Bu tezi ve onun \u00e7er\u00e7evesinde T\u00fcrkiye\u2019nin konumunu a\u015fa\u011f\u0131da incelemeye \u00e7al\u0131\u015faca\u011f\u0131z. Ama bir noktaya dikkat \u00e7ekelim: alt emperyalizm kavram\u0131, \u00f6zellikle 1990\u2019lardan itibaren yerini daha farkl\u0131 anlay\u0131\u015flara b\u0131rakmaya ya da onlara d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015fmeye ba\u015flam\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Alt emperyalizm kavram\u0131, ba\u011f\u0131ml\u0131 \u00fclkelerin emperyalizmle ili\u015fkisini incelerken, \u201ck\u00fcresel burjuvazi\u201d olu\u015fumuna ili\u015fkin yeni tezler, hatta teoriler, alt emperyalizm kategorisinin emperyalist sistem i\u00e7inde erimekte oldu\u011funu iddia etmektedir. Zira alt emperyalizm tahlilinde, emperyalizmle i\u015fbirli\u011fi i\u00e7indeki \u201cyerel\u201d burjuvaziler s\u00f6z konusyken, \u201ck\u00fcreselle\u015fmeci\u201d tezlerde art\u0131k ulusal \u00f6l\u00e7ekli burjuvaziler (en az\u0131ndan bunlar\u0131n en ileri gelen kesimleri) tek bir s\u0131n\u0131f halinde b\u00fct\u00fcnle\u015fmi\u015ftir ve tek bir devlete olan aidiyetlerini yitirmi\u015ftir.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Bu yeni tezler bir ba\u015fka yaz\u0131n\u0131n konusudur; biz burada, onlar\u0131n temelinde yatt\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnd\u00fc\u011f\u00fcm\u00fcz alt emperyalizm kavram\u0131n\u0131 ve o ba\u011flamda T\u00fcrkiye\u2019yi inceleyece\u011fiz. T\u00fcrkiye, \u00e7\u00fcnk\u00fc son on be\u015f y\u0131l\u0131n geli\u015fmeleri, uygulanan neokapitalist politikalar\u0131n \u00fclke ekonomisini k\u00fcresel sisteme entegre etmi\u015f olmas\u0131, 2000\u2019li y\u0131llarda yakalanan y\u00fcksek b\u00fcy\u00fcme ornlar\u0131, artan ticaret hacimleri, vb. i\u00e7erde ve d\u0131\u015farda T\u00fcrkiye\u2019nin b\u00f6lgesel bir g\u00fc\u00e7 olarak geli\u015fmekte oldu\u011funa ili\u015fkin yorumlara yol a\u00e7\u0131yor. Bunlar, ink\u00e2r edilemeyecek ger\u00e7ekler, ama bunlar T\u00fcrkiye\u2019nin emperyalist d\u00fcnya sistemi i\u00e7indeki konumunda ve \u00fclke olarak (Marksist tahlil a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan) niteli\u011finde bir de\u011fi\u015fikli\u011fe yol a\u00e7\u0131yor mu? A\u00e7\u0131yorsa bunun politik sonu\u00e7lar\u0131 ne olabilir?<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Soruna a\u011f\u0131rl\u0131kl\u0131 olarak ekonomik a\u00e7\u0131dan yakla\u015faca\u011f\u0131z. Zira alt emperylizm kavram\u0131 da, bu tip \u00fclkelerin ekonomik geli\u015fmi\u015flik d\u00fczeyinden ve niteli\u011finden hareketle geli\u015ftiriliyor. Ama elbette bu ve benzeri tan\u0131mlar\u0131n politik ifadeleri de vard\u0131r ve sonu\u00e7 itibariyle her politik tutum kendini bir programda somutlar. \u00c7abamiz, devrimci Marksizmin programatik in\u015fas\u0131na yard\u0131mc\u0131 olmakt\u0131r.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Alt emperyalizm Kavram\u0131<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n Tan\u0131m\u0131n kurucusu Marini, II. D\u00fcnya Sava\u015f\u0131’n\u0131n ard\u0131ndan emperyalist sermayenin yo\u011funla\u015fmas\u0131nda ve uluslararas\u0131la\u015fmas\u0131nda ger\u00e7ekle\u015fen yeni at\u0131l\u0131ma dikkat \u00e7eker. Sava\u015f sonras\u0131nda, 1944’te Bretton Woods konferans\u0131n\u0131n ard\u0131ndan D\u00fcnya Para Fonu (IMF) ve D\u00fcnya Bankas\u0131’n\u0131n kurulmas\u0131 ve\u00a0 1947’de G\u00fcmr\u00fck Tarifeleri ve Ticaret Genel Anla\u015fmas\u0131’n\u0131n (GATT) imzalanmas\u0131yla birlikte ABD sermayesi d\u00fcnya \u00f6l\u00e7e\u011finde yay\u0131lma at\u0131l\u0131m\u0131 ba\u015flat\u0131r. 1949-68 aras\u0131nda ABD d\u0131\u015f\u0131nda dola\u015f\u0131mda olan dolar miktar\u0131 6,4 milyardan 35,7 milyara y\u00fckselir.\u00a0 \u00d6te yandan bu muazzam para k\u00fctlesinin denetimi giderek \u00f6zel bankalar\u0131n eline ge\u00e7er; yurtd\u0131\u015f\u0131 acentelikleri olan ABD merkezli banka say\u0131s\u0131 1964’te 11’den 1974’te 125’e \u00e7\u0131kar, bunlar\u0131n aktifleri ise ayn\u0131 d\u00f6nemde 7 milyardan 155 milyar dolar d\u00fczeyine ula\u015f\u0131r. B\u00f6ylece ABD \u00f6zel sermayesi birikim \u00e7ap\u0131n\u0131 giderek geni\u015fletir ve di\u011fer ulusal \u00fcretim ayg\u0131tlar\u0131n\u0131 denetimi alt\u0131na al\u0131r. Bu anlamda Britanya’n\u0131n d\u00fcnya egemenli\u011fi d\u00f6nemi d\u00fcnya pazar\u0131n\u0131n yarat\u0131lmas\u0131 ve sa\u011flamla\u015ft\u0131r\u0131lmas\u0131 iken, ABD emperyalizminin egemenlik d\u00f6nemi uluslararas\u0131 \u00fcretim sistemlerinin entegrasyonuna tekab\u00fcl eder.(4)<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n Ku\u015fkusuz sermaye ihrac\u0131 emperyalist \u00e7a\u011f\u0131n klasik \u00f6zelli\u011fidir, yeni bir olgu de\u011fildir. II. D\u00fcnya Sava\u015f\u0131 sonras\u0131 d\u00f6nemde yeni olan ise, Marini’ye g\u00f6re, sermaye yat\u0131r\u0131mlar\u0131n\u0131n kaynak \u00fclke d\u0131\u015f\u0131nda ula\u015ft\u0131\u011f\u0131 boyutlar; bunlar\u0131n i\u00e7inde do\u011frudan yat\u0131r\u0131mlar\u0131n ve daha sonra da bor\u00e7land\u0131rman\u0131n ve finansman kredilerinin a\u011f\u0131rl\u0131k kazanmas\u0131; yat\u0131r\u0131mlar\u0131n co\u011frafi alan\u0131n\u0131n giderek geni\u015flemesi; ve \u00fcretim sanayisine aktar\u0131lan pay\u0131n giderek b\u00fcy\u00fcmesidir. Bu geli\u015fmeler, yeni d\u00f6nem kapitalizmin \u00f6zelliklerine yan\u0131t verebilmeleri amac\u0131yla i\u015fletmelerin ve \u015firketlerin yap\u0131s\u0131nda de\u011fi\u015fiklere neden olmu\u015f ve sonu\u00e7ta d\u00fcnyan\u0131n farkl\u0131 yerlerinde, tar\u0131m ve sanayiden ticaret ve hizmet sekt\u00f6rlerine kadar yay\u0131lan geni\u015f bir alanda faaliyet g\u00f6steren ba\u011fl\u0131 \u015firketlere sahip \u00e7okuluslu \u015firketler ortaya \u00e7\u0131km\u0131\u015f; birle\u015fmeler, ortakl\u0131klar ve kar\u015f\u0131l\u0131kl\u0131 anla\u015fmalarla, sermayeler ulusal k\u00f6klerini yitirmeye ba\u015flam\u0131\u015ft\u0131r.\u00a0<\/p>\n\n\n\n Bu s\u00fcrecin di\u011fer bir sonucu da, farkl\u0131 \u00fclkelere par\u00e7alanm\u0131\u015f olan sermayenin yeniden de\u011ferlenmesinin art\u0131k ulusal de\u011fil uluslararas\u0131 \u00f6l\u00e7ekte ger\u00e7ekle\u015fmesidir. Bu d\u00f6nemde farkl\u0131 sermaye birikimlerinin k\u00e2rl\u0131l\u0131k sorunu, sermayenin ve mallar\u0131n dolan\u0131m\u0131 i\u00e7in olu\u015fan d\u00fcnya pazar\u0131nda \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcmlenmektedir. Pazar\u0131n bu bi\u00e7imde uluslararas\u0131la\u015fmas\u0131 mallar\u0131n de\u011ferlenmesinin de kaynak ve\/veya hedef \u00fclkeden ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131z olarak do\u011frudan d\u00fcnya pazar\u0131nda ger\u00e7ekle\u015fmesine yol a\u00e7m\u0131\u015ft\u0131r.