n\u0131n ele\u015ftirildi\u011fi (III. B\u00f6l\u00fcm) ve kom\u00fcnistlerin \u00e7e\u015fitli muhalefet partileri kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131ndaki konumunun tan\u0131mland\u0131\u011f\u0131 (IV. B\u00f6l\u00fcm) b\u00f6l\u00fcmlerdir. Manifesto\u2019da s\u0131ralanan hareket ve partiler ya 1848 devrimi taraf\u0131ndan ya da sonraki kar\u015f\u0131devrim taraf\u0131ndan \u00f6ylesine s\u00fcp\u00fcr\u00fcl\u00fcp at\u0131lm\u0131\u015flard\u0131r ki, bunlar\u0131n adlar\u0131n\u0131 art\u0131k tarihi bir s\u00f6zl\u00fckte aramak gerekir. Ne var ki, Manifesto bu k\u0131s\u0131mda da bize bir \u00f6nceki ku\u015faktan belki daha yak\u0131nd\u0131r. Marksizmin tam bir n\u00fcfuzunun h\u00fck\u00fcm s\u00fcr\u00fcyor g\u00f6r\u00fcnd\u00fc\u011f\u00fc \u0130kinci Enternasyonal\u2019in geli\u015fme d\u00f6neminde, Marksizm \u00f6ncesi sosyalizm d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncelerinin b\u00fct\u00fcn\u00fcyle ge\u00e7mi\u015fte kalm\u0131\u015f oldu\u011fu d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fclebilirdi. Ancak bug\u00fcn i\u015fler ba\u015fka t\u00fcrl\u00fc. Sosyal demokrasinin ve Kom\u00fcnist Enternasyonal\u2019in \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcl\u00fc\u015f\u00fc her ad\u0131mda yeniden korkun\u00e7 ideolojik sapmalar\u0131n a\u00e7\u0131\u011fa \u00e7\u0131kmas\u0131na yol a\u00e7t\u0131. \u0130htiyar d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnceler \u00e7ocukla\u015fm\u0131\u015f gibi g\u00f6r\u00fcn\u00fcyor. Her \u015feyi kurtaracak form\u00fcller aray\u0131p bulma yolunda, \u00e7\u00f6k\u00fc\u015f \u00e7a\u011f\u0131n\u0131n peygamberleri, bilimsel sosyalizm taraf\u0131ndan \u00e7oktan g\u00f6m\u00fclm\u00fc\u015f eski doktrinleri ke\u015ffediyorlar.\u00a0<\/p>

Muhalefet partileri sorununa gelince, ge\u00e7en on y\u0131llar as\u0131l bu alanda en derin de\u011fi\u015fiklikleri g\u00fcndeme getirdi; sadece eski partilerin yeniler taraf\u0131ndan alt edilmesi a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan de\u011fil, ayn\u0131 zamanda partilerin as\u0131l karakterleri ve bunlar\u0131n kar\u015f\u0131l\u0131kl\u0131 ili\u015fkilerinin emperyalizm \u00e7a\u011f\u0131n\u0131n ko\u015fullar\u0131nda radikal olarak de\u011fi\u015fmesi a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan da. Manifesto, bu bak\u0131mdan Kom\u00fcnist Enternasyonal\u2019in ilk d\u00f6rt kongresinin en \u00f6nemli dok\u00fcmanlar\u0131, Bol\u015fevizmin temel yaz\u0131n\u0131 ve D\u00f6rd\u00fcnc\u00fc Enternasyonal\u2019in konferans kararlar\u0131yla geli\u015ftirilmelidir.(18)<\/strong>\u00a0<\/p><\/blockquote>\n\n\n\n

Rus Sosyal Demokrat I\u0307s\u0327\u00e7i Partisi\u2019nin 1903\u2019teki II. Kongresinde Lenin, basit gibi g\u00f6r\u00fcnen bir konuda, parti \u00fcyelig\u0306inin kriterlerine ilis\u0327kin tart\u0131s\u0327mada, kendini sosyal demokrat (bug\u00fcn\u00fcn deyis\u0327iyle kom\u00fcnist) addeden herkesin parti \u00fcyesi olabileceg\u0306i yolundaki g\u00f6r\u00fcs\u0327e s\u0327iddetle kars\u0327\u0131 \u00e7\u0131kar ve parti \u00fcyelig\u0306ine ancak is\u0327\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n en bilin\u00e7li unsurlar\u0131n\u0131n kabul edilebileceg\u0306ini, bu bilincin sadece parti program\u0131na ve t\u00fcz\u00fcg\u0306\u00fcne bag\u0306l\u0131l\u0131kla deg\u0306il, ayn\u0131 zamanda pratik militan faaliyete kat\u0131lmakla belirlenebileceg\u0306ini savunur. Rus devrimi tarihindeki \u00fcnl\u00fc Mens\u0327evik\/Bols\u0327evik ayr\u0131m\u0131yla sonu\u00e7lanan bu tart\u0131s\u0327ma ayn\u0131 zamanda Leninist parti anlay\u0131s\u0327\u0131n\u0131n \u00f6z\u00fcn\u00fc olus\u0327turur: kom\u00fcnist parti, is\u0327\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n \u00f6nc\u00fc devrimci partisidir ve dig\u0306er reformist sosyalist ve sosyal demokrat kesimlerden dikkatle ayr\u0131s\u0327t\u0131r\u0131lm\u0131s\u0327t\u0131r. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

O d\u00f6nemde Rosa Luxemburg ve Leon Tro\u00e7ki taraf\u0131ndan \u201ckom\u00fcnist partinin is\u0327\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n yerine ge\u00e7irilmesi\u201d bi\u00e7iminde eles\u0327tirilen Lenin\u2019in bu anlay\u0131s\u0327\u0131(19)<\/strong> bug\u00fcn tekrar ayn\u0131 terimlerle ve bu kez eski Stalinist ve hatta baz\u0131 eski Tro\u00e7kist ak\u0131mlarca eles\u0327tiriye tabi tutulmakta, hatta bu kuram\u0131n Stalinist diktat\u00f6rl\u00fcg\u0306e yol a\u00e7an temel \u00f6g\u0306e oldug\u0306u ileri s\u00fcr\u00fclmekte. Oysa Lenin\u2019in kuram\u0131 salt bir ideolojik tercihe deg\u0306il, nesnel bir ger\u00e7eklig\u0306e dayan\u0131r, \u00fcstelik h\u00e2l\u00e2 var olan bir ger\u00e7eklig\u0306e. Tro\u00e7ki, Lenin\u2019in is\u0327\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 i\u00e7indeki dig\u0306er politik ak\u0131mlardan ayr\u0131 olarak \u00f6nc\u00fc devrimci partinin gereklilig\u0306ine is\u0327aret anlay\u0131s\u0327\u0131n\u0131n kapitalizmin emperyalist as\u0327amas\u0131na ulas\u0327mas\u0131 ve \u00f6zellikle de ilk emperyalist d\u00fcnya savas\u0327\u0131n\u0131n patlak vermesiyle birlikte dog\u0306an sosyal s\u0327ovenizmle olan ilis\u0327kisini s\u0327\u00f6yle anlat\u0131r: <\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u0130leri kapitalist \u00fclkelerdeki i\u015f\u00e7i partilerinin \u00e7o\u011fu, sava\u015f s\u0131ras\u0131nda kendi burjuvalar\u0131n\u0131n yan\u0131na ge\u00e7tiler. Lenin bu e\u011filimi sosyal-\u015fovenizm olarak adland\u0131rd\u0131: lafta sosyalizm, ger\u00e7ekte \u015fovenizm. II. Enternasyonal\u2019in ihaneti g\u00f6kten zembille inmedi, reformist uyarlanma politikalar\u0131n\u0131n ka\u00e7\u0131n\u0131lmaz bir devam\u0131 ve geli\u015fmesi olarak ortaya \u00e7\u0131kt\u0131. \u201cOport\u00fcnizm ve sosyal-\u015fovenizmin ideolojik-politik i\u00e7eri\u011fi bir ve ayn\u0131d\u0131r: s\u0131n\u0131f m\u00fccadelesi yerine s\u0131n\u0131f i\u015fbirli\u011fi, h\u00fck\u00fcmet zor durumdayken bu zorluklardan devrim i\u00e7in yararlanmak yerine kendi h\u00fck\u00fcmetini desteklemek.<\/p>

Kapitalist refah d\u00f6nemi, son sava\u015ftan hemen \u00f6nce (1909-1913) proletaryan\u0131n \u00fcst katmanlar\u0131n\u0131 s\u0131k\u0131 s\u0131k\u0131ya emperyalizme ba\u011flad\u0131. Emperyalist burjuvazinin s\u00f6m\u00fcrgelerden ve genel olarak geri \u00fclkelerden elde etti\u011fi s\u00fcper k\u00e2rlar\u0131n a\u011f\u0131z suland\u0131r\u0131c\u0131 k\u0131r\u0131nt\u0131lar\u0131, i\u015f\u00e7i aristokrasisi ve i\u015f\u00e7i b\u00fcrokrasisinin pay\u0131na d\u00fc\u015ft\u00fc. Bu nedenle, onlar\u0131 yurtseverli\u011fe iten \u015fey do\u011frudan do\u011fruya emperyalizmin politikalar\u0131ndaki ki\u015fisel \u00e7\u0131karlar\u0131yd\u0131. B\u00fct\u00fcn toplumsal ili\u015fkileri t\u00fcm \u00e7\u0131plakl\u0131\u011f\u0131yla a\u00e7\u0131\u011fa vuran sava\u015f boyunca, \u201coport\u00fcnistler ve \u015fovenistler, burjuvaziyle, h\u00fck\u00fcmetle ve Genel Kurmayla ittifaklar\u0131 nedeniyle b\u00fcy\u00fck bir g\u00fcce kavu\u015fmu\u015flard\u0131.\u00a0<\/p>

Sosyalizmdeki ara ve belki de en yayg\u0131n e\u011filim, bar\u0131\u015f zaman\u0131nda reformizmle Marksizm aras\u0131nda sal\u0131nan, kendilerini kaba, pasi st s\u00f6ylemlerle gizlemeye devam ederken neredeyse istisnas\u0131z sosyal-\u015fovenistlerin esiri olan s\u00f6zde merkezdir (Kautsky vb.). Kitlelere gelince, onlar kendilerinin ony\u0131llard\u0131r yaratm\u0131\u015f olduklar\u0131 ayg\u0131tlar\u0131 taraf\u0131ndan gafil avlan\u0131p aldat\u0131ld\u0131lar. Lenin, \u0130kinci Enternasyonal\u2019in i\u015f\u00e7i b\u00fcrokrasisinin sosyolojik ve politik bir de\u011ferlendirmesini yapt\u0131ktan sonra yar\u0131 yolda durmad\u0131. \u201cOport\u00fcnistlerle birlik, i\u015f\u00e7ilerin \u00abkendi\u00bb ulusal burjuvazileriyle ittifak yapmas\u0131d\u0131r ve uluslararas\u0131 devrimci i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 sa ar\u0131nda bir b\u00f6l\u00fcnmeye i\u015faret eder. \u201dBuradan, enternasyonalistlerin sosyal-\u015fovenistlerden kopmalar\u0131 gerekti\u011fi sonucu \u00e7\u0131kar. \u201c\u015eu anda sosyalizmin g\u00f6revlerini yerine getirmek imk\u00e2ns\u0131zd\u0131r, oport\u00fcnizmden…\u201d ve merkezcilikten, \u201csosyalizm i\u00e7indeki bu burjuva e\u011filimden kesin bir \u015fekilde kopmad\u0131k\u00e7a i\u015f\u00e7ilerin ger\u00e7ek bir enternasyonal birli\u011fini sa\u011flamak m\u00fcmk\u00fcn de\u011fildir. \u201dPartinin ismi mutlaka de\u011fi\u015ftirilmelidir. \u201cLekelenmi\u015f ve al\u00e7alt\u0131lm\u0131\u015f olan \u00abSosyal-Demokrat\u00bb ismini bir kenara at\u0131p, eski Marksist isme, Kom\u00fcnist ismine geri d\u00f6nmek daha iyi de\u011fil mi?\u201d \u0130kinci Enternasyonal\u2019den kopman\u0131n ve \u00dc\u00e7\u00fcnc\u00fcy\u00fc kurman\u0131n zaman\u0131d\u0131r.\u00a0<\/p>