<\/p>\n\n\n\n \u00d6te yandan teknolojik geli\u015fmeler sadece \u00fcretken sermayenin de\u011fil ama ayn\u0131 zamanda para sermayenin de dolan\u0131m\u0131nda yenilikler yaratm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Teknolojik yeniliklerin dolan\u0131mdaki sermayenin \u00e7evrim s\u00fcresinin k\u0131saltmas\u0131 ve \u00fcretkenli\u011fi art\u0131rmas\u0131 sonucunda, toplam sermayenin \u00f6nemlice b\u00f6l\u00fcm\u00fc \u00fcretim s\u00fcreci i\u00e7in (\u00fcretimin \u00f6l\u00e7e\u011fi geni\u015flemedi\u011fi s\u00fcrece) gereksiz hale gelmi\u015f ve ondan ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131zla\u015fm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Ancak, \u00fcretim sermayesinin y\u00f6r\u00fcngesinden ayr\u0131lan bu fazla sermaye de\u011ferlenme aray\u0131\u015flar\u0131ndan uzakla\u015fmam\u0131\u015f ve mali piyasalar arac\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131yla \u00fcretim alan\u0131na d\u00f6nmenin yollar\u0131n\u0131 aramay\u0131 s\u00fcrd\u00fcrm\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcr. Bu durum, bankalar\u0131n yayg\u0131nla\u015fmas\u0131yla birlikte para piyasas\u0131n\u0131n b\u00fcy\u00fcmesini ve sermaye ihra\u00e7lar\u0131n\u0131n yayg\u0131nla\u015fmas\u0131n\u0131 a\u00e7\u0131klar.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Sermaye ihrac\u0131n\u0131n bu bi\u00e7imde d\u00fcnya \u00f6l\u00e7e\u011finde yayg\u0131nla\u015fmas\u0131, hiyerar\u015fik bi\u00e7imde entegre olmu\u015f birikim merkezlerinin olu\u015fmas\u0131na yol a\u00e7ar. \u00dcretici sermayenin oldu\u011fu kadar para sermayenin de dolan\u0131m\u0131n\u0131n yayg\u0131nla\u015fmas\u0131 ve h\u0131zlanmas\u0131, \u00f6ncesinden daha farkl\u0131 bir uluslararas\u0131 i\u015fb\u00f6l\u00fcm\u00fcne dayal\u0131 yeni bir d\u00fcnya kapitalist sisteminin do\u011fmas\u0131na yol a\u00e7m\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Art\u0131k, mamul madde kar\u015f\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131nda tar\u0131m \u00fcr\u00fcnleri ve hammadde de\u011fi\u015f toku\u015funa dayal\u0131 yal\u0131n merkez-\u00e7evre modeli a\u015f\u0131lm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Yeni ekonomik ger\u00e7eklik, sanayinin giderek kazand\u0131\u011f\u0131 \u00f6nem \u00fczerine kuruludur. Kapitalist \u00fclkelerin bu bi\u00e7imde hiyerar\u015fik yap\u0131 kazanmas\u0131 orta \u00f6l\u00e7ekli<\/em> birikim merkezlerinin olu\u015fmas\u0131n\u0131 sa\u011flar. Bunla ayn\u0131 zamanda orta \u00f6l\u00e7ekli<\/em> kapitalist g\u00fc\u00e7lerdir. Buradan hareketle de Marini alt emperyalizm<\/em> tan\u0131m\u0131n\u0131 geli\u015ftirir.(5)<\/strong> Alt emperyalist \u00fclkeler, uluslararas\u0131 kapitalist ekonomide ger\u00e7ekle\u015fen d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015f\u00fcm sonucunda, d\u00fcnya sermaye birikimi hiyerar\u015fisinde orta yerlerde konumlanan, sanayile\u015fme at\u0131l\u0131m\u0131 ger\u00e7ekle\u015ftiren ve kendi b\u00f6lgesinde ekonomik (ve askeri) bir g\u00fc\u00e7 haline gelen \u00fclkelerdir.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Marini’nin alt emperyalizm tezinin ekonomik d\u00fczlemde iki temel unsuru var. Bunlardan birincisi, alt emperyalist bir \u00fclkenin “sanayile\u015fmi\u015f ba\u011f\u0131ml\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131d\u0131r”. Buna \u00f6rnek olarak g\u00f6sterdi\u011fi Brezilya, Arjantin ve Meksika gibi \u00fclkelerde sanayi yeni uluslararas\u0131 ekonomik i\u015fb\u00f6l\u00fcm\u00fc \u00e7er\u00e7evesinde belirlenen alanlarda geli\u015fmektedir. Geli\u015fmi\u015f \u00fclkelerin ekonomileri y\u00fcksek teknolojili alanlara y\u00f6nelirken l\u00fcks t\u00fcketim mallar\u0131, ara \u00fcr\u00fcnler ve geleneksel sanayi mallar\u0131 \u00fcretimi bu tip “yar\u0131 \u00e7evre” \u00fclkelere b\u0131rak\u0131lmaktad\u0131r. Tezin ikinci unsuru ise, sermayenin geli\u015fmekte olan \u00fclkelere ak\u0131\u015f\u0131n\u0131n, bu \u00fclkelerde i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 \u00fczerindeki a\u015f\u0131r\u0131 s\u00f6m\u00fcr\u00fcye (d\u00fc\u015f\u00fck \u00fccretler ve muazzam bir yedek i\u015fg\u00fcc\u00fc rezervi) ba\u011fl\u0131 olmas\u0131. Bu \u00fclkelerde uluslararas\u0131 sermaye ile ulusal sermayenin b\u00fct\u00fcnle\u015fmesi sanayinin ve mali sekt\u00f6r\u00fcn a\u015f\u0131r\u0131 derecede tekelle\u015fmesi<\/em> bi\u00e7iminde ger\u00e7ekle\u015fir. B\u00f6ylece a\u015f\u0131r\u0131 s\u00f6m\u00fcr\u00fc alt\u0131ndaki i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 ile \u00fcst s\u0131n\u0131flar\u0131n t\u00fcketim ihtiya\u00e7lar\u0131n\u0131 yan\u0131tlamaya y\u00f6nelik tekelci \u00fcretim aras\u0131nda yo\u011funla\u015fan \u00e7eli\u015fkiler, geli\u015fmekte olan bir \u00fclkede sermayenin ger\u00e7ekle\u015fmesinde ya da dolan\u0131m\u0131nda sorunlar do\u011furur. Yani, ya\u015fam d\u00fczeylerinin y\u00fcksek oldu\u011fu geli\u015fkin \u00fclkelerin tersine, bu \u00fclkelerde \u00fcretim kitle t\u00fcketiminden kopuktur. Bu t\u00fcketim a\u00e7\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 askeri ve\/veya sosyal harcamalarla, gelir da\u011f\u0131l\u0131m\u0131 politikalar\u0131yla ve d\u00fcnya pazarlar\u0131na sermaye ihrac\u0131yla devlet kapamaya \u00e7al\u0131\u015f\u0131r. Marini’ye g\u00f6re alt emperyalist \u015feman\u0131n eksenini pazar sorunu olu\u015fturur. Emperyalist \u00fclkelerden akan sermaye sayesinde sanayisi geli\u015fmekte olan \u00fclkeler, s\u0131n\u0131rl\u0131 ve yetersiz t\u00fcketim potansiyeline sahip kendi i\u00e7 pazarlar\u0131yla yetinemezler ve d\u0131\u015f pazarlar aramaya zorlan\u0131rlar.<\/p>\n\n\n\n 1960-80 T\u00fcrkiyesi<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n Marini’nin alt emperyalizm kavram\u0131, bu tan\u0131m alt\u0131nda toplanabilecek \u00fclkelerin emperyalist \u00fclkelere olan ba\u011f\u0131ml\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 d\u0131\u015flamaz. Alt emperyalist \u00fclkeler ekonomik ve politik bak\u0131mdan egemen kapitalist \u00fclkelere, esas olarak da d\u00fcnya egemenli\u011fini elinde tutan ABD’ye ba\u011f\u0131ml\u0131 olmaya devam ederken, kazand\u0131klar\u0131 sermaye birikimi ve \u00fcretim kapasitesi sayesinde kendi \u00e7evrelerine do\u011fru a\u00e7\u0131lmaya zorlan\u0131rlar ve bir anlamda emperyalist egemenlik \u015femas\u0131n\u0131 kendi b\u00f6lgelerinde tekrarlamaya koyulurlar. Alt emperyalist kavram\u0131n\u0131n kuramsal tutarl\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131na ileride de\u011finece\u011fiz, ama \u015fimdi Marini’nin \u00f6rnek alt emperyalist \u00fclke olarak g\u00f6sterdi\u011fi Brezilya ve baz\u0131 ba\u015fka Latin Amerika \u00fclkeleri ile T\u00fcrkiye aras\u0131ndaki makro ekonomik benzerliklere veya farkl\u0131l\u0131klara de\u011finelim.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Brezilya’n\u0131n askeri diktat\u00f6rl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn iktidar\u0131 gasp etti\u011fi 1964 y\u0131l\u0131ndaki toplam ihracat\u0131 i\u00e7inde sanayi \u00fcr\u00fcnlerinin a\u011f\u0131rl\u0131\u011f\u0131 100 milyon dolara ula\u015fm\u0131yordu ve bu \u00fcr\u00fcnlerin genel ihracat\u0131 i\u00e7indeki pay\u0131 ancak %7 dolay\u0131ndayd\u0131. Diktat\u00f6rl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn \u00fclke kap\u0131lar\u0131n\u0131 yabanc\u0131 sermayeye a\u00e7mas\u0131n\u0131n ard\u0131ndan gelen sanayile\u015fme at\u0131l\u0131m\u0131yla birlikte \u00fclke ihracat\u0131 ve onun i\u00e7indeki sanayi \u00fcr\u00fcnlerinin miktar\u0131 h\u0131zla y\u00fckselir. 