O zamandan bu yana ge\u00e7en yirmi k\u00fcsur y\u0131lda ne de\u011fi\u015fti? Emperyalizm \u00e7ok daha \u015fiddet dolu ve bask\u0131c\u0131 bir karakter kazand\u0131. En tutarl\u0131 ifadesi bug\u00fcn fa\u015fizmdir. Emperyalist demokrasiler birka\u00e7 basamak a\u015fa\u011f\u0131 d\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcler ve do\u011fal ve organik olarak fa\u015fizme do\u011fru evrimle\u015fiyorlar. Ezilen milliyetlerin uyan\u0131\u015f\u0131 ve ulusal ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131zl\u0131k istekleri keskinle\u015ftik\u00e7e, s\u00f6m\u00fcrge bask\u0131s\u0131 daha da katlan\u0131lmaz hale gelmektedir. Ba\u015fka bir deyi\u015fle, Lenin\u2019in emperyalist sava\u015f teorisinin temelinde yer alan t\u00fcm bu ay\u0131rt edici \u00f6zellikler, \u015fimdi \u00e7ok daha canl\u0131 ve keskin bir karakter kazanm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r.(20)<\/strong>\u00a0<\/p><\/blockquote>\n\n\n\n

Tro\u00e7ki\u2019nin 70 y\u0131l \u00f6nce dile getirdig\u0306i bu durum g\u00fcn\u00fcm\u00fczde b\u00fct\u00fcn s\u0327iddetiyle, Afganistan\u2019dan Haiti\u2019ye kadar ge\u00e7erlilig\u0306ini s\u00fcrd\u00fcrmekte. Neoliberal d\u00f6nemde sosyal reformizm Lenin\u2019in d\u00f6neminde oldug\u0306undan \u00e7ok daha fazla emperyalist politikalar\u0131n saf\u0131na \u00e7ekilmis\u0327, hatta bizzat bu uygulamalar\u0131n \u00f6nderlig\u0306i haline d\u00f6n\u00fcs\u0327m\u00fcs\u0327 durumda. ABD\u2019nin I\u0307ngiliz I\u0307s\u0327\u00e7i Partisi taraf\u0131ndan hararetle desteklenen Irak sald\u0131r\u0131s\u0131 kars\u0327\u0131s\u0131nda, salt kendi burjuvazilerinin \u00e7\u0131karlar\u0131 a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan k\u0131smi bar\u0131s\u0327\u00e7\u0131l itirazlarda bulunan dig\u0306er Avrupal\u0131 sosyal demokratlar bug\u00fcn Afganistan is\u0327galini bir b\u00fct\u00fcn olarak desteklemeye devam etmekte. Sadece gelis\u0327mis\u0327 \u00fclke sosyal s\u0327ovenleri deg\u0306il, Brezilya\u2019da Lula\u2019n\u0131n I\u0307s\u0327\u00e7i Partisi iktidar\u0131, S\u0327ili\u2019de Michelle Bachelet\u2019in Sosyalist Parti h\u00fck\u00fcmeti, Ekvator\u2019da Correa, hatta Bolivya\u2019da Evo Morales y\u00f6netimleri Haiti\u2019nin is\u0327galine askeri olarak kat\u0131lmakta. 2008\u2019de t\u00fcm \u00e7\u0131plakl\u0131g\u0306\u0131yla a\u00e7\u0131g\u0306a \u00e7\u0131kan d\u00fcnya mali ve ekonomik krizi kars\u0327\u0131s\u0131nda kendi burjuvazilerini destekleyebilmek i\u00e7in korumac\u0131 politikalar\u0131 desteleyen sosyal demokrat ve sosyalist partiler, k\u00fcreselles\u0327menin kapitalizmin emperyalist as\u0327amas\u0131nda bir deg\u0306is\u0327iklik yaratmad\u0131g\u0306\u0131n\u0131 ve sosyal s\u0327ovenizmin maddi temellerinin varl\u0131g\u0306\u0131n\u0131 korumakta oldug\u0306unu bir kez daha kan\u0131tlam\u0131s\u0327 oldular. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

G\u00fcn\u00fcm\u00fczde sosyal demokrasinin neoliberalles\u0327mesi ve eski Stalinist partilerin sosyal reformizmin bos\u0327lug\u0306unu doldurmaya y\u00f6nelmesi, bu ak\u0131mlar\u0131n ideolojik ve politik olgular olarak toplumsal yas\u0327amdan yok olduklar\u0131 anlam\u0131na gelmiyor. Sald\u0131rgan emperyalist politikalardan tarafs\u0131z bar\u0131s\u0327severlig\u0306e kadar deg\u0306is\u0327en bi\u00e7imlerde kars\u0327\u0131m\u0131za \u00e7\u0131kan s\u0327ovenizmin temelinde, is\u0327\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n modern kapitalist as\u0327amada katmanlara ayr\u0131s\u0327mas\u0131 ve is\u0327\u00e7i aristokrasisinin s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n b\u00fct\u00fcn\u00fc \u00fczerinde b\u00fcrokratik denetim mekanizmalar\u0131 kurmas\u0131 yat\u0131yor. Sadece ileri emperyalist \u00fclkelerde deg\u0306il, t\u00fcm kapitalist toplumlarda yeniden ve yeniden kars\u0327\u0131m\u0131za \u00e7\u0131kan bu olgu, proletaryan\u0131n i\u00e7indeki b\u00fct\u00fcn politik eg\u0306ilimlerin hepsinin ayn\u0131 devrimci parti i\u00e7inde toplanabilmesini nesnel olarak olanaks\u0131zlas\u0327t\u0131r\u0131yor. \u00c7okuluslu s\u0327irketlerin toplu tensikatlar\u0131 kars\u0327\u0131s\u0131nda is\u0327ten \u00e7\u0131kar\u0131lacak is\u0327\u00e7i say\u0131s\u0131 konusunda patronla pazarl\u0131k yapma eg\u0306ilimindeki sendika b\u00fcrokrasisinin politik temsilcileri ile, bu s\u0327irketlerin is\u0327\u00e7i denetiminde milliles\u0327tirilmesini talep eden devrimci proletarya savas\u0327 hatt\u0131n\u0131n ayn\u0131 kamp\u0131nda deg\u0306il, birbirine d\u00fcs\u0327man cephelerinde konumlanmaktad\u0131r. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

Yeni \u201cgenis\u0327\u201d parti savunucular\u0131 bug\u00fcn sadece devrimci proletarya ile \u201csamimi\u201d reformistleri biraraya getirecek is\u0327\u00e7i partilerini savunmakla kalm\u0131yorlar; bu olanaks\u0131z biles\u0327imin i\u00e7ine, talepleri emperyalizmin kendilerine aktarabileceg\u0306i k\u0131r\u0131nt\u0131 fonlarla tatmin edilebilecek farkl\u0131 s\u0131n\u0131f k\u00f6kenli \u201ctoplumsal muhalefet\u201d gruplar\u0131n\u0131 da katarak \u201cs\u0131n\u0131fas\u0327\u0131r\u0131\u201d politik olus\u0327umlar\u0131n ins\u0327as\u0131n\u0131n pes\u0327ine d\u00fcs\u0327\u00fcyorlar. \u00c7evreci hareketin bir\u00e7ok arg\u00fcman\u0131 ve \u00f6nerisi g\u00fcn\u00fcm\u00fczde, k\u00e2r oranlar\u0131n\u0131 art\u0131rabilmek i\u00e7in yeni yat\u0131r\u0131m alanlar\u0131 ve teknolojiler arayan sermaye gruplar\u0131nca \u00fcstlenilebilmekte, Clinton d\u00f6neminde ABD bas\u0327kan yard\u0131mc\u0131l\u0131g\u0306\u0131n\u0131 \u00fcstlenmis\u0327 olan Al Gore\u2019un \u00e7evreci propagandas\u0131 bu dog\u0306rultuda harekete ge\u00e7irilebilmekte. Emperyalist \u00fclke bar\u0131s\u0327severleri kendi h\u00fck\u00fcmetlerinin Afganistan\u2019dan \u00e7ekilmesini sadece \u201c\u00e7ocuklar\u0131m\u0131z \u00f6lmesin\u201d ya da \u201csavas\u0327 harcamalar\u0131 \u00fclke i\u00e7i sosyal fonlara aktar\u0131ls\u0131n\u201d diye talep ediyorlar, yoksa emperyalizmin Afganistan\u2019da yenilgisi ve kendi emperyalist h\u00fck\u00fcmetlerinin devrilmesi amac\u0131yla deg\u0306il. Feministlerin i\u00e7inde, emperyalizmin Afganistan ya da Irak\u2019ta yenilgiye ug\u0306ramas\u0131 durumunda kad\u0131n haklar\u0131nda daha da b\u00fcy\u00fck gerilemelerin yas\u0327anacag\u0306\u0131 endis\u0327esiyle umutlar\u0131n\u0131 Obama\u2019ya bag\u0306layan kesimler hi\u00e7 de az\u0131nl\u0131kta deg\u0306il. B\u00fct\u00fcn bu kesimleri hangi \u201casgari program\u201d \u00fczerinde bir parti i\u00e7inde toplamak m\u00fcmk\u00fcn? <\/p>\n\n\n\n

Demokratik merkeziyet\u00e7ilik mi, federalizm mi?\u00a0<\/strong><\/h4>\n\n\n\n

\u201cG\u00f6kkus\u0327ag\u0306\u0131\u201d ak\u0131mlar\u0131n\u0131n bir \u201cparti\u201d yap\u0131s\u0131 i\u00e7ine s\u0131g\u0306d\u0131r\u0131labilmesi i\u00e7in gelis\u0327tirilen form\u00fcl, \u00e7og\u0306ulculuk ve federalizm. \u00d6yle ki bu form\u00fcl\u00fcn, bizzat parti kavram\u0131n\u0131n kendisine kars\u0327\u0131 olan muhalif kesimlerin bile ayn\u0131 politik proje i\u00e7inde yer alabilmesini kolaylas\u0327t\u0131racag\u0306\u0131 d\u00fcs\u0327\u00fcn\u00fcl\u00fcyor. \u00dcstelik federal is\u0327leyis\u0327in, \u201cmodern k\u00fclt\u00fcre\u201d uymayan \u201ceski tas\u0327las\u0327m\u0131s\u0327\u201d parti yap\u0131lar\u0131n\u0131n b\u00fcrokratik karakterinin as\u0327\u0131lmas\u0131 ve ger\u00e7ekten demokratik politik temsil ve ilis\u0327ki sisteminin kurulmas\u0131 anlam\u0131na geldig\u0306i ileri s\u00fcr\u00fcl\u00fcyor. Federal parti sistemi sayesinde her ak\u0131m kendi g\u00f6r\u00fcs\u0327lerini parti i\u00e7inde rahat\u00e7a dile getirebilecek, partinin propaganda ve eylem hatt\u0131n\u0131n \u00f6tesinde kendi g\u00f6r\u00fcs\u0327lerini d\u0131s\u0327ar\u0131da da yayabilecek, istedig\u0306i parti faaliyetlerine kat\u0131labilecek istemediklerinden uzak durabilecek, parti politikas\u0131n\u0131 kamuoyunda serbest\u00e7e eles\u0327tirebilecek, kendi b\u00f6lgesinde istedig\u0306i \u201cparti faaliyetini\u201d gelis\u0327tirebilecek, vb. \u00d6zetle, postmodern evrensel demokrasi ilkesi parti i\u00e7inde, \u00e7es\u0327itli k\u0131l\u0131klara b\u00fcr\u00fcnebilen bir federalizm bi\u00e7iminde yas\u0327am bulacak. I\u0307ddia bu. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

Fransa\u2019da NPA kendi parti yap\u0131s\u0131n\u0131 \u201cherkesin i\u00e7inde yerini bulabileceg\u0306i bir \u00f6rg\u00fct\u201d olarak tan\u0131ml\u0131yor.(21)<\/strong> Parti \u00fcyeleri \u201cfaaliyetlerine ve toplant\u0131lar\u0131na olanaklar\u0131 \u00e7er\u00e7evesinde kat\u0131lacaklar\u0131\u201d komiteler i\u00e7inde toplanacaklar ve bu komiteler parti kongrelerinde belirlenen politik hatt\u0131 \u201ckendi b\u00f6lgesel ger\u00e7eklerine uyarlamada \u00f6zerk\u201d olacaklard\u0131r. Belirli bir b\u00f6lgedeki komiteler b\u00f6lge d\u00fczeyinde bir \u00fcst \u00f6rg\u00fctlenme gelis\u0327tirip gelis\u0327tirmeyeceklerine, b\u00f6lge kongreleri d\u00fczenleyip d\u00fczenlemeyeceklerine kendileri karar verecektir; kurulabilecek b\u00f6lge komitelerinin \u00fcyeleri d\u00f6n\u00fcs\u0327\u00fcml\u00fc olarak g\u00f6rev yapacaklar ve b\u00f6lge komiteleri kendi yay\u0131nlar\u0131n\u0131 \u00e7\u0131karabilecek, kendi faaliyetlerini \u00f6zerk olarak kurgulayabilecektir. Bu \u201cprojenin \u00f6z\u00fcn\u00fc demokrasi olus\u0327turacak\u201d ve bu nedenle de parti i\u00e7inde s\u00fcrekli eg\u0306ilim ve hiziplere izin verilecektir. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

Nitekim NPA\u2019n\u0131n kurulus\u0327 kongresine LCR \u00fcyelerinin ve \u201cbag\u0306\u0131ms\u0131zlar\u0131n\u201d yan\u0131 s\u0131ra bir dizi bas\u0327ka \u00f6rg\u00fctl\u00fc grup kat\u0131l\u0131r; bu gruplar kendilerini parti i\u00e7inde hizip veya eg\u0306ilim olarak s\u00fcrd\u00fcrebilecek ve her biri istedig\u0306i \u201cEnternasyonal\u201d ak\u0131ma d\u00e2hil olabilecektir. Bu tip bir \u00e7og\u0306ulculug\u0306un ya da federalizmin Leninist parti yap\u0131lanmas\u0131ndan \u00e7ok farkl\u0131 oldug\u0306u kus\u0327kusuz, ama sorun yaln\u0131zca bu deg\u0306il. Sorun, bir dizi sosyal demokrat hatta merkez sag\u0306 partide bile rastlanabilen federalizmin \u201cb\u00fcrokratik ve hiyerars\u0327ik\u201d is\u0327leyis\u0327in as\u0327\u0131lmas\u0131 anlam\u0131na gelip gelmedig\u0306i. NPA\u2019n\u0131n kurulus\u0327 kongresi bu dog\u0306rultuda hi\u00e7 de umut verici olmad\u0131. Kongreye kat\u0131lan LCR \u00fcyeleri bag\u0306\u0131ms\u0131z kongre delegeleri gibi davranmak yerine, kendi gruplar\u0131n\u0131n olus\u0327turdug\u0306u kurucu belgelerin kongrece kabul edilebilmesini sag\u0306layabilmek i\u00e7in birer \u201cLCR militan\u0131\u201d olarak davrand\u0131lar ve dig\u0306er ak\u0131mlar\u0131n hemen b\u00fct\u00fcn \u00f6nerilerinin bas\u0327ar\u0131yla reddedilmesini sag\u0306lad\u0131lar. Partinin y\u00f6netim organ\u0131 olan 192 kis\u0327ilik Ge\u00e7ici Ulusal Komite\u2019ye \u2013elbette \u00e7og\u0306unlug\u0306u olus\u0327turan LCR\u2019nin d\u0131s\u0327\u0131nda- kimin girip girmeyeceg\u0306ine de onlar karar verdiler: kendi \u00f6nerisini sadece komisyonlarda savunup genel kurulda ana karar taslag\u0306\u0131na oy veren Devrimci Sol\u2019dan (CWI seksiyonu) 3 kis\u0327i y\u00f6netime al\u0131n\u0131rken, K\u0131v\u0131lc\u0131m Fraksiyonu (Loutte Ouvriere<\/em>\u2019den ayr\u0131lan kesim) kongrede daha fazla delege bulundurmas\u0131na kars\u0327\u0131n kurucu metne oy vermedig\u0306i i\u00e7in cezaland\u0131r\u0131ld\u0131 ve y\u00f6netim d\u0131s\u0327\u0131nda b\u0131rak\u0131ld\u0131. Enternasyonalist Devrimci Grup, baz\u0131 eski LCR \u00fcyeleri ile bag\u0306\u0131ms\u0131z gen\u00e7 militanlar\u0131n olus\u0327turdug\u0306u Eg\u0306ilim grubu ise, kendi alternatif dok\u00fcman\u0131nda \u0131srar ettig\u0306i i\u00e7in \u00f6nce kongrede s\u00f6z hakk\u0131ndan mahrum edildi, ard\u0131ndan \u201cg\u00fcvenlik g\u00f6revlileri\u201d taraf\u0131ndan salondan \u00e7\u0131kar\u0131ld\u0131. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

I\u0307ngiltere\u2019de durum Fransa\u2019dakinden daha iyi deg\u0306il. SSP kendisini \u201csadece farkl\u0131 g\u00f6r\u00fcs\u0327lerin deg\u0306il ama ayn\u0131 zamanda farkl\u0131 platformlar\u0131n \u00f6rg\u00fctl\u00fc ifadesine izin veren, demokratik ve \u00e7og\u0306ulcu\u201d bir parti olarak sunar; ama bir yandan da bu federalizmin s\u0131n\u0131rlar\u0131n\u0131 \u00e7izer: partinin 14 kis\u0327ilik y\u00fcr\u00fctme organ\u0131n\u0131n 11\u2019i eski CWI (Militan <\/em>ak\u0131m\u0131) grubu \u00fcyesidir. Dahas\u0131, federatif s\u00f6ylem ve uygulamalar 2004 sonlar\u0131nda \u201cfarkl\u0131 platformlar\u201d\u0131n s\u0327iddetli bir fraksiyon \u00e7at\u0131s\u0327mas\u0131na s\u00fcr\u00fcklenmesini engelleyemez ve kis\u0327isel su\u00e7lamalar\u0131n da is\u0327in i\u00e7ine kat\u0131ld\u0131g\u0306\u0131 bir \u00e7ekis\u0327me sonucunda parti i\u00e7indeki Militan <\/em>ak\u0131m\u0131 yandas\u0327lar\u0131 ile SWP \u00fcyeleri partiden koparak ayr\u0131 bir \u00f6rg\u00fctlenmeye giris\u0327irler. B\u00f6ylece SSP, neredeyse tek bir \u201cplatformun\u201d kendi kendine \u201cgenis\u0327 partisi\u201d haline d\u00f6n\u00fcs\u0327m\u00fcs\u0327 olur. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

Respect <\/em>ise, parti deg\u0306il SWP\u2019nin deyimiyle \u201cyeni t\u00fcrden bir birles\u0327ik cephe\u201ddir. \u201cYeni t\u00fcrden\u201d diye tan\u0131mlanmas\u0131, olas\u0131l\u0131kla \u201ceski\u201d, yani devrimci Marksist geleneg\u0306in anlay\u0131s\u0327\u0131ndan uzaklas\u0327mas\u0131ndan kaynaklanmakta. III. Enternasyonal taraf\u0131ndan gelis\u0327tirilen ve Tro\u00e7kist ak\u0131m taraf\u0131ndan savunulagelen birles\u0327ik is\u0327\u00e7i cephesi taktig\u0306i esas olarak is\u0327\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n i\u00e7indeki farkl\u0131 ak\u0131mlar\u0131n ortak d\u00fcs\u0327mana kars\u0327\u0131 birlikte vurmas\u0131 politikas\u0131na dayan\u0131r. Ne var ki bu cephe anlay\u0131s\u0327\u0131 g\u00fcn\u00fcm\u00fczde SWP taraf\u0131ndan M\u00fcsl\u00fcman cemaat liderlerinden toplumsal hareket \u00f6rg\u00fctlerine kadar yay\u0131lan, kal\u0131c\u0131 programatik bir koalisyon bi\u00e7imine, \u00f6zellikle de bir se\u00e7im platformuna d\u00f6n\u00fcs\u0327t\u00fcr\u00fclm\u00fcs\u0327 durumda. SWP bu cepheye reformistlerin ve dig\u0306er toplumsal muhalefet ak\u0131mlar\u0131n\u0131n kat\u0131labilmesi i\u00e7in, cephenin program\u0131n\u0131 \u201casgari\u201d bir d\u00fczeyde tutmaya \u00e7al\u0131s\u0327\u0131r; b\u00f6ylece cephe, somut bir d\u00fcs\u0327mana kars\u0327\u0131 farkl\u0131 is\u0327\u00e7i ak\u0131mlar\u0131n\u0131n birlikte vurmas\u0131 taktig\u0306i olmaktan \u00e7\u0131k\u0131p, \u201casgari bir program\u201d \u00fczerinde bir araya gelmis\u0327 her t\u00fcrden muhalif kesimin se\u00e7im is\u0327birlig\u0306ine d\u00f6n\u00fcs\u0327\u00fcr; cephede yer alan devrimci gruplar, kendi bag\u0306\u0131ms\u0131z faaliyetlerini yapmakta serbesttirler elbette. B\u00f6ylece, birles\u0327ik is\u0327\u00e7i cephesi taktig\u0306i, Tro\u00e7ki\u2019nin ifadesiyle, \u201cayr\u0131 y\u00fcr\u00fcy\u00fcp birlikte vurmak\u201d deg\u0306il, \u201cbirlikte y\u00fcr\u00fcy\u00fcp ayr\u0131 vurmak\u201d uygulamas\u0131 haline gelir; \u201cyenilik\u201d buradad\u0131r. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u201cYeni t\u00fcr cephe\u201d savunusunun ard\u0131nda yatan bir temel gerek\u00e7e de, bir araya getirilmesi istenen \u00e7evrelerin programatik olarak bir parti yap\u0131s\u0131n\u0131n i\u00e7ine s\u0131g\u0306amayacag\u0306\u0131, dolay\u0131s\u0131yla \u201ccephe\u201d tipi bir koalisyonun bu \u00e7evrelerin aras\u0131nda daha demokratik ve kal\u0131c\u0131 ilis\u0327kiler sistemi kurabileceg\u0306i. Sosyalist I\u0307ttifak d\u00f6neminde, ittifak\u0131n i\u00e7inde ag\u0306\u0131rl\u0131kl\u0131 grup olan SWP, dig\u0306erlerini demokrasi konusunda ne denli duyarl\u0131 oldug\u0306una inand\u0131rmaya \u00e7al\u0131s\u0327\u0131r. Alex Callinicos bunu s\u0327\u00f6yle dile getirir: <\/p>\n\n\n\n

…eski \u0130P\u2019lilerden \u00e7ok say\u0131da kat\u0131l\u0131m olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131ndan Sosyalist \u0130ttifak yap\u0131sal bir dengesizlikle malul oldu, zira SWP\u2019nin a\u011f\u0131rl\u0131\u011f\u0131 t\u00fcm Britanya a\u015f\u0131r\u0131 solunun toplam\u0131ndan \u00e7ok daha fazlayd\u0131. Hep kendi kendimizi s\u0131n\u0131rlay\u0131c\u0131 bir tutum i\u00e7inde olduk, ama buna ne kadar gayret edersek edelim her zaman yemek odas\u0131nda gezinen l gibiydik, halen de \u00f6yleyiz. Kendimizi ne denli demokratik olarak ortaya koyarsak koyal\u0131m, hep bizden ku\u015fkulan\u0131ld\u0131. Sosyalist Parti ve baz\u0131 tan\u0131nm\u0131\u015f \u201cba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131zlar\u201d \u0130ttifak\u2019tan ayr\u0131lma gerek\u00e7elerini \u201cSWP egemenli\u011fi\u201dne ba\u011flad\u0131lar. Kendi gerek\u00e7elerinde hakl\u0131 olabilirler, ama ger\u00e7ek \u015fu ki, SWP\u2019nin egemenli\u011fi \u00f6yle olmas\u0131n\u0131 istedi\u011finden de\u011fil, reformist g\u00fc\u00e7lerden kat\u0131l\u0131m\u0131n yetersiz olmas\u0131ndan kaynaklan\u0131yordu.(22)<\/strong>\u00a0<\/p><\/blockquote>\n\n\n\n

Sosyalist I\u0307ttifak\u2019taki bu par\u00e7alanma ve dag\u0306\u0131lma bi\u00e7imi Respect<\/em>\u2019te de tekrarlan\u0131r. \u00dcstelik Respect<\/em>\u2019te bu kez daha \u00e7ok say\u0131da \u201creformist\u201d \u2013hatta eski I\u0307P\u2019li milletvekilleri-, bag\u0306\u0131ms\u0131z, hatta M\u00fcsl\u00fcman cemaat \u00fcyeleri vard\u0131r; yani \u201cyeni cephe\u201d art\u0131k eskisi kadar \u201cdengesiz\u201d deg\u0306ildir. Gene de SWP\u2019ye y\u00f6nelik \u201cdayatmac\u0131l\u0131k\u201d s\u0327ik\u00e2yetleri artar; asl\u0131nda koalisyonun i\u00e7inde politik ya da programatik a\u00e7\u0131dan bir ayr\u0131l\u0131k yok gibidir, ama gruplar cephenin yerel komitelerinde ve \u00f6nderlik organlar\u0131nda ag\u0306\u0131rl\u0131k kazanma yar\u0131s\u0327\u0131 i\u00e7indedir. Sonu\u00e7ta, SWP\u2019yi Respect <\/em>i\u00e7inde \u201cLeninist y\u00f6ntemler uygulamakla\u201d eles\u0327tiren eski I\u0307P milletvekili Galloway ve yandas\u0327lar\u0131, M\u00fcsl\u00fcman cemaatleri temsilcileri, bir dolu bag\u0306\u0131ms\u0131z, ve tabii yeni durumdan bir \u201cantikapitalist parti\u201d \u00e7\u0131karmay\u0131 \u00fcmit eden ISG (International Socialist Group <\/em>– DEBS seksiyonu Uluslararas\u0131 Sosyalist Grup), SWP\u2019yi d\u0131s\u0327layarak \u201cyeni cephe\u201dyi dag\u0306\u0131t\u0131rlar. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