1967’de toplam ihracat\u0131 1,65 milyar dolara ula\u015f\u0131r, sanayi \u00fcr\u00fcnlerinin de\u011feri ise 294 milyon dolara dayan\u0131r (toplam i\u00e7indeki pay\u0131 %17,8). Bu rakamlar 1972’de 4 milyar dolar ve 374 milyon dolar olacakt\u0131r; sanayi \u00fcr\u00fcnlerinin toplam ihracat i\u00e7indeki pay\u0131 %26’ya y\u00fckselir. Bu rakamlar\u0131n i\u00e7\u00ednde Mozambik \u00f6nemli bir yer tutar; Brezilya’n\u0131n bu \u00fclkeye yapt\u0131\u011f\u0131 sanayi \u00fcr\u00fcnleri ihracat\u0131 1968-70 aras\u0131nda on kat artar, 92 milyondan 968 milyon dolara s\u0131\u00e7rar. <\/p>\n\n\n\n B\u00fct\u00fcn bu geli\u015fmeler i\u00e7inde Brezilya’ya yerle\u015fen \u00e7okuluslu \u015firketlerin (\u00f6zellikle ABD k\u00f6kenli) \u00f6nemi dikkat \u00e7eker. 1967’de Brezilya’daki her d\u00f6rt yabanc\u0131 \u015firketten biri sanayi \u00fcr\u00fcn\u00fc ihrac ederken, iki y\u0131l sonra bu oran yabanc\u0131 \u015firketlerin %43’\u00fc haline gelir; makine ve ta\u015f\u0131t sekt\u00f6r\u00fcnde ise bunlar\u0131n pay\u0131 %75’tir (Marini, 1977). Bu \u015femaya, farkl\u0131 geli\u015fmi\u015flik d\u00fczeyinde olmak kayd\u0131yla, Meksika ve Arjantin gibi di\u011fer Latin Amerika \u00fclkelerinde de rastlan\u0131r. <\/p>\n\n\n\n T\u00fcrkiye’de ise 1950’lerde s\u00f6z\u00fc edilmeye ba\u015flayan “planl\u0131 ekonomi” uygulamas\u0131, 1960 askeri darbesinin ard\u0131ndan uygulamaya konulur. Bu d\u00f6nemin di\u015f ticaret politikas\u0131 ithal ikamecidir ve esas olarak yerli sanayiyi geli\u015ftirip korumaya y\u00f6neliktir. Yabanc\u0131 sanayi mallar\u0131na kar\u015f\u0131 y\u00fcr\u00fcrl\u00fc\u011fe giren y\u00fcksek g\u00fcmr\u00fck tarifeleri sanayi burjuvazisinin h\u0131zla g\u00fc\u00e7lenmesine olanak verir. \u00dcr\u00fcnlerin ana hedefi ise T\u00fcrkiye’dir, yani i\u00e7 pazard\u0131r. Dolay\u0131s\u0131yla da sanayi \u00fcr\u00fcnlerinin ihracat i\u00e7indeki pay\u0131 daha da azal\u0131r ve tar\u0131m \u00fcr\u00fcnlerinin pay\u0131 %80’lere dayan\u0131r.\u00a0<\/p>\n\n\n\n 1970’lerde vergi iadesi uygulamas\u0131 ile sanayi \u00fcr\u00fcnlerinin ihracat\u0131 \u00f6zendirilmek istenir, ne var ki ayn\u0131 d\u00f6nemde d\u00fcnya ekonomisinin petrol kriziyle birlikte i\u00e7ine s\u00fcr\u00fcklendi\u011fi genel durgunluk bu politikan\u0131n istenen sonucun elde edilmesini engeller. \u00d6te yandan sabit kur uygulamas\u0131, i\u00e7 talebin geni\u015flemesi ve baz\u0131 mallar\u0131n arz\u0131ndaki yetersizlikler ihra\u00e7 \u00fcr\u00fcnlerinin \u00e7e\u015fitlili\u011finde azalmaya yol a\u00e7ar ve T\u00fcrkiye’nin d\u00fcnya ihracat\u0131 i\u00e7indeki pay\u0131 daha da azal\u0131r. D\u00f6nem sonlar\u0131nda sanayi \u00fcr\u00fcnlerinin toplam ihracat i\u00e7indeki pay\u0131n\u0131n b\u00fcy\u00fcmesi, Brezilya \u00f6rne\u011fine yakla\u015f\u0131r gibi g\u00f6r\u00fcnse de, bu \u00fcr\u00fcnler i\u00e7indeki en b\u00fcy\u00fck pay dayan\u0131kl\u0131 mallardan \u00e7ok tekstil sekt\u00f6r\u00fcne aittir. Ger\u00e7ekte imalat sekt\u00f6r\u00fcn\u00fcn gayri safi yurti\u00e7i has\u0131ladaki (GSYH) pay\u0131 Marini’nin alt emperyalizm kavram\u0131 alt\u0131nda toplamak i\u00e7in \u00f6ng\u00f6rd\u00fc\u011f\u00fc %25 d\u00fczeyi \u00fcst\u00fc \u00fclkelerin \u00e7ok uza\u011f\u0131ndad\u0131r:<\/p>\n\n\n\n Bu s\u00fcrecin bir di\u011fer sonucu da ithalat ile ihracat aras\u0131ndaki a\u00e7\u0131\u011f\u0131n b\u00fcy\u00fcmesidir. \u0130hracatta b\u00fcy\u00fck s\u0131k\u0131nt\u0131lar ya\u015fan\u0131rken mal darl\u0131\u011f\u0131, ayr\u0131ca yeni sanayi kurulu\u015flar\u0131n\u0131n \u00fcretim mallar\u0131 talebi, ithalat\u0131n h\u0131zl\u0131 tempolarda artmas\u0131na neden olur. 1977’ye gelindi\u011finde cari a\u00e7\u0131k 4 milyar dolara, GSYH’n\u0131n %5’i d\u00fczeyine ula\u015fm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Cari hesapta do\u011fan a\u00e7\u0131k, ayn\u0131 d\u00f6nemde Avrupa \u00fclkelerinde ya\u015fanan dolar bollu\u011fu etkisiyle bor\u00e7lanma bi\u00e7iminde kapat\u0131l\u0131r ve krizin ulusal gelirde d\u00fc\u015f\u00fc\u015flere yans\u0131mas\u0131 1977 y\u0131l\u0131na de\u011fin ertelenir. Bunun sonucunda T\u00fcrkiye’nin d\u0131\u015f bor\u00e7 stoku 1980’de 16,2 milyar dolara ula\u015f\u0131r; bunun GSYH i\u00e7indeki pay\u0131 %23’e dayan\u0131r. Bu arada gayri safi milli has\u0131lada (GSMH) b\u00fcy\u00fck d\u00fc\u015f\u00fc\u015fler ya\u015fan\u0131r ve \u00fclke ekonomisi 1979 ve 1980 y\u0131llar\u0131nda -%0,5 ve -%2,8 oranlar\u0131nda gerileme s\u00fcrecine girer. 81 milyar dolar GSMH’s\u0131 ile Brezilya, Hindistan, Meksika, Suudi Arabistan, \u0130ran, Arjantin gibi \u00fclkelerin gerisinde yer al\u0131r. Bor\u00e7lar\u0131n\u0131n faizlerini bile \u00f6deyemeyecek duruma gelen ve IMF anla\u015fmalar\u0131na ihtiya\u00e7 duyan T\u00fcrkiye, Marini’nin alt emperyalist kavram\u0131n\u0131n \u00e7ok uza\u011f\u0131ndad\u0131r.<\/p>\n\n\n\n \u0130hracata Y\u00f6nelik Ekonomi<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n Alt emperyalizm kavram\u0131n\u0131n tan\u0131mlanmas\u0131nda en \u00f6nemli iki unsur, yukar\u0131da da de\u011findi\u011fimiz gibi, ihracatta imalat sanayi mallar\u0131n\u0131n a\u011f\u0131rl\u0131k kazanmas\u0131 ve burjuvazinin \u00fclke s\u0131n\u0131rlar\u0131 d\u0131\u015f\u0131nda yeni pazarlar aray\u0131\u015flar\u0131d\u0131r. Bu anlamda T\u00fcrkiye 1980’e de\u011fin belirli bir sanayile\u015fme hamlesi ger\u00e7ekle\u015ftirmekle birlikte, korumac\u0131 ve i\u00e7 pazara y\u00f6nelik ekonomi politikalar\u0131yla ekonomik anlamda yay\u0131lmac\u0131 e\u011filimler g\u00f6stermemi\u015ftir. Bu politikalar\u0131n 1977’den itibaren \u00fclkeyi ciddi bir krize ve a\u011f\u0131r d\u0131\u015f bor\u00e7lanmaya s\u00fcr\u00fcklemesi, mali ve sanayi burjuvazisinin yeni temsilcisi Turgut \u00d6zal’\u0131n 1980 \u015eubat kararnamesiyle birlikte yeni bir d\u00f6nemin a\u00e7\u0131lmas\u0131n\u0131n ko\u015fullar\u0131n\u0131 yarat\u0131r. A\u011f\u0131r IMF bor\u00e7lanmas\u0131 ve ko\u015fullar\u0131 \u00e7er\u00e7evesinde olu\u015fturulan bu yeni politika T\u00fcrkiye ekonomisini d\u00fcnya kapitalizminin i\u00e7ine tam entegrasyonunu hedefleyen “ihracata y\u00f6nelik \u00fcretim” \u00e7izgisidir. Bu politikalar\u0131n uygulanmas\u0131 burjuvazi i\u00e7in elbette sermayenin organik bile\u015fiminin ve sermaye birikimi i\u00e7in gerekli k\u00e2r oranlar\u0131n\u0131n, i\u015f\u00e7i \u00fccretlerinin maliyetler i\u00e7indeki pay\u0131n\u0131n d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcr\u00fclmesi yoluyla art\u0131rilmas\u0131nda ge\u00e7mekteydi. Bunun \u00f6n\u00fcndeki en b\u00fcy\u00fck engel olan s\u0131n\u0131f m\u00fccadelesi ve \u00f6rg\u00fctl\u00fc militan i\u015f\u00e7i direni\u015fi 12 Eyl\u00fcl 1980 darbesiyle a\u015f\u0131lacakt\u0131. Bonapartist devlet, askeri diktat\u00f6rl\u00fck yoluyla bir kez daha mali ve s\u0131nai burjuvazinin yard\u0131m\u0131na ko\u015fmu\u015ftu. <\/p>\n\n\n\n Askeri diktat\u00f6rl\u00fck ve onun ard\u0131ndan gelen Turgut \u00d6zal h\u00fck\u00fcmetlerinin en b\u00fcy\u00fck at\u0131l\u0131m\u0131, ekonominin k\u00fcreselle\u015fmekte olan d\u00fcnya kapitalist sistemine kat\u0131l\u0131m\u0131 i\u00e7in gerekli olan t\u00fcm kap\u0131lar\u0131 a\u00e7mak oldu. Bu politikalar ilk yans\u0131mas\u0131n\u0131 \u00fclkenin d\u0131\u015f ticaretini onun \u00f6n\u00fcndeki t\u00fcm \u00f6nemli yasal engelleri kald\u0131rarak liberalle\u015ftirmek olacak ve bu durum ihracat rakamlar\u0131na yans\u0131yacakt\u0131.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Yukar\u0131daki \u015fekilden de g\u00f6r\u00fclece\u011fi \u00fczere 1980\u2019lerin haz\u0131rl\u0131k y\u0131llar\u0131ndan sonra ihracat sistematik bir bi\u00e7imde artmaya ba\u015flar, \u00f6zellikle 2001 y\u0131l\u0131ndan sonra AKP h\u00fck\u00fcmetleriyle birlikte b\u00fcy\u00fck bir \u00e7\u0131k\u0131\u015f yakalar. 2000 y\u0131l\u0131nda 27,7 milyar dolar olan toplam ihracat tutar\u0131 on y\u0131l sonra %400 oran\u0131nda artarak 113,8 milyar dolara, 2012\u2019de de 152,5 milyar dolar d\u00fczeyine ula\u015f\u0131r. Bu ihracat\u0131n i\u00e7inde imalat mallar\u0131n\u0131n artan oran\u0131 dikkat \u00e7ekicidir. 1980’de toplam ihracat i\u00e7inde %36’l\u0131k bir orana sahip olan imalat sanayi bu pay\u0131n\u0131 onu izleyen 20 y\u0131l i\u00e7inde art\u0131r\u0131r ve 2012’de toplam ihracat\u0131n %93,5’lik b\u00f6l\u00fcm\u00fcn\u00fc olu\u015fturur hale gelir. “\u0130hracata y\u00f6nelik \u00fcretim” stratejisinin sonucudur bu. Ama dikkat edilmesi gereken bir nokta da ithalat mallar\u0131 ithalat\u0131 i\u00e7inde imalat \u00fcr\u00fcnlerinin (yat\u0131r\u0131m mallar\u0131 ve ara mallar toplam\u0131) de\u011feridir (%88,6). Yani T\u00fcrkiye ihra\u00e7 etti\u011finden fazla imalat \u00fcr\u00fcn\u00fc ithal etmektedir. Bu da T\u00fcrk sanayinin teknolojik ve ara mallar\u0131 a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan d\u0131\u015fa ba\u011f\u0131ml\u0131l\u0131k derecesine i\u015faret eder.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Dolay\u0131s\u0131yla b\u00fct\u00fcn bu veriler T\u00fcrkiye’nin, Marini ve savunucular\u0131n\u0131n kavramla\u015ft\u0131rd\u0131klar\u0131, sanayile\u015fmi\u015f bir alt emperyalist \u00fclke oldu\u011fu anlam\u0131na gelmedi\u011fine i\u015faret eder. Son on y\u0131l i\u00e7inde belirli kesintilere kar\u015f\u0131n olduk\u00e7a y\u00fcksek b\u00fcy\u00fcme oranlar\u0131na ula\u015f\u0131lm\u0131\u015f olsa bile sanayinin \u00fclke i\u00e7i \u00fcretimdeki pay\u0131 (GSYH) %25 d\u00fczeyini fazlaca a\u015fmaz, hatta belirli bir gerileme ya\u015far:<\/p>\n\n\n\n \u00d6te yandan gene son on y\u0131l i\u00e7inde d\u0131\u015f ticaret yukar\u0131ya do\u011fru s\u00fcrekli bir ivme kazanm\u0131\u015f olmakla birlikte ithalat ile ihracat aras\u0131ndaki makas a\u00e7\u0131lmay\u0131 s\u00fcrd\u00fcrm\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcr:<\/p>\n\n\n\n Mutlak rakamlar b\u00fcy\u00fckt\u00fcr: Mal ihracat\u0131 152,2 milyar dolar, ithalat\u0131 ise 236,5 milyar dolara ula\u015fm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Elbette bu g\u00f6reli<\/em>, kendine g\u00f6re bir b\u00fcy\u00fcmedir. Ayn\u0131 zaman diliminde (2011 y\u0131l\u0131 rakamlar\u0131yla) Brezilya, \u015eili, Meksika gibi \u00fclkeler T\u00fcrkiye’nin iki kat\u0131 oran\u0131nda mal ihrac\u0131 yapm\u0131\u015flard\u0131r.\u00a0 Daha da \u00f6nemlisi, T\u00fcrkiye’nin ihracat\u0131n\u0131n ithalat\u0131n\u0131 kar\u015f\u0131lama oran\u0131n\u0131n benzer kategoride yer alabilecek pek \u00e7ok ba\u015fka \u00fclkenin \u00e7ok gerisinde olmas\u0131d\u0131r:<\/p>\n\n\n\n Bu haliyle T\u00fcrkiye, d\u0131\u015f ticaretinde sistematik olarak a\u00e7\u0131k veren bir \u00fclke durumundad\u0131r. \u00dcstelik mutlak rakamlar b\u00fcy\u00fcd\u00fc\u011f\u00fcnde a\u00e7\u0131\u011f\u0131n miktar\u0131 da b\u00fcy\u00fcmekte ve bu \u00fclkenin daha fazla d\u0131\u015f borca girmesine neden olmakta. <\/p>\n\n\n\n Yabanc\u0131 Sermaye Yat\u0131r\u0131mlar\u0131<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n T\u00fcrkiye’ye gelen yabanc\u0131 sermaye yat\u0131r\u0131mlar\u0131 \u00fclkenin II. D\u00fcnya Sava\u015f\u0131 sonras\u0131nda olu\u015fan yeni emperyalist sisteme daha derinden entegrasyonu a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan \u00f6nem kazanm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Sava\u015f sonras\u0131 d\u00f6nemde T\u00fcrkiye, daha \u00f6nceki s\u00f6m\u00fcrgelerini yitirmekte olan \u0130ngiliz ve yenik Alman emperyalizmlerinin y\u00f6r\u00fcngesinden uzakla\u015farak, yeni d\u00fcnya egemeni ABD’nin y\u00f6r\u00fcngesine yerle\u015fme s\u00fcrecine girer. 1950’ler esas olarak ABD \u015firketlerinin d\u00fcnyaya a\u00e7\u0131lma d\u00f6nemidir. 1944’te Bretton Woods anla\u015fmalar\u0131yla dolar\u0131n uluslararas\u0131 kabul edilmesiyle birlikte ABD \u00e7okuluslu \u015firketleri d\u00fcnya \u00f6l\u00e7e\u011finde yat\u0131r\u0131mlara y\u00f6nelirler. Bu yat\u0131r\u0131mlar\u0131n b\u00fcy\u00fck b\u00f6l\u00fcm\u00fc, o d\u00f6nemde teknoloji ve altyap\u0131 unsurlar\u0131n\u0131n etkisiyle k\u00e2rl\u0131l\u0131k oranlar\u0131n\u0131n daha y\u00fcksek oldu\u011fu geli\u015fmi\u015f Avrupa \u00fclkelerine y\u00f6neliktir, bununla birlikte pek \u00e7ok azgeli\u015fmi\u015f \u00fclke ABD \u015firketlerine \u00e7e\u015fitli vergi istisnas\u0131, muafiyet ve te\u015fviklerin yan\u0131 s\u0131ra pazar \u00f6n\u00adcelikleri, altyap\u0131 hizmetleri ve hatta tekel haklar\u0131 tan\u0131yarak yabanc\u0131 yat\u0131r\u0131mlar\u0131 \u00e7ekmeye \u00e7al\u0131\u015f\u0131r. \u00d6yle ki, ABD k\u00f6kenli \u00e7okuluslu \u015firketlerin yurt d\u0131\u015f\u0131ndaki \u00fcretimleri ABD ihracat\u0131n\u0131n 1960 y\u0131l\u0131nda yakla\u015f\u0131k olarak 3 kat\u0131na, 1971\u2019de ise 4 kat\u0131na ula\u015f\u0131r. 1970\u2019lere kadar geli\u015fmi\u015f \u00fclkelerin toplam d\u0131\u015f yat\u0131r\u0131mlar\u0131n\u0131n yar\u0131ya yak\u0131n b\u00f6l\u00fcm\u00fc ABD\u2019ye aittir. <\/p>\n\n\n\n II. D\u00fcnya Sava\u015f\u0131 sonras\u0131ndan 1980\u2019lerin sonlar\u0131na de\u011fin d\u00fcnya n\u00fcfusunun yakla\u015f\u0131k \u00fc\u00e7te biri, b\u00fcrokratik i\u015f\u00e7i devletlerin varl\u0131\u011f\u0131 nedeniyle uluslararas\u0131 kapitalist sistemin d\u0131\u015f\u0131ndad\u0131r. \u00d6te yandan, s\u00f6m\u00fcrge ve yar\u0131 s\u00f6m\u00fcrge \u00fclkelerdeki ulusal kurtulu\u015f sava\u015flar\u0131 ve bu m\u00fccadelelerin sonunda kurulan ulusalc\u0131 h\u00fck\u00fcmetler yabanc\u0131 yat\u0131r\u0131mlara kar\u015f\u0131 ku\u015fkulu tutum al\u0131rlar, kendi yerli burjuva sekt\u00f6rlerini \u00e7e\u015fitli korumac\u0131 politikalarla desteklemeyi ye\u011flerler. Bu d\u00f6nemde bu tip \u00fclkelere akan yabanc\u0131 yat\u0131r\u0131mlar esas olarak d\u0131\u015f bor\u00e7lar bi\u00e7iminde ger\u00e7ekle\u015fir. Bu durum 1990\u2019lardan itibaren, bir yandan b\u00fcrokratik i\u015f\u00e7i devletlerinin ilgas\u0131 ve kapitalist sisteme entegrasyonu, \u00f6b\u00fcr yandan neoliberalizmin k\u00fcreselle\u015fme politikalar\u0131yla \u00fclkeleri d\u00fcnya kapitalizminin i\u00e7ine \u00e7ekmesi sonucunda de\u011fi\u015fmeye ba\u015flar. Az geli\u015fmi\u015f ve geli\u015fmekte olan \u00fclkelerin bir\u00e7o\u011fu \u00e7e\u015fitli d\u00fczenlemeler yoluyla uluslararas\u0131 yabanc\u0131 sermaye hareketlerinden daha fazla pay alma gayreti i\u00e7ine girerler. Birle\u015fmi\u015f Milletler taraf\u0131ndan yap\u0131lan bir ara\u015ft\u0131rmaya g\u00f6re, 1990\u2019l\u0131 y\u0131llarda geli\u015fmekte olan \u00fclkelerde yat\u0131r\u0131m iklimiyle ilgili d\u00fczenlemelerin %94,2\u2019si do\u011frudan yabanc\u0131 sermaye lehine olmu\u015f\u00adtur. Sadece 2001 y\u0131l\u0131nda 71 \u00fclkenin do\u011frudan yabanc\u0131 yat\u0131r\u0131m kanunlar\u0131nda 208 de\u011fi\u015fiklik yap\u0131l\u0131r ve bunlar\u0131n % 93\u2019\u00fc daha fazla do\u011frudan yabanc\u0131 yat\u0131r\u0131m \u00e7e\u00adkebilmek i\u00e7in ger\u00e7ekle\u015ftirilir. Bu politika de\u011fi\u015fikli\u011finde bu \u00fclkelerin bir\u00e7o\u011funun ald\u0131klar\u0131 d\u0131\u015f bor\u00e7 ve kredilerin faizlerini bile \u00f6deyememeleri etkili olur.