Brezilya\u2019da I\u0307s\u0327\u00e7i Partisi\u2019nin, I\u0307spanya\u2019da Birles\u0327ik Sol\u2019un, I\u0307talya\u2019da Kom\u00fcnist Yeniden Kurulus\u0327\u2019un, T\u00fcrkiye\u2019de \u00d6DP\u2019nin ve bir dizi bas\u0327ka \u201cgenis\u0327 parti\u201d deneyinin yas\u0327ad\u0131g\u0306\u0131 b\u00f6l\u00fcnmeler, par\u00e7alanmalar, hatta dag\u0306\u0131l\u0131p yok olmalar, federalizm ya da \u201cyeni t\u00fcr cephe\u201d tipi is\u0327lerliklerin \u201c\u00e7og\u0306ulculuk diye adland\u0131r\u0131lan farkl\u0131 toplumsal temelli farkl\u0131 programlar\u0131n bir arada tutulabilmesi i\u00e7in sihirli bir form\u00fcl olmad\u0131g\u0306\u0131n\u0131 ortaya koymakta. Kus\u0327kusuz, Almanya\u2019da Die Linke<\/em>, Portekiz\u2019de Sol Blok ve Yunanistan\u2019da Syriza <\/em>s\u0327u anda b\u00f6yle bir acil b\u00f6l\u00fcnme tehdidi alt\u0131nda g\u00f6r\u00fcnm\u00fcyorlar; k\u0131sa bir s\u00fcre \u00f6nce se\u00e7imlerde bas\u0327ar\u0131l\u0131 bir performans sergilemeleri onlar\u0131 s\u0327imdilik b\u00f6yle bir tehlikenin uzag\u0306\u0131nda tutuyor. Ne var ki, s\u0131n\u0131f m\u00fccadelesi bu olus\u0327umlar\u0131 mutlaka yeni deneyimlere sokacak ve bu koalisyonlar\u0131n i\u00e7indeki farkl\u0131 programlar birbiriyle bir \u00e7at\u0131s\u0327maya girecektir; ve bu \u00e7at\u0131s\u0327man\u0131n kus\u0327kusuz \u00f6rg\u00fctsel sonu\u00e7lar\u0131 olacakt\u0131r. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

Kus\u0327kusuz isteyen istedig\u0306i gibi parti ya da cephe kurmaya \u00e7al\u0131s\u0327abilir; bu tip \u201cgenis\u0327 partiler\u201d, \u201cantikapitalist partiler\u201d, \u201cyeni t\u00fcrden cepheler\u201d olus\u0327tuk\u00e7a bunlar\u0131n politik ve programatik tutumlar\u0131 \u00fczerine g\u00f6r\u00fcs\u0327lerimizi belirtiriz, kendi politika ve taktiklerimizi belirleriz. Ama as\u0131l itiraz ettig\u0306imiz, b\u00fct\u00fcn bu giris\u0327imlerin devrimci Marksizmin birer \u201cdog\u0306al\u201d uygulamas\u0131ym\u0131s\u0327\u00e7as\u0131na sunuluyor olmas\u0131. Tro\u00e7kizm altm\u0131s\u0327 y\u0131l\u0131 as\u0327k\u0131n bir s\u00fcre Stalinizmin, Leninist demokratik merkeziyet\u00e7ilig\u0306i b\u00fcrokratik merkeziyet\u00e7ilig\u0306e d\u00f6n\u00fcs\u0327t\u00fcrmesine ve onu is\u0327\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n \u00f6nc\u00fcs\u00fcne bir deli g\u00f6mleg\u0306i halinde giydirmeye \u00e7al\u0131s\u0327mas\u0131na kars\u0327\u0131 m\u00fccadele etti. S\u0327imdi ise, baz\u0131 eski Tro\u00e7kistler d\u00e2hil bir dizi reformist, anars\u0327izan muhalif ak\u0131m, toplumsal hareket vb. Stalinizmi Leninizmin bir uzant\u0131s\u0131 gibi yorumlamakta, Leninist parti kuram\u0131n\u0131 Stalinist b\u00fcrokrasinin \u201c\u00e7ag\u0306d\u0131s\u0327\u0131 kalm\u0131s\u0327 k\u00fclt\u00fcr\u00fc\u201d gibi g\u00f6stermeye \u00e7al\u0131s\u0327makta. Ve Leninist demokratik merkeziyet\u00e7ilig\u0306in yerine, \u201cyeni partiler\u201d i\u00e7in \u201cyeni demokrasi\u201d bi\u00e7imleri \u00f6nermekte. Ama yukar\u0131daki \u00f6rneklerde de g\u00f6rd\u00fcg\u0306\u00fcm\u00fcz gibi, yas\u0327am ve s\u0131n\u0131 ar m\u00fccadelesi kendi ger\u00e7eklig\u0306ini dayatmakta. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

Leninist demokratik merkeziyet\u00e7ilik ilkesi, basit\u00e7e bir \u201cparti i\u00e7i is\u0327lerlik\u201d modeline, ya da \u00c7arl\u0131k kos\u0327ullar\u0131 alt\u0131nda partinin \u00fcstlenmek zorunda kald\u0131g\u0306\u0131 kurallar toplulug\u0306una indirgenemez. Kuram\u0131n bir par\u00e7as\u0131n\u0131 <\/em>olus\u0327turan bu ilkenin maddi temeli, kapitalist toplumun s\u0131n\u0131 ara ve is\u0327\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n katmanlara, farkl\u0131 geleneklere ve b\u00f6lgelere ayr\u0131s\u0327m\u0131s\u0327 olmas\u0131, s\u0131n\u0131f bilincinin es\u0327itsizliklerle belirlenmesidir. Oysa sermayenin ve devletin merkeziles\u0327tig\u0306i bir toplumsal sistemde, iktidar\u0131n proletarya taraf\u0131ndan zapt\u0131, ancak onun \u00f6nderlig\u0306indeki t\u00fcm emek\u00e7i y\u0131g\u0306\u0131nlar\u0131n toplu ve merkezi eylemiyle olanakl\u0131d\u0131r. Kendini partinin program\u0131nda projelendiren bu eylem, uygulamada ancak devrimci partinin demokratik merkeziyet\u00e7i faaliyetinde cisimles\u0327ir. Devrimci partinin disiplini, devrim i\u00e7in gerekli olan s\u0131n\u0131f m\u00fccadelesi disiplininden ayr\u0131 d\u00fcs\u0327\u00fcn\u00fclemez. Lenin, Sol Kom\u00fcnizm: Bir \u00c7ocukluk Hastal\u0131g<\/em>\u0306\u0131 <\/em>adl\u0131 yap\u0131t\u0131nda proletaryan\u0131n disiplinini burjuvazi kars\u0327\u0131s\u0131ndaki zaferinin kos\u0327ullar\u0131ndan biri olarak anlat\u0131r. Bu ger\u00e7eg\u0306i greve \u00e7\u0131km\u0131s\u0327 her is\u0327\u00e7i yak\u0131ndan tan\u0131r; grev s\u0131ras\u0131nda is\u0327\u00e7ilerin toplu, merkezi ve disiplinli m\u00fccadelesi olmadan patron kars\u0327\u0131s\u0131nda bas\u0327ar\u0131 elde edebilmenin olanag\u0306\u0131 yoktur. Devlet iktidar\u0131 s\u00f6z konusu oldug\u0306unda, bu kos\u0327ul \u00e7ok daha genis\u0327 ve derin nitelik kazan\u0131r. Ama, Lenin\u2019in de anlatt\u0131g\u0306\u0131 gibi, zafer i\u00e7in disiplin gerekli olmakla birlikte, \u201cbunun ne anlama geldig\u0306i ve hangi kos\u0327ullarda olanakl\u0131 oldug\u0306u\u201d her zaman dikkate al\u0131nmamakta. Lenin, disiplinin ve merkezilig\u0306in \u201ckararnameler\u201d arac\u0131l\u0131g\u0306\u0131yla deg\u0306il, ama ancak s\u00fcre\u00e7 i\u00e7inde elde edilen bas\u0327ar\u0131larla ger\u00e7ekles\u0327tirilebileceg\u0306ini belirtir ve devrimci bir partinin i\u00e7 is\u0327lerlik d\u00fczeni ile s\u0131n\u0131f m\u00fccadelesi aras\u0131ndaki bag\u0306\u0131 s\u0327\u00f6yle kurar: <\/p>\n\n\n\n

Proletaryan\u0131n devrimci partisinde disiplin nas\u0131l sa\u011flanabilir? Nas\u0131l s\u0131nanabilir? Nas\u0131l g\u00fc\u00e7lendirilebilir? Birincisi, proletaryan\u0131n \u00f6nc\u00fcs\u00fcn\u00fcn s\u0131n\u0131f bilinciyle ve onun devrime adanm\u0131\u015fl\u0131\u011f\u0131yla, kararl\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131, fedak\u00e2rl\u0131\u011f\u0131 ve kahramanl\u0131\u011f\u0131yla. \u0130kincisi, emek\u00e7i halk\u0131n en geni\u015f kesimleriyle \u2013\u00f6ncelikle proletaryayla, ama ayn\u0131 zamanda emek\u00e7i halk\u0131n proleter olmayan kesimleriyle de- kendini ili\u015fkilendirme, onlarla yak\u0131n temas kurabilme ve \u2013isterseniz- bir \u00f6l\u00e7\u00fcde onula b\u00fct\u00fcnle\u015fme yetene\u011fiyle. \u00dc\u00e7\u00fcnc\u00fcs\u00fc, \u00f6nc\u00fcn\u00fcn uygulad\u0131\u011f\u0131 politik \u00f6nderli\u011fin do\u011frulu\u011fu, politik stratejisinin ve taktiklerinin do\u011frulu\u011fu, geni\u015f kitlelerin bunlar\u0131n do\u011frulu\u011funu kendi deneyimleri i\u00e7inde g\u00f6rmesiyle. Bu ko\u015fullar olmaks\u0131z\u0131n, amac\u0131 burjuvaziyi devirmek ve t\u00fcm toplumu d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015f\u00fcme u\u011fratmak olan, ileri s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n partisi olmaya ger\u00e7ekten yetenekli devrimci bir parti i\u00e7inde disiplin ger\u00e7ekle\u015ftirilemez. Bu ko\u015fullar olmaks\u0131z\u0131n, disiplin olu\u015fturmaya y\u00f6nelik t\u00fcm giri\u015fimler ba\u015far\u0131s\u0131zl\u0131\u011fa u\u011frar ve lafazanl\u0131k ve \u015farlatanl\u0131kla sonu\u00e7lan\u0131r. \u00d6te yandan, bu ko\u015fullar bir anda do\u011fmaz. Ancak s\u00fcrekli \u00e7aba ve s\u0131k\u0131 deneyimler sonucunda yarat\u0131labilir. Bunlar\u0131n olu\u015fturulabilmesine do\u011fru devrimci kuram yard\u0131mc\u0131 olur, devrimci kuram ise bir dogma de\u011fildir, son bi\u00e7imini ancak ger\u00e7ekten kitlesel ve ger\u00e7ekten devrimci bir hareketin politik faaliyetiyle yak\u0131n ba\u011flant\u0131 i\u00e7inde kazan\u0131r.(23)<\/strong>\u00a0<\/p><\/blockquote>\n\n\n\n

Bunlar \u00e7ok a\u00e7\u0131k, yoruma yer b\u0131rakmayan, Tro\u00e7kist geleneg\u0306in uygulamada devrald\u0131g\u0306\u0131 ifadeler. Dolay\u0131s\u0131yla Leninizmi salt bir parti i\u00e7i hiyerars\u0327isi ve emir-komuta kurallar\u0131 b\u00fct\u00fcn\u00fc olarak yorumlay\u0131p bu anlay\u0131s\u0327\u0131n Stalinizmin temelinde yatan \u201c\u00e7ag\u0306d\u0131s\u0327\u0131 kalm\u0131s\u0327 k\u00fclt\u00fcr\u201d olarak g\u00f6stermeye \u00e7al\u0131s\u0327an; buradan hareketle de demokratik merkeziyet\u00e7ilig\u0306in ad\u0131m ad\u0131m, kitlelerin m\u00fccadeleleri i\u00e7inde gelis\u0327tirilmesi yerine her t\u00fcrden \u201cfederalist\u201d parti sistemi icat etmeye y\u00f6nelenler, asl\u0131nda Stalinizmin devrimci hareket i\u00e7indeki ihanetini tersinden uygulaman\u0131n \u00f6tesine ge\u00e7ememektedirler. Stalinizm, proletaryan\u0131n \u00f6nc\u00fcs\u00fcn\u00fcn bilincinin ve \u00f6zverisinin \u00fczerine kendi b\u00fcrokratik \u00e7\u0131karlar\u0131n\u0131n hiyerars\u0327ik disiplinini giydirmeye \u00e7al\u0131s\u0327m\u0131s\u0327, bunda bas\u0327ar\u0131l\u0131 oldug\u0306u s\u00fcrece devrimlerin yenilgiye ug\u0306ramas\u0131n\u0131 bas\u0327arabilmis\u0327ti; bug\u00fcn ise yeni \u201cgenis\u0327 partiler\u201d ve \u201cyeni t\u00fcrden cepheler\u201d, kitlelerin bilincinin par\u00e7alanm\u0131s\u0327l\u0131g\u0306\u0131n\u0131 ve eylemlerinin b\u00f6l\u00fcnm\u00fcs\u0327l\u00fcg\u0306\u00fcn\u00fc \u201cdemokratik bir ilke\u201d olarak evrenselles\u0327tirip \u201cpartiles\u0327tirerek\u201d kapitalizme kars\u0327\u0131 m\u00fccadelenin politik ve programatik olarak birles\u0327ebilmesi, y\u00fcksek oranda merkeziles\u0327mis\u0327 devletin ve sermayenin kars\u0327\u0131s\u0131nda proletaryan\u0131n ve emek\u00e7i y\u0131g\u0306\u0131nlar\u0131n savas\u0327\u0131n\u0131n odaklanabilmesi yolundaki yeni engeller haline d\u00f6n\u00fcs\u0327mekteler. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