<\/p>\n\n\n\n T\u00fcrkiye\u2019de ise do\u011frudan yabanc\u0131 yat\u0131r\u0131m faaliyetleri 1954\u2019te kabul edilen 6224 say\u0131l\u0131 \u201cYa\u00adbanc\u0131 Sermaye Kanunu\u201d ile resm\u00ee bir \u00e7er\u00e7eveye oturtulur. Bu yasayla, yabanc\u0131 yat\u0131r\u0131mlara mali konularda da bir\u00e7ok kolayl\u0131klar tan\u0131n\u00ad\u0131r, en \u00f6nemlisi, k\u00e2r transferlerindeki k\u0131s\u0131tlamalar kald\u0131r\u0131l\u0131r. Faaliyet sonucun\u00adda elde edilecek k\u00e2ra vergi pay\u0131 \u00e7\u0131kar\u0131ld\u0131ktan sonra herhangi bir s\u0131n\u0131rlama olmaks\u0131z\u0131n transfer olana\u011f\u0131 sa\u011flan\u0131r. Hisse senetlerinin temett\u00fcleri ya da hisse senedi sat\u0131\u015f\u0131 sonucu elde edilecek gelirin de transferi olanakl\u0131 k\u0131l\u0131n\u0131r. Bu yasal de\u011fi\u015fiklik olduk\u00e7a liberal olmakla birlikte, \u00fclkenin di\u011fer altyap\u0131 ve \u00fcretken emek eksikli\u011fi gibi sorunlar\u0131n\u0131n yan\u0131 s\u0131ra, yasadaki \u201cyabanc\u0131 sermayenin \u00fclkenin ekonomik kalk\u0131nmas\u0131na yararl\u0131 olmas\u0131\u201d ifadesi devlet b\u00fcrokrasisi ile burjuvazi aras\u0131nda farkl\u0131 yorumlara neden olur, emperyalist yat\u0131r\u0131mc\u0131lar a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan g\u00fcvensiz bir ortam\u0131n do\u011fmas\u0131na yol a\u00e7ar. 1960 darbesini izleyen ve ulusalc\u0131 kalk\u0131nma amac\u0131yla ithal ikameci planl\u0131 ekonominin uyguland\u0131\u011f\u0131 d\u00f6nemde de, baz\u0131 liberal kararlar al\u0131nmakla birlikte, yabanc\u0131 sermayenin ihtiya\u00e7 duydu\u011fu \u201cg\u00fcvenli ortam\u201d yarat\u0131lamaz. 1967\u2019de D\u0130SK\u2019in kurulmas\u0131yla \u00f6zellikle \u00f6zel sekt\u00f6rde y\u00fckselen i\u015f\u00e7i militanl\u0131\u011f\u0131, \u00fclkedeki k\u00e2r oranlar\u0131n\u0131 emperyalizm a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan cazip k\u0131lmaktan uzakt\u0131r.<\/p>\n\n\n\n 1970\u2019li y\u0131llar da \u00fclkede sendikal m\u00fccadelenin ve genel olarak s\u0131n\u0131f m\u00fccadelelerinin \u015fiddetlendi\u011fi bir d\u00f6nemdir. 1971 askeri darbesi, ard\u0131ndan 1974 K\u0131br\u0131s i\u015fgali yabanc\u0131 yat\u0131r\u0131mc\u0131lar a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan \u201cistikrars\u0131zl\u0131k\u201d belirtileridir. \u201cHalk\u00e7\u0131 Ecevit\u201d h\u00fck\u00fcmetleri yabanc\u0131 yat\u0131r\u0131mc\u0131lar\u0131 teredd\u00fctte b\u0131rak\u0131rken, S\u00fcleyman Demirel ba\u015fbakanl\u0131\u011f\u0131ndaki \u201cMilli Cephe\u201d h\u00fck\u00fcmetleri emperyalizmin bekledi\u011fi \u201cbar\u0131\u015f ve d\u00fczen\u201d ortam\u0131n\u0131 sa\u011flamaya yetmez. B\u00fct\u00fcn bu d\u00f6nem boyunca, uluslararas\u0131 kapitalist\u00a0 terminolojide yer alan \u201cgeli\u015fmekte olan \u00fclkelere\u201d giden do\u011frudan d\u0131\u015f yat\u0131r\u0131mlar i\u00e7inde T\u00fcrkiye\u2019nin pay\u0131 %0,3 ile %0,6 aras\u0131nda de\u011fi\u015fir. 1980 \u015eubat kararlar\u0131 ve onu izleyen askeri diktat\u00f6rl\u00fck emperyalist sermayeyi \u00e7ekebilmenin t\u00fcn ko\u015fullar\u0131n\u0131 haz\u0131rlamakla birlikte, bu neoliberal politikalar ancak 1990\u2019lardan itibaren sonu\u00e7 vermeye ba\u015flar.<\/p>\n\n\n\n a<\/sup> Avustralya, Kanada, Fransa, Federal Alman Cumhuriyeti, \u0130talya, Japonya, Hollanda, \u0130spanya, \u0130ngiltere ve ABD; hep birlikte bu \u00fclkeler 1990\u2019da giren toplam do\u011frudan yabanc\u0131 yat\u0131r\u0131m stokunun yakla\u015f\u0131k y\u00fczde 72\u2019sini olu\u015ftururlar.<\/p>\n\n\n\n b<\/sup> Arjantin, Brezilya, \u015eili, \u00c7in, Kolombiya, Hong Kong, Endonezya, Malezya, Meksika, Nijerya, Filipinler, G\u00fcney Kore, Singapur, Tayvan, ve Venez\u00fcella. Bu \u00fclkeler hep birlikte geli\u015fmekte olan \u00fclkelere giden do\u011frudan yabanc\u0131 yat\u0131r\u0131mlar\u0131n yakla\u015f\u0131k y\u00fczde 68\u2019ini olu\u015ftururlar.<\/p>\n\n\n\n c<\/sup>Birincil sekt\u00f6r: Tar\u0131m, ormanc\u0131l\u0131k, bal\u0131k\u00e7\u0131l\u0131k, madencilik, petrol ve do\u011fal gaz \u00e7\u0131kar\u0131m\u0131.<\/p>\n\n\n\n d<\/sup>\u0130kincil sekt\u00f6r: \u0130malat sanayi.<\/p>\n\n\n\n e<\/sup>\u00dc\u00e7\u00fcnc\u00fcl sekt\u00f6r: Hizmetler.<\/p>\n\n\n\n 2000\u2019li y\u0131llar emperyalist sermayenin \u201ck\u00fcreselle\u015fme\u201d ba\u011flam\u0131nda t\u00fcm \u00fclkeleri d\u00fcnya kapitalist sistemin uyumland\u0131rma at\u0131l\u0131m\u0131yla belirlenir. Hedef, b\u00fct\u00fcn \u00fcretim, t\u00fcketim ve sermaye alanlar\u0131n\u0131n serbestle\u015ftirilerek emperyalist sermayeye a\u00e7\u0131lmas\u0131d\u0131r. Nitekim 2004\u2019e gelindi\u011finde 9.800 yeni yat\u0131r\u0131m\u0131n 5.800\u2019\u00fc geli\u015fmekte olan ve eski Sovyet blo\u011fu \u00fclkelerine yap\u0131l\u0131r. Bu yeni projelerde aslan pay\u0131n\u0131 1.529 adetle \u00c7in elde eder. Hindistan\u2019da 685, Rusya\u2019da 377, Brezilya\u2019da 258, Singapur\u2019da 173, Birle\u015fik Arap Emirlikleri\u2019nde 156, Meksika\u2019da 154, Malezya\u2019da 125, Hong Kong\u2019da 122, Tayland\u2019da 121, Kore\u2019de 100 yeni proje ger\u00e7ekle\u015ftirilirken, T\u00fcrkiye\u2019de bu say\u0131 64 gibi \u00e7ok d\u00fc\u015f\u00fck bir d\u00fczeyde kal\u0131r. Buna kar\u015f\u0131l\u0131k 2006 y\u0131l\u0131na gelindi\u011finde T\u00fcrkiye, 20,1 milyar dolar ile en \u00e7ok a\u015fama kaydeden \u00fclke\u00adlerdendir. Bu arada 2008 d\u00fcnya krizinin pek \u00e7ok \u00fclkeyi, bu arada \u00f6zellikle geli\u015fmi\u015f ekonomileri vurarak gerilemeye s\u00fcr\u00fcklemesi, T\u00fcrkiye\u2019nin 2012 y\u0131l\u0131nda cari fiyatlarla 786.3 milyar dolarl\u0131k GSYH’s\u0131yla d\u00fcnya s\u0131ralamas\u0131nda 17’nci s\u0131raya y\u00fckselmesini ve geli\u015fmekte olan \u00fclkeler s\u0131ralamas\u0131nda be\u015finci s\u0131rada yer almas\u0131n\u0131 sa\u011flar. Bu d\u00f6nemde geli\u015fmekte olan \u00fclkeler aras\u0131nda birinci s\u0131rada yer alan \u00c7in ise 70 milyar dolarl\u0131k do\u011frudan yabanc\u0131 sermaye yat\u0131r\u0131m\u0131 al\u0131r. Yabanc\u0131 sermaye yat\u0131r\u0131m\u0131 giri\u015fi a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan s\u0131ralamada en \u00e7ok s\u0131\u00e7rama yapan \u00fclkeler ise Avustralya, \u0130svi\u00e7re, L\u00fcksemburg ve \u0130sve\u00e7 olur.