Devrimci partinin in\u015fa stratejisi ve taktikleri\u00a0<\/strong><\/h4>\n\n\n\n

Yaz\u0131n\u0131n bas\u0327l\u0131g\u0306\u0131nda belirttig\u0306imiz gibi, 21. y\u00fczy\u0131lda Ortodoks olmak, yani devrimci Marksizme sad\u0131k kalmak, Leninist-Tro\u00e7kist geleneg\u0306i s\u00fcrd\u00fcrmek olduk\u00e7a g\u00fc\u00e7 bir g\u00f6rev. Bu, her zaman g\u00fc\u00e7, zorlu bir misyondu, ama s\u0327imdi kitlelerin ve onun \u00f6nc\u00fcs\u00fcn\u00fcn zihnini ve program\u0131n\u0131 buland\u0131ran sadece II. Enternasyonal reformistleri ya da Komintern Stalinistleri deg\u0306il; onlara IV. Enternasyonal d\u00f6nekleri, toplumsal hareket kuramc\u0131lar\u0131, \u201cI\u0307mparatorluk\u201d s\u0327arlatanlar\u0131 da eklenmis\u0327 durumda. \u201cG\u00f6kkus\u0327ag\u0306\u0131 Solu\u201d i\u00e7inde, kitlelerin g\u00f6z\u00fcnde sosyalizmi temsil eden Sovyetler Birlig\u0306i\u2019nin y\u0131k\u0131lmas\u0131n\u0131n bizzat sosyalizme, Marksizme \u201cprestij\u201d kaybettirdig\u0306ini, dolay\u0131s\u0131yla \u201csosyalizm demeden sosyalist politikalar izlenmesi\u201d gerektig\u0306ini d\u00fcs\u0327\u00fcnenlerin say\u0131s\u0131 k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fcmsenecek kadar az deg\u0306il. Ger\u00e7ekte bu \u00e7evrelerin yapt\u0131g\u0306\u0131, kendi toplumsal ve politik d\u00f6nekliklerinin ve uyarlanmalar\u0131n\u0131n kefaretini, su\u00e7lu g\u00f6stermeye \u00e7al\u0131s\u0327t\u0131klar\u0131 kitlelerin \u00f6demesini istemekten bas\u0327ka bir s\u0327ey deg\u0306il. I\u0307s\u0327\u00e7i aristokrasisi ve onun reformist\/b\u00fcrokratik \u00f6nderlikleri varl\u0131klar\u0131n\u0131 her zaman kitlelerin bilincinin ve eyleminin b\u00f6l\u00fcnm\u00fcs\u0327l\u00fcg\u0306\u00fcne ve gerilig\u0306ine dayand\u0131rm\u0131s\u0327lar, ama bir yandan da ihanet politikalar\u0131n\u0131 onunla gerek\u00e7elendirmis\u0327lerdir; varl\u0131g\u0306\u0131n\u0131 farkl\u0131 bi\u00e7imlerde bug\u00fcn de s\u00fcrd\u00fcren bu ger\u00e7eklig\u0306e g\u00fcn\u00fcm\u00fczde, k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck burjuva k\u00f6kenli yeni toplumsal hareketlerin, \u201cmuhalif\u201d ak\u0131mlar\u0131n, \u201cradikal\u201d \u00e7evrelerin, proletarya diktat\u00f6rl\u00fcg\u0306\u00fc program\u0131na ve Leninist partiye olan d\u00fcs\u0327manl\u0131g\u0306\u0131 eklenmis\u0327 durumdad\u0131r. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

I\u0307steyen istedig\u0306i kadar \u201cantikapitalist\u201d olsun, isteyen toplumsal grup ya da ak\u0131m kendini \u00f6yle ilan etsin, is\u0327\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 sosyalizm s\u0327iar\u0131n\u0131 y\u00fckseltip proletarya diktat\u00f6rl\u00fcg\u0306\u00fc program\u0131 alt\u0131nda emek\u00e7i kitlelerin m\u00fccadelesini birles\u0327tirmedig\u0306i ve burjuvaziyi politik ve ekonomik olarak m\u00fclks\u00fczles\u0327tirmedig\u0306i s\u00fcrece, kapitalizmin yerine s\u0131n\u0131fs\u0131z toplumun yolunu a\u00e7acak \u00fcretim, m\u00fclkiyet ve toplum ilis\u0327kilerini kurmak olanakl\u0131 deg\u0306ildir. Kapitalizm alt\u0131nda is\u0327\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n d\u0131s\u0327\u0131nda \u201czincirlerinden bas\u0327ka yitirecek bir s\u0327eyi olmayan\u201d yeni bir toplumsal s\u0131n\u0131f ya da grup dog\u0306mus\u0327 deg\u0306il; aksine, t\u00fcm \u00f6b\u00fcr s\u0131n\u0131f ve katmanlar\u0131n \u00f6zg\u00fcrles\u0327mesi, bir b\u00fct\u00fcn olarak insanl\u0131g\u0306\u0131n kapitalizmin neden oldug\u0306u insani ve \u00e7evresel y\u0131k\u0131mdan ve barbarl\u0131k ilis\u0327kilerinden kurtulabilmesi, h\u00e2l\u00e2 proletaryan\u0131n kendi ad\u0131yla an\u0131lan tarihsel devrimi ger\u00e7ekles\u0327tirebilmesiyle olanakl\u0131 olacakt\u0131r. Ve bu devrim i\u00e7in proletaryan\u0131n Leninist bir partiye sahip olabilmesi gerekiyor. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

Parti, proletaryan\u0131n \u00f6nc\u00fcs\u00fcn\u00fcn emek\u00e7i y\u0131g\u0306\u0131nlar\u0131n par\u00e7al\u0131 m\u00fccadelelerini sermayenin ve burjuva devletin kars\u0327\u0131s\u0131nda merkeziles\u0327tirebilmesinin en \u00f6nemli arac\u0131d\u0131r; zira bu m\u00fccadelenin program\u0131 devrimci partide cisimles\u0327ir. Bu a\u00e7\u0131dan, kitle m\u00fccadeleleri i\u00e7inde devrimci partinin in\u015fas\u0131 <\/em>devrimci Marksizmin en \u00f6nemli stratejisidir. Devrimci parti, Lenin\u2019in ifade ettig\u0306i gibi, kitlelerle olan temas\u0131, onlarla b\u00fct\u00fcnles\u0327mesi i\u00e7inde olgunlas\u0327acak, kitlelerin m\u00fccadele disiplinini kendi i\u00e7inde toplayacakt\u0131r. Demokratik merkeziyet\u00e7ilik olarak adland\u0131r\u0131lan bu parti i\u00e7i is\u0327lerlik y\u00f6ntemi, proletaryan\u0131n ve kitlelerin devrimci m\u00fccadelesine, proletaryan\u0131n \u00f6nc\u00fcs\u00fcn\u00fcn politika ve taktiklerinin dog\u0306rulug\u0306una ve kitlelerin bunlar\u0131 kendi deneyimleri i\u00e7inde s\u0131namas\u0131na kos\u0327ut olarak gelis\u0327ecek ve sag\u0306lamlas\u0327acakt\u0131r. Bu hede \u00f6n\u00fcne koymayan hi\u00e7bir parti, ger\u00e7ek bir devrimci parti haline gelemeyecektir. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

Kus\u0327kusuz bu ger\u00e7ekleri dile getirmek, ne kitle seferberliklerinden s\u0131tmal\u0131 g\u00f6rm\u00fcs\u0327 gibi ka\u00e7an reformist b\u00fcrokratlar\u0131n, ne de \u201cevrensel demokrasi ve es\u0327itlik\u201d s\u0327izofrenisine yakalanm\u0131s\u0327 k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck burjuva radikallerinin hos\u0327una gidiyor; bu y\u00fczden de, kus\u0327kusuz, birlikte kurduklar\u0131 \u201cgenis\u0327 partilerde\u201d, \u201cyeni t\u00fcrden cephelerde\u201d, \u201cg\u00f6kkus\u0327ag\u0306\u0131\u201d hareketlerinde, yukar\u0131da and\u0131g\u0306\u0131m\u0131z stratejiye yer vermiyorlar. \u00dcstelik, ins\u0327a \u00e7abalar\u0131n\u0131n daha ilk basamaklar\u0131nda bulunan devrimci parti ya da ak\u0131mlara derhal \u201ctekke\u201d tan\u0131m\u0131n\u0131 yak\u0131s\u0327t\u0131rabiliyorlar. Oysa Leninist-Tro\u00e7kistler asla devrimci partinin k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck bir radikal grubun dog\u0306rusal b\u00fcy\u00fcmesiyle olus\u0327up gelis\u0327ebileceg\u0306ini iddia etmemis\u0327lerdir. Onlar\u0131n iddia ettikleri yeg\u00e2ne s\u0327ey, b\u00f6yle bir partinin kitlelerin devrimci seferberlig\u0306i i\u00e7inde ve devrimci program \u00e7er\u00e7evesinde ins\u0327a edilebileceg\u0306idir; yoksa \u201cherkes gelsin\u201d diye devrimci programdan vazge\u00e7ip, sonu\u00e7ta pek de bir is\u0327e yaramayan \u201casgari\u201d programlar, federalist is\u0327leyis\u0327 bi\u00e7imleri, vb. icat ederek deg\u0306il. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

Kitle m\u00fccadelelerinin nitelig\u0306i ve d\u00fczeyi ile yak\u0131ndan ilis\u0327kili olan parti ins\u0327as\u0131 elbette inis\u0327li \u00e7\u0131k\u0131s\u0327l\u0131 bir yol izliyor ve bir dizi politika ve taktik gerektiriyor. Devrimci Marksistlerin asla bir dizi \u201chileler\u201d ve \u201caldatmacalar\u201d k\u00fcmesi olarak g\u00f6rmedikleri taktikler, s\u0131n\u0131f m\u00fccadelesine ve parti ins\u0327as\u0131na k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck ya da b\u00fcy\u00fck \u00f6l\u00e7ekli \u201cs\u0131\u00e7ramalar\u201d yaratacak politik \u00f6neri ve uygulamalard\u0131r. Her \u00fclkedeki somut is\u0327\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 politik \u00f6rg\u00fctl\u00fcl\u00fck, bilin\u00e7 ve m\u00fccadele d\u00fczeyleri \u00e7er\u00e7evesinde belirlenebilecek en \u00f6nemli taktiklerden biri, \u00f6rneg\u0306in, proletaryan\u0131n \u2013 reformist ya da devrimci – herhangi bir politik \u00f6rg\u00fctlenmeye sahip olmad\u0131g\u0306\u0131, salt burjuva partileri aras\u0131nda se\u00e7im yapmaya zorland\u0131g\u0306\u0131 kos\u0327ullarda ileri s\u00fcr\u00fclebilecek kitlesel s\u0131n\u0131f partisi <\/em>\u2013 is\u0327\u00e7i kitle partisi – s\u0327iar\u0131nda somutlanabilir. S\u0131n\u0131f hareketinin i\u00e7inden, \u00f6zellikle de s\u0131n\u0131f sendikalar\u0131n\u0131n m\u00fccadelesi i\u00e7inden dog\u0306abilecek b\u00f6yle bir parti kus\u0327kusuz is\u0327\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n burjuva partilerinden bag\u0306\u0131ms\u0131zlas\u0327mas\u0131nda ve s\u0131n\u0131f bilincinin \u00f6nemli bir niteliksel gelis\u0327me g\u00f6stermesinde son derece yararl\u0131 olabilir. \u00d6rneg\u0306in Brezilya I\u0307s\u0327\u00e7i Partisi\u2019nin kurulus\u0327u, Brezilya proletaryas\u0131n\u0131n tarih sahnesine y\u00fckselmesinde bas\u0327l\u0131ca ara\u00e7 olmus\u0327tur. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ama bu \u00f6rnek \u00fczerinde bir an dural\u0131m. I\u0307s\u0327\u00e7i kitle partisi taktig\u0306inden yararlanmaya \u00e7al\u0131s\u0327an baz\u0131 devrimci sol \u00e7evrelerde, b\u00f6yle bir partinin, i\u00e7ereceg\u0306i sendikalist vb. \u00f6g\u0306elerden \u00f6t\u00fcr\u00fc ka\u00e7\u0131n\u0131lmaz olarak reformist olacag\u0306\u0131, bu y\u00fczden de devrimcilerin kitlesel bir is\u0327\u00e7i partisinin m\u00fcmk\u00fcn oldug\u0306unca genis\u0327 bir yelpazeyi i\u00e7erebilmesi i\u00e7in \u2013ki aksi takdirde yeterince \u201ckitlesel olmayacag\u0306\u0131 d\u00fcs\u0327\u00fcncesiyle- onun olus\u0327um s\u00fcrecine devrimci programla kat\u0131l\u0131nmamas\u0131 gerektig\u0306ini ileri s\u00fcrerler. Bunun Tro\u00e7kist hareket i\u00e7indeki en bildik \u00f6rneklerinden birisi, Fransa\u2019da \u201cLambert\u00e7i ak\u0131m\u201d olarak tan\u0131nan Kom\u00fcnist Enternasyonalist Parti\u2019nin (PCI – Parti Communiste Internationaliste<\/em>) kendisini \u00f6nce 1991\u2019de I\u0307s\u0327\u00e7i Partisi, daha sonra 2008\u2019de Bag\u0306\u0131ms\u0131z I\u0307s\u0327\u00e7i Partisi (POI \u2013 Parti Ouvrier Ind\u00e9pendant<\/em>) olarak sunmas\u0131d\u0131r. Her seferinde birka\u00e7 bas\u0327ka sendikac\u0131yla birlikte yenilenen bu giris\u0327imler ger\u00e7ekte PCI\u2019nin kendisini reformist bir programla yeni bir kimlik alt\u0131nda sunmaya \u00e7al\u0131s\u0327mas\u0131ndan \u00f6teye bir anlam ifade etmemis\u0327tir.(24)<\/strong> Bu anlay\u0131s\u0327\u0131n T\u00fcrkiye\u2019deki uygulamas\u0131 olan I\u0307s\u0327\u00e7i Kardes\u0327lig\u0306i Partisi de ne yaz\u0131k ki, Tro\u00e7kist program\u0131n \u201ckitlesellik\u201d ad\u0131na sendikal s\u00f6ylem i\u00e7inde eritilmesinin \u00f6tesine ge\u00e7ememis\u0327, ama gene de istenen \u201ckitle partisini\u201d yaratamam\u0131s\u0327t\u0131r. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

Oysa belirli kos\u0327ullar alt\u0131nda somut bir ger\u00e7eklik haline gelebilecek bir kitlesel s\u0131n\u0131f partisinin yarat\u0131lmas\u0131 \u00e7abas\u0131nda devrimci Tro\u00e7kistlerin hede reformist bir parti kurulmas\u0131na yard\u0131mc\u0131 olmak deg\u0306il, proletaryan\u0131n politik \u00f6rg\u00fctlenmesine devrimci programla kat\u0131lmak, katk\u0131da bulunmakt\u0131r. 1930\u2019larda ABD\u2019de devrimci Marksistler bir is\u0327\u00e7i partisinin kurulmas\u0131 dog\u0306rultusunda \u00e7al\u0131s\u0327maya tes\u0327vik eden Tro\u00e7ki, bu taktig\u0306i s\u0327\u00f6yle somutlar: <\/p>\n\n\n\n

Politikam\u0131z\u0131n teorik olarak yeniden g\u00f6zden ge\u00e7irilmesi gerekti\u011fine inan\u0131yorum, ama bunun somutlanmas\u0131 gerekir. Ne anlamda? Biz, reformist bir i\u015f\u00e7i partisinin yarat\u0131lmas\u0131ndan m\u0131 yanay\u0131z? Hay\u0131r. Sendikalara g\u00fc\u00e7ler dengesinde a\u011f\u0131rl\u0131klar\u0131n\u0131 koyma olana\u011f\u0131 yaratabilecek bir politikadan m\u0131 yanay\u0131z? Evet.\u00a0<\/p>

Bu reformist bir parti olabilir \u2013bu geli\u015fmelere ba\u011fl\u0131d\u0131r. Burada i\u015fin i\u00e7ine program sorunu giriyor. D\u00fcn de s\u00f6yledim, bug\u00fcn tekrar alt\u0131n\u0131 \u00e7iziyorum \u2013bir ge\u00e7i\u015f talepleri program\u0131m\u0131z\u0131n olmas\u0131 gerekir; bu taleplerin tamamlanm\u0131\u015f bi\u00e7imi bir i\u015f\u00e7i k\u00f6yl\u00fc h\u00fck\u00fcmetidir. Biz partiden yanay\u0131z, devlet iktidar\u0131n\u0131 alacak emek\u00e7i kitlelerin ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131z bir partisinden yana. Bunu somutlamal\u0131y\u0131z \u2013biz fabrika komitelerinin yarat\u0131lmas\u0131ndan, fabrika komiteleri arac\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131yla sanayinin i\u015f\u00e7ilerce denetiminden yanay\u0131z. B\u00fct\u00fcn bunlar bug\u00fcn i\u00e7in havada as\u0131l\u0131 halde duruyor. Onlar teknokrasiden s\u00f6z ediyorlar ve \u201ckullan\u0131m i\u00e7in \u00fcretim\u201d slogan\u0131n\u0131 ileri s\u00fcr\u00fcyorlar. Biz bu \u015farlatanca form\u00fcle kar\u015f\u0131y\u0131z ve \u00fcretimin fabrika komiteleri arac\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131yla i\u015f\u00e7ilerce denetlenmesini ileri s\u00fcr\u00fcyoruz.(25)<\/strong>\u00a0<\/p><\/blockquote>\n\n\n\n

S\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n bag\u0306\u0131ms\u0131z politik \u00f6rg\u00fctlenmesinin bulunmad\u0131g\u0306\u0131 ve y\u00fckselen s\u0131n\u0131f m\u00fccadelesinin bu zorunlulug\u0306u nesnel olarak dog\u0306urarak s\u0131n\u0131f \u00f6rg\u00fctlerini -\u00f6zellikle sendikalar\u0131- ve \u00f6nderliklerini -is\u0327yeri temsilcilikleri, vb.- bu y\u00f6nde itmeye bas\u0327lad\u0131g\u0306\u0131 kos\u0327ullarda pratik bir slogan haline gelebilecek is\u0327\u00e7i kitle partisi politikas\u0131, devrimci Marksistlerin hi\u00e7bir saklamaya ya da diplomasiye bas\u0327vurmaks\u0131z\u0131n kendi devrimci programlar\u0131yla uygulamak durumunda olduklar\u0131 son derece ilerici bir taktik olma \u00f6zellig\u0306i tas\u0327\u0131r. Nesnel kos\u0327ullar\u0131n hen\u00fcz elvermedig\u0306i durumda da elbette bag\u0306\u0131ms\u0131z bir is\u0327\u00e7i partisinin, devrimci bir is\u0327\u00e7i partisinin propagandas\u0131n\u0131 yapmak durumday\u0131z; ama bu kos\u0327ullar\u0131n bulunmad\u0131g\u0306\u0131 d\u00f6nemlerde s\u0131rf bir iki sendikac\u0131ya parti kurdurtabilmek i\u00e7in onlara reformist bir program \u00f6nermek, devrimci Marksizmi tas ye etmekten \u00f6teye ge\u00e7mez. \u00d6te yandan devrimci programla kat\u0131l\u0131nacak bir is\u0327\u00e7i kitle partisi, Leninist partinin ins\u0327as\u0131nda \u00e7ok \u00f6nemli bir ad\u0131m, bir s\u0131\u00e7rama olus\u0327turabilir; bu, Tro\u00e7ki\u2019nin dedig\u0306i gibi, s\u0131n\u0131f m\u00fccadelesi i\u00e7indeki gelis\u0327melere ve Leninist-Tro\u00e7kistlerin kararl\u0131 ve dog\u0306ru politikalar\u0131na bag\u0306l\u0131 olarak belirlenecektir. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

Sol hareket i\u00e7indeki yeniden \u00f6rg\u00fctlenme s\u00fcre\u00e7lerine ilis\u0327kin tutum ise bir bas\u0327ka taktikler b\u00fct\u00fcn\u00fcn\u00fc olus\u0327turur. Bu tip s\u00fcre\u00e7lerde s\u00f6z konusu olan genellikle, kitlesel bir is\u0327\u00e7i partisinin yarat\u0131lmas\u0131ndan \u00e7ok, s\u0131n\u0131f m\u00fccadelesinin zaferleri ya da yenilgileri sonucunda krizler, \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fclmeler ve birles\u0327meler dinamig\u0306ine giren Sol hareketin bag\u0306r\u0131nda yeni politik olus\u0327umlar\u0131n ortaya \u00e7\u0131kmas\u0131d\u0131r. T\u0131pk\u0131 1980\u2019lerin sonlar\u0131ndan itibaren Stalinist kom\u00fcnist partilerin eriyip yok oldug\u0306u, sosyal demokrasinin neoliberalizmin kamp\u0131na ge\u00e7tig\u0306i, gerillac\u0131 ve ulusalc\u0131 radikal sol ak\u0131mlar\u0131n kendilerini tas ye ettig\u0306i, yeni t\u00fcrden \u201ctoplumsal hareketlerin\u201d dog\u0306dug\u0306u, s\u00f6zde \u201cmodernizm \u00f6tesi\u201d d\u00f6nemde oldug\u0306u gibi. Devrimci Marksizm kus\u0327kusuz b\u00f6yle s\u00fcre\u00e7lere ilgisiz kalamaz \u2013asl\u0131nda bizzat etkilenir de bu kos\u0327ullardan- ve bunlara, eylem birliklerinden birles\u0327melere kadar deg\u0306is\u0327ebilen \u201cdevrimcilerin birles\u0327ik cephesi\u201d taktikleriyle m\u00fcdahale etmek durumundad\u0131r. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ama bu tip kos\u0327ullarda \u00f6nemli olan s\u00fcre\u00e7lerin politik nitelig\u0306ini tan\u0131mlayabilmek, tes\u0327his edebilmektir. Zira, Sol \u00f6rg\u00fctlenmelerin bag\u0306r\u0131nda yas\u0327anan gelgitler, s\u0131n\u0131f m\u00fccadelesinin kos\u0327ullar\u0131na ve etkilerine bag\u0306l\u0131 olarak, sag\u0306dan sola ya da soldan sag\u0306a olmak \u00fczere farkl\u0131 dog\u0306rultularda ya da bunlar\u0131n biles\u0327imi bi\u00e7iminde gelis\u0327ebilir. Her s\u00fcreci kendi somutlug\u0306u i\u00e7inde tahlil etmek gerekmekle birlikte, yukar\u0131da anlatt\u0131g\u0306\u0131m\u0131z \u00f6rnekleri de g\u00f6z \u00f6n\u00fcnde tutarak, 1990\u2019lardan g\u00fcn\u00fcm\u00fcze dog\u0306ru a\u00e7\u0131lan d\u00f6nem i\u00e7in bir genelleme yapabiliriz: Berlin duvar\u0131n\u0131n \u00e7\u00f6kmesiyle birlikte Sol hareketin i\u00e7ine s\u00fcr\u00fcklendig\u0306i ideolojik, politik ve \u00f6rg\u00fctsel kriz, esas olarak sosyalizm iddias\u0131ndaki ak\u0131mlar\u0131 ve \u00e7evreleri sola dog\u0306ru deg\u0306il, soldan merkeze ve sag\u0306a dog\u0306ru itmis\u0327tir. Pek \u00e7ok ak\u0131m eski Stalinist kimlig\u0306ini reddederken bunu devrimci Marksist program referans\u0131yla deg\u0306il, daha ziyade \u201cLeninizm \u00f6tesi\/sonras\u0131\u201d reformist-demokratik bir s\u00f6ylemle ger\u00e7ekles\u0327tirmeye koyulmus\u0327tur. Sosyal demokrasinin neoliberalizmin s\u00f6zc\u00fcl\u00fcg\u0306\u00fcn\u00fc \u00fcstlenmesi eles\u0327tirilirken, onun bos\u0327altt\u0131g\u0306\u0131 yerde II. Enternasyonal reformizminin ilkeleri savunulmaya bas\u0327lanm\u0131s\u0327t\u0131r. \u201cYeni muhalefet hareketleri\u201d Stalinizmin eles\u0327tirisini bir b\u00fct\u00fcn olarak politika, devrim ve parti kavramlar\u0131n\u0131n reddiyle ta\u00e7land\u0131rm\u0131s\u0327lard\u0131r. S\u0131n\u0131f sendikac\u0131l\u0131g\u0306\u0131 yerine \u201ctoplumsal hareket sendikac\u0131l\u0131g\u0306\u0131\u201d ge\u00e7irilmeye \u00e7al\u0131s\u0327\u0131lm\u0131s\u0327t\u0131r, vb. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