<\/p>\n\n\n\n D\u00fcnya genelinde, 2008 y\u0131l\u0131nda % 14 oran\u0131nda s\u0131n\u0131rl\u0131 bir daralma g\u00f6r\u00fclen k\u00fcresel do\u011f\u00adrudan yabanc\u0131 yat\u0131r\u0131m ak\u0131\u015flar\u0131na, krizin etkileri 2009 y\u0131l\u0131nda daha derinden yans\u0131\u0131r. UNCTAD\u2019\u0131n verilerine g\u00f6re, 2009 y\u0131l\u0131nda %39 oran\u0131nda d\u00fc\u015f\u00fc\u015fle 1 trilyon do\u00adlar civar\u0131nda k\u00fcresel do\u011frudan yabanc\u0131 yat\u0131r\u0131m ak\u0131\u015f\u0131 ger\u00e7ekle\u015fr. Geli\u015fmekte olan \u00fclkelere ve ge\u00e7i\u015f ekonomilerine giri\u015flerde 2008 y\u0131l\u0131nda d\u00fc\u015f\u00fc\u015f de\u011fil yakla\u015f\u0131k %35 d\u00fc\u00adzeyinde art\u0131\u015f g\u00f6r\u00fcl\u00fcrken, 6 y\u0131ll\u0131k kesintisiz b\u00fcy\u00fcmenin ard\u0131ndan 2009 y\u0131l\u0131nda bu grup \u00fclkelere do\u011frudan yabanc\u0131 yat\u0131r\u0131m giri\u015flerinde %39 oran\u0131nda d\u00fc\u015f\u00fc\u015f g\u00f6r\u00fcl\u00fcr. Ge\u00adli\u015fmi\u015f \u00fclkeler aras\u0131nda, \u0130ngiltere, \u0130sve\u00e7, \u0130spanya, ABD ve Japonya\u2019ya do\u011frudan yabanc\u0131 yat\u0131r\u0131m giri\u015flerinde % 50\u2019nin \u00fczerinde d\u00fc\u015f\u00fc\u015f g\u00f6zlenir. <\/p>\n\n\n\n Emperyalist sermayenin bekledi\u011fi \u201cg\u00fcven ortam\u0131n\u0131\u201d 2002\u2019de iktidara gelen AKP h\u00fck\u00fcmeti sa\u011flar. Ama, AB ile \u00fcyelik m\u00fczakerelerinin ba\u015flam\u0131\u015f olmas\u0131n\u0131n yan\u0131 s\u0131ra y\u00fcr\u00fct\u00fclen neoliberal sald\u0131r\u0131 politikalar\u0131na ra\u011fmen, daha fazla do\u011frudan yabanc\u0131 yat\u0131r\u0131m \u00e7ekilmesi noktas\u0131nda yetersiz kal\u0131n\u0131r, bu durum yayg\u0131n \u00f6zelle\u015ftirmeler kanal\u0131yla a\u015f\u0131lmaya \u00e7al\u0131\u015f\u0131l\u0131r. 2000\u2019lerin sonlar\u0131na do\u011fru g\u00f6zlemlenen art\u0131\u015fa kar\u015f\u0131n, T\u00fcrkiye\u2019ye gelen do\u011frudan yabanc\u0131 yat\u0131r\u0131m giri\u015fi k\u0131\u00ads\u0131tl\u0131 kal\u0131r ve yaln\u0131zca hizmet sekt\u00f6r\u00fcnde mevcut olan i\u015fletmeleri edinmek \u00fczerinde odaklan\u0131r. T\u00fcrkiye\u2019deki uluslararas\u0131 do\u011frudan yat\u0131r\u0131m ak\u0131\u015f\u0131 2006 y\u0131l\u0131nda 20 milyar dolar\u0131 a\u015fan (GSY\u0130H\u2019n\u0131n % 5\u2019i) bir seviyeye y\u00fckselir. Do\u011frudan yat\u0131r\u0131m giri\u015fi 2007 y\u0131l\u0131nda 22 milyar dolar\u0131 a\u015farken, 2009 y\u0131l\u0131nda k\u00fcresel krizin etkisiyle keskin bir d\u00fc\u015f\u00fc\u015f ya\u015fan\u0131r ve giri\u015fler 8 milyar dolara d\u00fc\u015fer.<\/p>\n\n\n\n \u015eekil 4’ten de anla\u015f\u0131laca\u011f\u0131 gibi 2008 b\u00fcy\u00fck kriziyle birlikte d\u00fc\u015fen do\u011frudan yabanc\u0131 sermaye yat\u0131r\u0131mlar\u0131 (DYSY) 2010’dan itibaren yeni bir y\u00fckseli\u015fe girmekle beraber kriz \u00f6ncesi miktarlara ula\u015famaz. \u00dcstelik 2012’de, krizden en fazla etkilenen geli\u015fmmi\u015f \u00fclkelerden ka\u00e7an sermaye yat\u0131r\u0131mlar\u0131 ilk kez a\u011f\u0131rl\u0131kl\u0131 olarak geli\u015fmekte olan \u00fclkelere y\u00f6nelir. T\u00fcrkiye de bu dalgalanmalardan etkilenir, ancak mutlak rakamlara bak\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131nda, T\u00fcrkiye’nin ald\u0131\u011f\u0131 DYSY’n\u0131n geli\u015fmekte olan \u00fclkelere y\u00f6nelen yat\u0131r\u0131mlara oran\u0131 da azal\u0131r, 2011’de biraz toparlama e\u011filimine girer ama kriz \u00f6ncesi miktarlara d\u00f6nemez.<\/p>\n\n\n\n B\u00fct\u00fcn verilerin g\u00f6sterdi\u011fi, T\u00fcrkiye’nin ne emperyalist blok \u00fclkeleri d\u00fczeyinde, ne de ba\u011f\u0131ml\u0131 ama alt emperyalizm kuramc\u0131lar\u0131nca \u00f6yle tan\u0131mlanabilecek \u00fclkeler d\u00fczeyinde sermaye \u00e7ekebildi\u011fidir. T\u00fcrkiye’ye giren DYSY’n\u0131n geli\u015fmekte olan \u00fclkelere y\u00f6nelik yat\u0131r\u0131mlar i\u00e7indeki pay\u0131 2012’de %1,8 d\u00fczeyine kal\u0131r (T\u00fcrkiye 12,6 milyar dolar, GO\u00dc toplam\u0131 703 milyar dolar). Kald\u0131 ki, Marini taraftarlar\u0131n\u0131n ba\u011f\u0131ml\u0131 \u00fclkeleri alt emperyalist kategoriye y\u00fckseltecek ekonomik entegrasyon unsurlar\u0131 i\u00e7inde en \u00f6nemli etmenlerden biri olarak g\u00f6rd\u00fc\u011f\u00fc imalata y\u00f6nelik DYSY’n\u0131n T\u00fcrkiye’deki karakteri de bu kritere uymamaktad\u0131r:<\/p>\n\n\n\n Tablo 6’dan da anla\u015f\u0131laca\u011f\u0131 \u00fczere T\u00fcrkiye’ye gelen yabanc\u0131 sermayenin neredeyse be\u015fte ikisi finans sekt\u00f6r\u00fcne, \u00f6zellikle portf\u00f6y yat\u0131r\u0131mlar\u0131na; be\u015fte bire yak\u0131n b\u00f6l\u00fcm\u00fc ise gayr\u0131 menkul al\u0131mlar\u0131na y\u00f6nelmekte. Bu sermaye yat\u0131r\u0131mlar\u0131n\u0131n “\u00fcretken” oldu\u011funu s\u00f6ylemek olanakl\u0131 de\u011fil, daha \u00e7ok onu “rant\u00e7\u0131” olarak tan\u0131mlamak gerekiyor. \u00d6te yandan yat\u0131r\u0131mlar\u0131n d\u00f6rtte biri de hizmet sekt\u00f6r\u00fcne ak\u0131p imalat sanayinin d\u0131\u015f\u0131nda kalmaktad\u0131r.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Yabanc\u0131 sermaye yat\u0131r\u0131mlar\u0131n\u0131n T\u00fcrkiye d\u0131\u015f\u0131na ta\u015f\u0131d\u0131klar\u0131 k\u00e2r transferleri dikkate al\u0131nd\u0131\u011f\u0131nda ise, bu yat\u0131r\u0131mlar\u0131n ne t\u00fcrl\u00fc bir art\u0131k de\u011fer s\u00f6m\u00fcr\u00fcs\u00fcne kar\u015f\u0131l\u0131k geldi\u011fi anla\u015f\u0131labilir. Sadece AKP iktidar\u0131 d\u00f6nemi dikkate al\u0131nd\u0131\u011f\u0131nda, tablo verileri \u00e7arp\u0131c\u0131d\u0131r:<\/p>\n\n\n\n D\u00fcnya krizinin en a\u011f\u0131r etkilerinin ya\u015fand\u0131\u011f\u0131 2009 ve 2010 y\u0131llar\u0131nda s\u00f6m\u00fcr\u00fc oranlar\u0131n\u0131n %40\u2019lar\u0131n \u00fczerinde seyretmesi emperyalist sermayenin T\u00fcrkiye\u2019de arad\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 fazlas\u0131yla bulmu\u015f oldu\u011funu g\u00f6sterir. D\u00f6nemin ortalama k\u00e2r transferi giren sermayeye g\u00f6re be\u015fte bir d\u00fczeyindedir. T\u00fcm d\u00fcnyada kapitalist k\u00e2r oranlar\u0131n\u0131n d\u00fc\u015ft\u00fc\u011f\u00fc bir d\u00f6nemde uluslararas\u0131 sermaye T\u00fcrkiye\u2019de son derece y\u00fcksek oranlar elde edebilme olana\u011f\u0131 yakalar. Giren sermayenin \u00fclke hazinesine b\u0131rakt\u0131\u011f\u0131 vergiler de d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fclecek olursa, T\u00fcrkiyeli emek\u00e7ilerin s\u0131rt\u0131ndan elde edilen art\u0131k de\u011fer oranlar\u0131n\u0131n y\u00fcksekli\u011fi tahmin edilebilir. AKP h\u00fck\u00fcmetlerinin \u201cemperyal vizyonu\u201d yar\u0131 s\u00f6m\u00fcrge bir T\u00fcrkiye ger\u00e7e\u011finden ba\u015fka bir \u015fey de\u011fildir.<\/p>\n\n\n\n D\u0131\u015f Bor\u00e7lar<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n Az geli\u015fmi\u015f, ba\u011f\u0131ml\u0131 ve yar\u0131 s\u00f6m\u00fcrge \u00fclkelerin di\u011fer devletlerden, uluslararas\u0131 emperyalist kurulu\u015flardan (IMF, D\u00fcnya Bankas\u0131, vb.) ve\/veya finans merkezlerinden edindikleri d\u0131\u015f bor\u00e7lar, bir yandan bu \u00fclkelerdeki d\u0131\u015f ticaret a\u00e7\u0131klar\u0131n\u0131 kapatmaya ve burjuvazilerin \u00e7ok ihtiya\u00e7 duyduklar\u0131 sermaye birikimine hizmet ederken, di\u011fer yandan da uluslararas\u0131 kapitalizmin onlar\u0131n \u00fczerindeki ba\u011f\u0131ml\u0131l\u0131k ili\u015fkisini g\u00fc\u00e7lendirme ve bu \u00fclkelerin ekonomilerini k\u00fcresel kapitalizme entegre etme i\u015flevini g\u00f6r\u00fcr. Nitekim kapitalizmin geni\u015fletilmi\u015f yeniden \u00fcretim s\u00fcreci i\u00e7inde geri \u00fclkelerin d\u0131\u015f bor\u00e7lar\u0131, faiz \u00f6demeleriyle birlikte, giderek artar ve sonu\u00e7ta bor\u00e7 \u00f6deme y\u00fck\u00fc yat\u0131r\u0131mlar\u0131 ve sermaye birikimini k\u0131s\u0131tlamaya ba\u015flar. \u00dclke kaynaklar\u0131n\u0131n getirisi ve ihracat gelirleri bor\u00e7 \u00f6demelerine harcan\u0131r; bor\u00e7 \u00f6deyebilmek ve giderek b\u00fcy\u00fcyen cari a\u00e7\u0131klar\u0131 \u00f6telemek amac\u0131yla \u00fcretim \u00fczerine konan yeni vergiler bizzat burjuvaziyi yeni yat\u0131r\u0131mlar yapmaktan uzakla\u015ft\u0131r\u0131r; ve b\u00fct\u00fcn bunlar ekonomik b\u00fcy\u00fcmeyi olumsuz bi\u00e7imde etkiler. Artan bor\u00e7lar\u0131n para bas\u0131larak kar\u015f\u0131lanmaya \u00e7al\u0131\u015f\u0131lmas\u0131 sonucunda da bu \u00fclkelerde s\u0131k\u00e7a rastlanan y\u00fcksek enflayon d\u00f6nemlerine tan\u0131k olunur. Emperyalist finans ve “izleme” kurulu\u015flar\u0131 s\u00f6z konusu \u00fclkenin “kredi notunu” d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcr\u00fcr ve onlar\u0131 uluslararas\u0131 piyasalardan s\u0131cak para bulmak i\u00e7in faiz oranlar\u0131n\u0131 y\u00fckseltmeye zorlar. B\u00f6ylece, ba\u011f\u0131ml\u0131 \u00fclkelerin d\u0131\u015f bor\u00e7lar\u0131, \u00fclkede yarat\u0131lan art\u0131 de\u011ferin emperyalist \u00fclkelere sistematik aktar\u0131m mekanizmas\u0131 olarak bir k\u0131s\u0131r d\u00f6ng\u00fc bi\u00e7iminde i\u015fler.