Bu s\u00fcrece bir b\u00f6l\u00fcm devrimci Marksist ak\u0131m\u0131n vermeye \u00e7al\u0131s\u0327t\u0131g\u0306\u0131 yan\u0131t ise, ne yaz\u0131k ki kendi program\u0131n\u0131 bu sag\u0306a kay\u0131s\u0327\u0131n ihtiya\u00e7lar\u0131na g\u00f6re deg\u0306is\u0327tirerek ya da \u201casgari\u201d d\u00fczeyde s\u0131n\u0131rlayarak, krizin \u00fcr\u00fcnlerine reformist-demokratik bir ortamda m\u00fcdahale etmek ya da onlar\u0131 sag\u0306da yakalamaya \u00e7al\u0131s\u0327mak olmus\u0327tur. NPA\u2019n\u0131n sosyalizmsiz antikapitalizmi, SSP ve Lambert\u00e7ilig\u0306in reformist parti aray\u0131s\u0327lar\u0131, PSOL\u2019\u00fcn 21. y\u00fczy\u0131l sosyalizmi ve Chavezcilig\u0306i, \u00d6DP\u2019nin g\u00f6kkus\u0327ag\u0306\u0131, Respect<\/em>\u2019in i\u00e7inde \u201cherkesin\u201d kendine yer bulabileceg\u0306i \u201cyeni t\u00fcrden cephesi\u201d, Die Linke<\/em>\u2019nin 20. y\u00fczy\u0131l bas\u0327\u0131 sosyal demokrasisini yeniden ins\u0327a hevesi, vb. sonu\u00e7lar\u0131yla birlikte bu aray\u0131s\u0327lar\u0131n \u00f6rneklerini olus\u0327turuyor. B\u00fct\u00fcn bu \u00f6rneklerin ortak paydas\u0131, Leninist partinin ins\u0327as\u0131n\u0131n art\u0131k bir zorunluluk olarak g\u00f6r\u00fclmemesi, dahas\u0131 bunun \u201cmodern k\u00fclt\u00fcre uymayan\u201d bir kuram ve politika olarak bir yana b\u0131rak\u0131lmas\u0131. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

Devrimci Marksizm b\u00fct\u00fcn bir Sol\u2019daki genel sag\u0306a kay\u0131s\u0327\u0131 bir bas\u0327\u0131na durduramaz. O halde ne yap\u0131labilir? Elbette sadece bu s\u00fcrecin s\u0131n\u0131f m\u00fccadelesinin etkisiyle durmas\u0131 ve tersine d\u00f6nmesi beklenemez. Leninist Tro\u00e7kistlerin g\u00f6revi, her d\u00fczeyde s\u0131n\u0131f m\u00fccadelesine m\u00fcdahaleye ve seferberlikler i\u00e7inde devrimci partiyi ins\u0327a etmeye \u00e7al\u0131s\u0327\u0131rken, bir yandan da bu m\u00fccadeleler i\u00e7indeki reformist, toplumsal hareket\u00e7i vb. t\u00fcm ak\u0131m ve anlay\u0131s\u0327lara kars\u0327\u0131 ideolojik ve politik savas\u0327\u0131m\u0131 s\u00fcrd\u00fcrmek; \u00f6te yandan, s\u0131n\u0131f m\u00fccadelesinin gereksinimleri \u00fczerinde birlikte davranabileceg\u0306i ak\u0131m ve \u00e7evrelerle, eylem birliklerinden birles\u0327melere kadar uzanan bir yelpazede birliktelikler aramakt\u0131r. Birles\u0327ik cephe politikas\u0131n\u0131n uygulamada ald\u0131g\u0306\u0131 \u00f6zel bi\u00e7imleri olus\u0327turan bu taktikler toplulug\u0306u, esas olarak \u00f6nc\u00fc kesimlere y\u00f6neliktir ve Leninist partinin ins\u0327as\u0131nda \u2013k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck de olsa- \u00f6nemli ad\u0131mlar\u0131n at\u0131labilmesini olanakl\u0131 k\u0131lar. Moreno, Ge\u00e7is\u0327 Program\u0131n\u0131n G\u00fcncelles\u0327tirilmesi\u2019nde bu politikay\u0131 s\u0327\u00f6yle a\u00e7\u0131klar: <\/p>\n\n\n\n

Tro\u00e7kizm, geleneksel partilerden veya sendikal hareketten ortaya \u00e7\u0131kan ve kendisini devrimci duru\u015flara do\u011fru y\u00f6nlendiren her ak\u0131ma kar\u015f\u0131 esnek, zeki, dikkatli ve kapsay\u0131c\u0131 bir politikaya sahip olmal\u0131d\u0131r. Fakat bu esnek ve kapsay\u0131c\u0131 politikan\u0131n uygulanmas\u0131 ilkelerin gizlenmesi pahas\u0131na olmamal\u0131d\u0131r, o ak\u0131mlar\u0131n olgunla\u015fmam\u0131\u015f tutumlar\u0131na uymak ve onlara uyarlanmak pahas\u0131na da olmamal\u0131d\u0131r. Kapsay\u0131c\u0131 politika, devrimci program\u0131m\u0131z\u0131n \u00fczerinde mutab\u0131k olunan temel noktalar\u0131 hakk\u0131nda ortak bir \u00f6rg\u00fcte do\u011fru y\u00f6nelen ortak bir faaliyetin sa\u011flanmas\u0131yla ba\u015flayacakt\u0131r. Partiyi in\u015fa ederken, biz Tro\u00e7kistler olarak, kitle hareketinde ortaya \u00e7\u0131kan bu ak\u0131mlar\u0131 kendi Tro\u00e7kist pozisyonumuza ta\u015f\u0131ma s\u00fcrecinde, ortak bir cephe veya parti yaratana kadar onlarla devrimci eylem birli\u011fi sa\u011flamam\u0131za imk\u00e2n verecek olan devrimci tutumlar\u0131, t\u00fcm program\u0131m\u0131z\u0131 de\u011fil fakat onun temel pozisyonlar\u0131n\u0131 ifade etme yetene\u011fine sahip olmal\u0131y\u0131z. Kendini bize do\u011fru y\u00f6nlendiren her \u00f6rg\u00fctle bu ortak faaliyetleri ve hatta m\u00fcmk\u00fcnse ortak \u00f6rg\u00fctleri h\u0131zl\u0131 bir \u015fekilde elde etmek, onlar\u0131n merkezci \u00f6rg\u00fctler olarak billurla\u015fmalar\u0131 gibi b\u00fcy\u00fck bir tehlikeden kurtulabilmek i\u00e7in birincil \u00f6nemdedir.(26)<\/strong>\u00a0<\/p><\/blockquote>\n\n\n\n

Bu taktig\u0306in uygulanmas\u0131nda elbette baz\u0131 noktalar\u0131n g\u00f6z \u00f6n\u00fcnde tutulmas\u0131 ve titizlikle izlenmesi gerekir. Her s\u0327eyden \u00f6nce, birles\u0327ik cephe politikas\u0131 Leninist-Tro\u00e7kist parti ve program\u0131n merkezci ya da sag\u0306a dog\u0306ru kaymakta olan ak\u0131mlar\u0131n tutumlar\u0131na uyarlanmas\u0131 ya da onlar\u0131n \u201cduyarl\u0131l\u0131klar\u0131\u201d uyar\u0131nca deg\u0306is\u0327tirilmesi, gizlenmesi vb. deg\u0306il; bu ilkeler ve program \u00fczerinde olanakl\u0131 en genis\u0327 birlikleri aramakt\u0131r. Bunun s\u0131n\u0131rlar\u0131n\u0131 s\u0131n\u0131f m\u00fccadelesinin gereksinimleri ve eylem birlig\u0306inin nitelig\u0306i ve bi\u00e7imi belirleyecektir. \u00d6rneg\u0306in, bir ortak se\u00e7im platformunun talepler dizisi ile \u00f6rg\u00fctlenme ve faaliyet bi\u00e7imi, iki \u00f6rg\u00fct\u00fcn devrimci program \u00e7evresinde birles\u0327ip kaynas\u0327mas\u0131n\u0131 hede eyen bir cephenin \u00fcstlenmesi gereken faaliyetlerden farkl\u0131 olacakt\u0131r. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u201cI\u0307lkelerde sag\u0306laml\u0131k, \u00f6rg\u00fctsel konularda esneklik\u201d ilkesi ise, Leninist kararl\u0131l\u0131k ile devrimci sadakatin ve g\u00fcvenilirlig\u0306in sentezini olus\u0327turur. Proletaryan\u0131n s\u0131n\u0131f bag\u0306\u0131ms\u0131zl\u0131g\u0306\u0131 devrimci Marksizmin en temel s\u0327iar\u0131d\u0131r ve bu anlamda burjuva ya da k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck burjuva partileri ve ak\u0131mlar\u0131yla, sadece parti deg\u0306il, herhangi bir cephe ittifak\u0131 kurulmas\u0131 s\u00f6z konusu olamaz; buna kars\u0327\u0131l\u0131k, ortak \u00f6rg\u00fctl\u00fcl\u00fckler i\u00e7inde \u00f6rneg\u0306in temsil oranlar\u0131 gibi sorunlar ikincil, hatta \u00fc\u00e7\u00fcnc\u00fcl \u00f6nem tas\u0327\u0131r. Bununla bag\u0306\u0131nt\u0131l\u0131 bir dig\u0306er nokta da, cepheler i\u00e7in \u201cayr\u0131 y\u00fcr\u00fc, birlikte vur\u201d ilkesinin titizlikle uygulanmas\u0131 zorunlulug\u0306udur. Devrimci parti cephe \u00e7ag\u0306r\u0131lar\u0131n\u0131 kendi program\u0131n\u0131 ve \u00f6rg\u00fctsel bag\u0306\u0131ms\u0131zl\u0131g\u0306\u0131n\u0131 lag\u0306vetmek i\u00e7in deg\u0306il, dig\u0306er s\u0131n\u0131f ak\u0131mlar\u0131yla ortak noktalarda d\u00fcs\u0327mana birlikte vurmak i\u00e7in yapar, ya da mevcut cephelere bu tutumla kat\u0131l\u0131r. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ve nihayet Leninizmin bir temel \u00f6zellig\u0306ini vurgulayarak bitirelim: Proletaryan\u0131n devrimci partisi enternasyonal niteliklidir. Proletaryan\u0131n d\u00fcnya \u00f6l\u00e7eg\u0306inde bir toplumsal s\u0131n\u0131f olmas\u0131ndan kaynaklanan ve k\u00f6kleri Kom\u00fcnist Manifesto<\/em>\u2019ya ve I. Enternasyonal\u2019e dayanan, en y\u00fcksek kuramsal ifadesini ise Tro\u00e7ki\u2019nin S\u00fcrekli Devrim\u2019inde bulan bu anlay\u0131s\u0327, \u00e7ag\u0306das\u0327 devrimlerin en \u00f6nemli \u00f6zellig\u0306inin bir \u00fcr\u00fcn\u00fcd\u00fcr: Sosyalist devrim ulusal alanda bas\u0327lar, uluslararas\u0131 alanda gelis\u0327ir ve d\u00fcnya \u00f6l\u00e7eg\u0306inde tamamlan\u0131r. Bu \u00f6zellik, Leninist devrimci partinin daha bas\u0327\u0131ndan itibaren d\u00fcnya sosyalist devrimi partisinin bir par\u00e7as\u0131 olarak ins\u0327a edilmesini zorunlu k\u0131lar. \u201c\u00d6nce ulusal parti sonra Enternasyonal\u201d, \u201cEnternasyonal i\u00e7in \u00f6nce bir \u00fclkede ulusal devrim\u201d gibisinden ulusalc\u0131 anlay\u0131s\u0327lar eskiden Stalinizmin proletarya \u00fczerindeki b\u00f6l\u00fcc\u00fc politikalar\u0131n\u0131n ve kom\u00fcnist partileri denetim alt\u0131nda tutma y\u00f6nteminin uygulamalar\u0131yd\u0131; bug\u00fcn ise, bu anlay\u0131s\u0327 \u201cfederal parti\u201d, \u201cyeni t\u00fcr cephe\u201d t\u00fcr\u00fcnden \u00f6rg\u00fctlenme \u201ctekniklerinin\u201d d\u00fcnya \u00f6l\u00e7eg\u0306inde sosyal forumlar benzeri \u201culuslararas\u0131\u2019 hareketler\u201d bi\u00e7iminde uygulanma \u00e7abalar\u0131 olarak kars\u0327\u0131m\u0131za \u00e7\u0131k\u0131yor. Devrimci Marksizmin g\u00f6revi ise, d\u00fcnya \u00f6l\u00e7eg\u0306inde is\u0327\u00e7i ve emek\u00e7i m\u00fccadelelerini destekleyici hi\u00e7bir dayan\u0131s\u0327ma giris\u0327imini k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fcmsemeden, esas olan\u0131n, Leninist d\u00fcnya partisinin, yani IV. Enternasyonal\u2019in ins\u0327as\u0131n\u0131 s\u00fcrd\u00fcrmektir. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

Sonu\u00e7 olarak, Kom\u00fcnist Manifesto<\/em>\u2019dan Ge\u00e7i\u015f Program\u0131<\/em>\u2019na kadar uzanan, ard\u0131ndan da uluslararas\u0131 Leninist Tro\u00e7kizmin deneyimlerinde somutlanan devrimci Marksizm bizlere h\u00e2l\u00e2 insanl\u0131g\u0306\u0131n kurtulus\u0327unun, proletaryan\u0131n kendi s\u0131n\u0131f demokrasisine dayal\u0131 devrimci iktidar\u0131n\u0131 kurmas\u0131nda yatt\u0131g\u0306\u0131n\u0131 s\u00f6yl\u00fcyor. Ve bu da, Leninist demokratik merkeziyet\u00e7i partinin ins\u0327as\u0131 zorunlulug\u0306unu t\u00fcm yak\u0131c\u0131l\u0131g\u0306\u0131yla g\u00fcndemde tutuyor. XXI. y\u00fczy\u0131lda Leninist olmak zor, ama s\u0131n\u0131fs\u0131z bir topluma y\u00fcr\u00fcn\u00fclebilmesi i\u00e7in bas\u0327ka da yol yok. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

Kas\u0131m 2009\u00a0<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

***<\/strong><\/h4>\n\n\n\n

Dipnotlar<\/strong><\/h4>\n\n\n\n

1.)<\/strong> LIT\u2019in Alicia Sagra taraf\u0131ndan yaz\u0131lm\u0131\u015f k\u0131sa bir tarihine http:\/\/morenist.blogspot.com\/ adresinden eri\u015filebilir. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

2.)<\/strong> \u00d6rne\u011fin \u0130ngiltere\u2019deki Sosyalist \u0130\u015f\u00e7i Partisi (SWP), \u0130sko\u00e7ya Sosyalist Partisi (SSP), Arjantin\u2019deki Sosyalist \u0130\u015f\u00e7i hareketi (MST), vb.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

3.)<\/strong> \u201cD\u00f6rd\u00fcnc\u00fc Enternasyonal\u2019in Rol\u00fc ve G\u00f6revleri\u201d, bkz.: http:\/\/www.internationalviewpoint. org\/spip.php?article1629. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

4.)<\/strong> \u00d6rne\u011fin baz\u0131lar\u0131 kapitalizmin \u201cemperyalizm sonras\u0131\u201d yeni bir a\u015famaya girdi\u011finden s\u00f6z eder- ken, di\u011ferleri kalk\u0131\u015f noktas\u0131n\u0131 \u201ctoplumsal k\u00fclt\u00fcr\u00fcn\u201d klasik Leninist parti anlay\u0131\u015f\u0131n\u0131n \u00f6tesine ge\u00e7mi\u015f oldu\u011fu iddias\u0131na yerle\u015ftirmekte. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

5.)<\/strong> LCR\u2019nin ve NPA\u2019n\u0131n belgelerine, g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015flerine ve proram\u0131na http:\/\/www.lcr-rouge.org\/ ve http:\/\/www.npa2009.org\/ adreslerinden eri\u015filebilir. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

6.) <\/strong> SWP, Tro\u00e7kist \u00e7evrelerde \u201cDevlet Kapitalizmcileri\u201d olarak adland\u0131r\u0131lan, Tony Cliff (1917-2000), Alex Callinicos ve Chris Harman (1943-2009) \u00f6nderli\u011findeki Uluslararas\u0131 Sosyalist E\u011filim\u2019in (IST \u2013 International Socialist Tendency<\/em>) ana partisi. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

7.)<\/strong>\u00a0SSP, 1998\u2019de (Militan <\/em>ak\u0131m\u0131 olarak bilinen) \u0130\u015f\u00e7i Enternasyonali \u0130\u00e7in Komite\u2019nin (CWI- Committee for a Workers\u2019 International<\/em>) \u0130sko\u00e7ya seksiyonu olarak kurulan parti; 2002\u2019de CWI\u2019den ayr\u0131lm\u0131\u015f, politik olarak DEBS\u2019e do\u011fru yakla\u015fm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

8.)<\/strong> Murray Smith, \u201cThe broad party, the revolutionary party and the united front\u201d, 4 Ekim 2004, bkz.: http:\/\/www.red ag.org.uk\/frontline\/nine\/09msreply.html. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

9.)<\/strong> Alex Callinicos, \u201cThe European Radical Left Tested Electorally\u201d, Haziran 2004, bkz.: http:\/\/ www.istendency.net\/pdf\/bulletin_5_2004.pdf. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

10.)<\/strong> Alex Callinicos, ibid.<\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n

11.)<\/strong> Respect\u2019in kurulu\u015f konferans\u0131nda SWP \u00f6nderlerinden Lindsey German, Sosyalist \u0130ttifak\u2019\u0131n ba\u015far\u0131s\u0131zl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 \u201cfazlas\u0131yla sosyalist\u201d olmas\u0131na ba\u011flar ve Respect<\/em>\u2019in ancak \u201cdaha geni\u015f\u201d olmas\u0131 halinde ba\u015far\u0131ya ula\u015faca\u011f\u0131n\u0131 ileri s\u00fcrer.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

12.)<\/strong> Bu d\u00f6nemde Se\u00e7im Komisyonu kay\u0131tlar\u0131na g\u00f6re Respect\u2019in 5.739 \u00fcyesi ve \u00fc\u00e7 \u00fccretli g\u00f6revlisi bulunmaktad\u0131r; SWP \u00f6nderlerinden John Rees, olu\u015fumun sekreterli\u011fini \u00fcstlenmi\u015f durumdad\u0131r.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

13.)<\/strong> PSOL, ayn\u0131 zamanda P-SOL, yani \u201cG\u00fcne\u015f Partisi\u201d olarak an\u0131l\u0131r. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

14.)<\/strong> Der Spigel, 14 May\u0131s 2009, bkz.: http:\/\/www.spiegel.de\/international\/ germany\/0,1518,624880,00.html. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

15.)<\/strong> PSOL\u2019\u00fcn en \u00f6nemli s\u00f6zc\u00fcs\u00fc ve ba\u015fkan aday\u0131 Heloisa Helena\u2019n\u0131n a\u00e7\u0131ktan k\u00fcrtaj kar\u015f\u0131t\u0131 olmas\u0131, partinin s\u00fcrekli kriz konular\u0131ndan birisi. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

16.)<\/strong> Bu g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn ilk kez Adem Topal taraf\u0131ndan dile getirildi\u011fini belirtmeliyim.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

17.)<\/strong> Kom\u00fcnist Parti Manifestosu<\/em>, bkz.: http:\/\/marxists.org\/turkce\/m-e\/1848\/manifest\/kpm.htm#1a.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

18.)<\/strong> Kom\u00fcnist Manifesto\u2019nun Doksan\u0131nc\u0131 Y\u0131ld\u00f6n\u00fcm\u00fc, bkz.: http:\/\/www.marx.org\/turkce\/trocki\/1937\/ekim\/30.htm. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

19.)<\/strong> Rosa Luxemburg daha sonralar\u0131 Lenin\u2019in \u00f6nemli \u00f6l\u00e7\u00fcde hakl\u0131 oldu\u011funu belirtir; Tro\u00e7ki ise 1914\u2019ten itibaren Lenin\u2019in parti kuram\u0131n\u0131n do\u011frulu\u011funu kavramaya ba\u015flar ve 1917\u2019de Bol\u015fe- vik Parti\u2019ye kat\u0131l\u0131r, Merkez Komite \u00fcyesi olur. Tro\u00e7ki 1939\u2019da \u015funlar\u0131 yazar: \u201c1904\u2019te yazd\u0131\u011f\u0131m Politik G\u00f6revlerimiz <\/em>bro\u015f\u00fcr\u00fcnde \u00f6rg\u00fctlenme konusunda R. Luxemburg\u2019unkilere \u00e7ok benzer g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015fler geli\u015ftirmi\u015ftim. Ama daha sonraki b\u00fct\u00fcn bir deneyim bana bu konu \u00fczerinde benim ve R. Luxemburg\u2019un kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131nda Lenin\u2019in hakl\u0131 oldu\u011funu g\u00f6sterdi\u201d der; L. Trotsky, Writings (1938-39), Merit Publishers, New York. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

20.)<\/strong> L. Tro\u00e7ki, Lenin ve Emperyalist Sava\u015f, 3 \u015eubat 1939, bkz.: http:\/\/www.marxists.org\/turkce\/ trocki\/1939\/subat\/lenin.htm. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

21.)<\/strong> NPA\u2019n\u0131n t\u00fcz\u00fc\u011f\u00fc i\u00e7in, bkz.: http:\/\/www.npa2009.org\/content\/statuts-provisoires-du- nouveau-parti-anticapitaliste-adopt%C3%A9s-par-le-congr%C3%A8s-du-npa. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

22.)<\/strong> A. Callinicos, agy. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

23.)<\/strong> V.I. Lenin, Left-Wing Communism: an Infantile Disorder<\/em>, 1920, bkz.: http:\/\/www.marxists. org\/archive\/lenin\/works\/pdf\/Lenin_Left_wing_Communism.pdf. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

24.)<\/strong> \u00a0POI i\u00e7inde Enternasyonalist Kom\u00fcnist Ak\u0131m olarak yer ald\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 a\u00e7\u0131klayan Lambertist ak\u0131m, kendini uluslararas\u0131 d\u00fczeyde IV. Enternasyonal olarak sunmakla birlikte, i\u015f\u00e7i kitle partisi anlay\u0131\u015f\u0131n\u0131 d\u00fcnya \u00f6l\u00e7e\u011finde genelle\u015ftirmekte ve esas olarak \u201cI. Enternasyonal tipinde\u201d bir d\u00fcnya \u00f6rg\u00fctlenmesi i\u00e7in u\u011fra\u015f vermekte; bu ama\u00e7la olu\u015fturdu\u011fu \u201cEmek\u00e7ilerin ve Halklar\u0131n Enternasyonal Birli\u011fi\u201d i\u00e7inde de sadece bir kanat olarak bulundu\u011funu ileri s\u00fcrmekte. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

25.)<\/strong>\u00a0Tro\u00e7ki ile Nisan 1938 Tart\u0131\u015fmalar\u0131, bkz.: http:\/\/www.marxists.org\/archive\/trotsky\/1938\/04\/ lp.htm. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

26.)<\/strong> N. Moreno, Ge\u00e7i\u015f Program\u0131n\u0131n G\u00fcncelle\u015ftirilmesi<\/em>, bkz.: http:\/\/morenist.blogspot. com\/search\/label\/Ge%C3%A7i%C5%9F%20Program%C4%B1%27n%C4%B1n%20 G%C3%BCncelle%C5%9Ftirilmesi%20i%C3%A7in%20Tezler. <\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

Yaklas\u0327\u0131k yirmi y\u0131ld\u0131r bir ideolojik kas\u0131rgan\u0131n i\u00e7inden ge\u00e7iyoruz, s\u0131n\u0131f m\u00fccadelesi \u00fczerinde politik etkilere yol a\u00e7m\u0131s\u0327 olan bir kas\u0131rga. S\u0131n\u0131fsal bir kategori olarak proletaryan\u0131n tarihten silinmis\u0327 oldug\u0306u, dahas\u0131 is\u0327\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 ve halk devrimleri tarihinin sona erdig\u0306i, b\u00f6ylece zincirlerinden kurtulmus\u0327 olan serbest piyasan\u0131n insanl\u0131g\u0306\u0131n \u00f6n\u00fcnde art\u0131k evrensel bir gelis\u0327me-ilerleme \u00e7ag\u0306\u0131 a\u00e7t\u0131g\u0306\u0131 tezlerine dayal\u0131; daha dog\u0306rusu bunlar\u0131n b\u00f6yle […]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":3,"featured_media":449,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"_exactmetrics_skip_tracking":false,"_exactmetrics_sitenote_active":false,"_exactmetrics_sitenote_note":"","_exactmetrics_sitenote_category":0,"footnotes":""},"categories":[699],"tags":[70,20,486,526,527,528],"class_list":["post-448","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-leninist-parti","tag-70","tag-leninist","tag-olmak","tag-parti","tag-xxi","tag-yuzyilda"],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/trockist.net\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/448","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/trockist.net\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/trockist.net\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/trockist.net\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/3"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/trockist.net\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=448"}],"version-history":[{"count":3,"href":"https:\/\/trockist.net\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/448\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":2627,"href":"https:\/\/trockist.net\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/448\/revisions\/2627"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/trockist.net\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/449"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/trockist.net\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=448"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/trockist.net\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=448"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/trockist.net\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=448"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}