<\/p>\n\n\n\n 1925 Paris Konferans\u0131, ard\u0131ndan 1933 Paris Antla\u015fmas\u0131 uyar\u0131nca sava\u015f galibi emperyalist \u00fclkelerin kendisine devretti\u011fi 107,5 milyon alt\u0131n tutar\u0131ndaki Osmanl\u0131 bor\u00e7lar\u0131n\u0131 1954’e de\u011fin \u00f6deyen\u00a0 T\u00fcrkiye Cumhuriyeti h\u00fck\u00fcmetlerinin as\u0131l d\u0131\u015f bor\u00e7 girdab\u0131na \u00e7ekilmesi, planl\u0131 ekonomi uygulamalar\u0131yla sanayi at\u0131l\u0131m\u0131n\u0131n ger\u00e7ekle\u015ftirilmeye \u00e7al\u0131\u015f\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131 1960 ve 70’li y\u0131llarla ba\u015flar. 1923-1960 d\u00f6neminde \u00e7e\u015fitli alt yap\u0131 projelerinin finansman\u0131\u00a0 ve b\u00fct\u00e7e a\u00e7\u0131klar\u0131n\u0131n kapat\u0131lmas\u0131 amac\u0131yla ABD’den ve baz\u0131 ba\u015fka mali merkezlerden al\u0131nan toplam 558 milyon dolarl\u0131k d\u0131\u015f bor\u00e7 miktar\u0131, izleyen yirmi y\u0131l i\u00e7inde neredeyse on alt\u0131 kat artarak 16,2 milyar dolara y\u00fckselir. “S\u0131nai kalk\u0131nma” d\u00f6neminde artan kredi ihtiya\u00e7lar\u0131, IMF ile yap\u0131lan stand-by anla\u015fmalar\u0131yla kar\u015f\u0131lanmaya \u00e7al\u0131\u015f\u0131l\u0131r. 1970’te ger\u00e7ekle\u015ftirilen deval\u00fcasyon, 1973’teki petrol krizi sonu\u00e7ta enerji fiyatlar\u0131n\u0131n y\u00fckselmesi, 1974 K\u0131br\u0131s i\u015fgali ve \u00f6zellikle 1970’lerin ikinci yar\u0131s\u0131nda (yukar\u0131daki \u015eekil 1’den de izlenebilece\u011fi gibi) artan kamu a\u00e7\u0131klar\u0131, h\u00fck\u00fcmetleri ard\u0131 ard\u0131na IMF anla\u015fmalar\u0131 yapmaya ve d\u0131\u015f bor\u00e7lanmay\u0131 derinle\u015ftirmeye y\u00f6neltir.\u00a0<\/p>\n\n\n\n S\u0131n\u0131f m\u00fccadelelerinin \u015fiddetlendi\u011fi ve sendika eylemlili\u011finin yo\u011funla\u015ft\u0131\u011f\u0131 1975-80 d\u00f6neminde, \u00fclkeye giren do\u011frudan sermaye yat\u0131r\u0131mlar\u0131nda ka\u00e7\u0131\u015flar ya\u015fan\u0131r ve d\u00f6nemin h\u00fck\u00fcmetleri cari a\u00e7\u0131klar\u0131 daha yo\u011fun bor\u00e7lanmalarla kapatmaya \u00e7al\u0131\u015f\u0131r (d\u0131\u015f bor\u00e7 stoku sekiz kat artar). Reel b\u00fcy\u00fcme oranlar\u0131 eksiye d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015f\u00fcr, bor\u00e7 servisinin (bor\u00e7 y\u00fck\u00fcn\u00fcn, normal [vadesi geldi\u011finde mevcut faiziyle geri \u00f6deme] ya da normal d\u0131\u015f\u0131 yollara ba\u015fvurarak hafifletilmesi) ihracata ve GSMH’ya olan oranlar\u0131nda b\u00fcy\u00fck art\u0131\u015flar ger\u00e7ekle\u015fir. <\/p>\n\n\n\n 1980 sonras\u0131 neoliberal d\u00f6nemin sermaye birikiminin temel kayna\u011f\u0131 da d\u0131\u015f bor\u00e7lard\u0131r. \u00d6zal h\u00fck\u00fcmetlerinin ihracata y\u00f6nelik ekonomi politikalar\u0131yla T\u00fcrkiye ekonomisini d\u00fcnya kapitalizmine h\u0131zla entegre \u00e7abalar\u0131 d\u0131\u015f bor\u00e7 miktar\u0131n\u0131n GSMH’ya oran\u0131n\u0131 %40 d\u00fczeylerine \u00e7\u0131kar\u0131r. D\u00f6nemin neoliberal politikalar\u0131n\u0131n ana hedefi \u00f6zellikle \u00f6zelle\u015ftirmeler yoluyla cari a\u00e7\u0131klar\u0131 kapatmak, i\u015f\u00e7i \u00fccretlerini d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcrerek k\u00e2r oranlar\u0131n\u0131 y\u00fckseltmek ve bu politikalarla emperyalist sermayeye \u201cistikrarl\u0131\u201d bir ekonomik alan a\u00e7makt\u0131r. Ama bu giderek y\u00fckselen sendikal m\u00fccadelenin \u00fcstesinden gelinebilmesini zorunlu k\u0131lar. \u0130\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n 1989 Bahar eylemlilikleri, ard\u0131ndan gelen kamu emek\u00e7ilerinin sendikal hak m\u00fccadeleleri, burjuvazinin yeni planlar\u0131 \u00f6n\u00fcndeki en b\u00fcy\u00fck engellerdir. 1990-91\u2019deki Zonguldak k\u00f6m\u00fcr madenlerinin kapat\u0131lmas\u0131 giri\u015fimine kar\u015f\u0131 direnen maden i\u015f\u00e7ilerinin m\u00fccadelesi, \u00d6zal\u2019\u0131n devlet ba\u015fkanl\u0131\u011f\u0131 alt\u0131ndaki ANAP h\u00fck\u00fcmetleri i\u00e7in bir d\u00f6n\u00fcm noktas\u0131 olur. 1980\u2019lerin ilk yar\u0131s\u0131nda Reagan\u2019\u0131n ABD\u2019li hava kontrol emek\u00e7ilerinin grevini, Thatcher\u2019\u0131n ise \u0130ngiliz maden i\u015f\u00e7ilerinin bir y\u0131la yak\u0131n s\u00fcren direni\u015flerini k\u0131rmas\u0131na benzer bir bi\u00e7imde Zonguldak madencilerinin m\u00fccadelesini ezmeye y\u00f6nelen h\u00fck\u00fcmet, T\u00fcrk-\u0130\u015f b\u00fcrokrasisinin uzla\u015fmac\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131 sayesinde s\u0131n\u0131f direni\u015finin \u00fcstesinden geldi\u011fine inan\u0131r. Ancak burjuvazinin politik temsil g\u00fc\u00e7lerinin b\u00f6l\u00fcnm\u00fc\u015fl\u00fc\u011f\u00fc, emek\u00e7ilerin hak aray\u0131\u015flar\u0131n\u0131n s\u00fcrmesi, koalisyon h\u00fck\u00fcmetlerinin neoliberal politikalar\u0131 uygulamaya koymaktaki karars\u0131zl\u0131klar\u0131 ve nihayet 2000\u2019lerin ba\u015f\u0131nda ya\u015fanan ekonomik ve mali kriz, cari a\u00e7\u0131kla birlikte d\u0131\u015f bor\u00e7lar\u0131n sistematik bir bi\u00e7imde artmas\u0131n\u0131n nedenleri haline gelir. 2000\u2019de 26,7 milyar dolara ula\u015fan cari a\u00e7\u0131\u011f\u0131 kapamak i\u00e7in gene d\u0131\u015f bor\u00e7lanmaya ba\u015fvurulur ve toplam bor\u00e7 stokunun GSMH\u2019ya oran\u0131 %60 d\u00fczeyine ula\u015f\u0131r. \u00dclkede banka krizinin ya\u015fand\u0131\u011f\u0131 ertesi y\u0131l bu rakam %71\u2019e y\u00fckselir.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Bu rakamlar T\u00fcrkiye\u2019nin bizzat kendi burjuvazisi eliyle ne t\u00fcrl\u00fc bir s\u00f6m\u00fcr\u00fc \u00e7ark\u0131na mahk\u00fbm edildi\u011fini ve ne t\u00fcrl\u00fc bir bor\u00e7 \u00e7emberine s\u0131k\u0131\u015ft\u0131r\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131na i\u015faret eder. \u00c7ember AKP iktidar\u0131 alt\u0131nda daha da s\u0131k\u0131la\u015f\u0131r. Bir \u00f6nceki d\u00f6nem ile AKP iktidar\u0131 d\u00f6nemi aras\u0131nda baz\u0131 farklar vard\u0131. Birincisi, 2001 mali krizinin etkisi alt\u0131nda ve \u00fclkedeki mali sermaye ile yerel sermaye gruplar\u0131n\u0131n bask\u0131s\u0131yla (tabii IMF\u2019nin yol g\u00f6sterimiyle) DSP-ANAP-MHP koalisyon h\u00fck\u00fcmeti \u201cG\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc Ekonomiye Ge\u00e7i\u015f Program\u0131\u201d ilan ederek bankac\u0131l\u0131k sekt\u00f6r\u00fcnde yo\u011funla\u015fman\u0131n ko\u015fullar\u0131n\u0131 haz\u0131rlam\u0131\u015f ve sermaye birikimi modelini uluslararas\u0131 piyasa normlar\u0131nca yeniden d\u00fczenlemeye giri\u015fmi\u015fti. \u0130kinci etmen ise daha \u00f6nemlidir ve s\u0131n\u0131f m\u00fccadelesiyle ilgilidir. Burjuvazi emek hareketini geriletmenin yolunu, bizzat kendi \u00f6nderlik krizini \u00e7\u00f6zerek a\u015fmakta bulur. 2002\u2019de AKP, ekonomik krizden ve politik se\u00e7eneksizlikten yorulmu\u015f milyonlarca se\u00e7menin oylar\u0131n\u0131 alarak iktidara gelir. Halk\u0131n duymak ve g\u00f6rmek istedi\u011fi \u201ce\u015fitlik\u00e7i, adil ve d\u00fcr\u00fcst\u201d y\u00f6netim ilkelerini \u0130slami s\u00f6ylemle birle\u015ftirerek propaganda eden AKP, bir yandan da politik g\u00fcndemi askeri b\u00fcrokrasinin g\u00fcc\u00fcn\u00fcn k\u0131r\u0131lmas\u0131 hedefinde yo\u011funla\u015ft\u0131rarak kitlelerde ekonomik ve demokratik beklentiler yarat\u0131r. Ve nihayet \u00fc\u00e7\u00fcnc\u00fc etmen, kapitalist \u00e7evrimler dinami\u011finin AKP\u2019ye ve burjuvaziye yaratt\u0131\u011f\u0131 f\u0131rsatt\u0131r: her \u00e7evrimsel krizden sonra oldu\u011fu gibi yeni bir \u00e7evrimsel b\u00fcy\u00fcme s\u00fcreci a\u00e7\u0131l\u0131r. 2011\u2019de -%5,7 (gerileme) olan b\u00fcy\u00fcme oran\u0131 onu izleyen y\u0131llarda %5 ve %6 d\u00fczeylerinde seyreder. Ku\u015fkusuz bu ortam emek hareketinde durgunlu\u011fun en \u00f6nemli nedenidir. Bu durgunluktan burjuvazi, ger\u00e7ek \u00fccretleri geriletmekte yararlan\u0131r; \u00f6yle ki, ger\u00e7ek \u00fccretler ancak d\u00f6rt y\u0131l sonra kriz \u00f6ncesi d\u00fczeyine ula\u015fabilecektir.<\/p>\n\n\n\n AKP kitle muhalefetinin \u201cdemokratik\u201d yollarla geriletildi\u011fi bu d\u00f6nemde \u201cekonomik istikrar program\u00a1\u201d uygulama \u015fans\u0131n\u0131 elde eder. Sosyal harcamnalarda kesintiler yaparak \u201cmali disiplin\u201d sa\u011flar, \u00f6zelle\u015firmeler\u0131 h\u0131zland\u0131rarak sermaye birikimini yo\u011funla\u015ft\u0131rmaya y\u00f6nelir, kamu bor\u00e7 stokunun GSMH i\u00e7indeki pay\u0131n\u0131 azaltmaya \u00e7al\u0131\u015f\u0131r ve b\u00fcy\u00fcmenin de etkisiyle enflasyonu geriletmeyi hedefler. Bu d\u00f6nemin AKP ideologlar\u0131nca propaganda edilen ba\u015far\u0131s\u0131, d\u0131\u015f bor\u00e7 stokunun GSYH i\u00e7indeki pay\u0131n\u0131n 2001\u2019deki %78 d\u00fczeyinden %40 dolaylar\u0131na geriletilmesidir (2012\u2019de %43,1). Ekonominin \u201cbor\u00e7alanabilirlik\u201d d\u00fczeyine i\u015faret eden bu rakamlar do\u011fru olmakla birlikte, bu \u201ciyile\u015fme\u201d d\u0131\u015f bor\u00e7 y\u00fck\u00fcn\u00fcn azald\u0131\u011f\u0131 anlam\u0131na gelmez. AKP d\u00f6neminde artan cari a\u00e7\u0131klar\u0131 kapatmak i\u00e7in bor\u00e7lanma s\u00fcreci aynen s\u00fcrd\u00fcr\u00fclm\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcr:<\/p>\n\n\n\n Bu konuda uluslararas\u0131 yat\u0131r\u0131mc\u0131lar, T\u00fcrk h\u00fck\u00fcmet yetkililerinden daha ger\u00e7ek\u00e7idirler. Black Rock Emerging Europe Investement e\u015f y\u00f6neticisi David Reid ge\u00e7ti\u011fimiz aylarda, yat\u0131r\u0131mc\u0131lar\u0131n T\u00fcrk ekonomisine hangi g\u00f6zle bakt\u0131klar\u0131n\u0131n i\u015faretini verir:<\/p>\n\n\n\n \u015eimdiye kadar, T\u00fcrkiye\u2019de bizim fonlar\u0131m\u0131z\u0131n a\u011f\u0131rl\u0131\u011f\u0131 kar\u015f\u0131la\u015ft\u0131rmal\u0131 olarak bak\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131nda daha azd\u0131, fakat piyasalar\u0131n May\u0131s ay\u0131 zirve seviyelerine g\u00f6re, dolar a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan neredeyse \u00fc\u00e7te bir oran\u0131nda kay\u0131p ya\u015famas\u0131, yat\u0131r\u0131mc\u0131lara burada de\u011fi\u015fik al\u0131m f\u0131rsatlar\u0131 do\u011furdu. T\u00fcrkiye\u2019nin en b\u00fcy\u00fck yap\u0131sal problemi, \u00fclkenin b\u00fcy\u00fcme modelinde haddinden fazla yabanc\u0131 sermayeye ba\u011fl\u0131 olmas\u0131. Bu, \u00fclkenin s\u00fcrd\u00fcr\u00fclebilir bir b\u00fcy\u00fcme yakalamas\u0131n\u0131 zorla\u015ft\u0131r\u0131yor. \u00d6te yandan uluslararas\u0131 para fonu IMF\u2019nin T\u00fcrkiye\u2019nin yurti\u00e7i tasarruf oran\u0131ndan duydu\u011fu endi\u015fenin belki bir kez daha alt\u0131n\u0131 \u00e7izmek gerekir. Bu oran 1990 y\u0131l\u0131ndan g\u00fcn\u00fcm\u00fcze kadar y\u00fczde 25\u2019ten y\u00fczde 15\u2019e d\u00fc\u015ft\u00fc. Haziran ay\u0131nda, son 12 ay i\u00e7in, T\u00fcrkiye\u2019nin cari hesab\u0131n\u0131n y\u00fczde 80\u2019i d\u0131\u015far\u0131dan gelen portf\u00f6yler taraf\u0131ndan finanse ediliyor.<\/em>(6)<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n AKP\u2019nin iktidara geldi\u011fi 2002 y\u0131l\u0131nda T\u00fcrkiye\u2019nin br\u00fct bor\u00e7 sto\u011fu 130 milyar dolard\u0131r. Bu rakam izleyen on y\u0131l i\u00e7inde %100 oran\u0131nda artarak 2013\u2019\u00fcn \u00fc\u00e7\u00fcnc\u00fc \u00e7eyre\u011finde 367,4 milyar dolara y\u00fckselir. Bu d\u00f6nemde toplam bor\u00e7 \u00f6demeleri 480.892 milyar dolard\u0131r, bunun 94 milyar\u0131 ise faiz \u00f6demelerine gider.<\/p>\n\n\n\n T\u00fcrkiye\u2019nin d\u0131\u015f bor\u00e7lanmas\u0131n\u0131n neredeyse %20 olan faiz d\u00fczeyinin deh\u015fet verici miktar\u0131, bug\u00fcnlerde Avrupa Merkez Bankas\u0131\u2019n\u0131n bankalara verdi\u011fi kredilerin faiz d\u00fczeyinin %0,5 oldu\u011fu d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fclecek olursa daha iyi anla\u015f\u0131l\u0131r. Uluslararas\u0131 mali sermaye, bankalar ve finans kurulu\u015flar\u0131 arac\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131yla elde etti\u011fi ucuz kredilerden yararlanarak, T\u00fcrkiyeli emek\u00e7i y\u0131\u011f\u0131nlar\u0131n\u0131 durmaks\u0131z\u0131n s\u00f6m\u00fcrmektedir. AKP iktidar\u0131 ve onun temsil etti\u011fi T\u00fcrkiye mali ve s\u0131nai burjuvazisi i\u00e7in \u00fclke ekonomisinin d\u00fcnya \u201cserbest piyasas\u0131na\u201d entegrasyonu bu anlama gelmektedir.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Sermaye \u0130hrac\u0131<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n T\u00fcrkiye’deki neoliberal ekonomik d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015f\u00fcm\u00fcn en \u00f6nemli sonu\u00e7lar\u0131ndan birisi de, T\u00fcrk burjuva ideologlar\u0131n \u00fclkenin geli\u015fmi\u015f ekonomiler aras\u0131na kat\u0131lmakta oldu\u011funun i\u015fareti olarak g\u00f6sterdikleri, d\u0131\u015f \u00fclkelere y\u00f6nelik sermaye ihra\u00e7lar\u0131d\u0131r (YDY, yurtd\u0131\u015f\u0131na do\u011frudan yat\u0131r\u0131mlar). Bu olgudan hareketle baz\u0131 \u201cMarksist\u201d yazarlar da T\u00fcrkiye\u2019nin yar\u0131 s\u00f6m\u00fcrge olmaktan kurtulup geli\u015fmi\u015f \u00fclkeler ligine y\u00fckseldi\u011fine ili\u015fkin g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015fler geli\u015ftirmekteler. Onlara g\u00f6re T\u00fcrkiye art\u0131k, emperyalist olmasa bile, \u201calt emperyalist\u201d bir \u00fclkedir, zira sermaye ihra\u00e7 etmektedir. Sermaye ihrac\u0131 ku\u015fkusuz \u00fclkedeki mali burjuvazinin belirli bir sermaye birikimi d\u00fczeyine eri\u015fti\u011finin i\u015faretidir. Ama bu birikim hangi kanallardan olu\u015fmakta ve sermayenin yeniden \u00fcretimine ne y\u00f6nde katk\u0131da bulunmaktad\u0131r? Bu ve benzeri ba\u015fka sorulara verilecek yan\u0131tlar, \u00fclke ekonomisinin karakterizasyonunda \u00f6nemli olacakt\u0131r.<\/p>\n\n\n\n T\u00fcrkiye, 1980\u2019lere kadar da baz\u0131 d\u0131\u015f yat\u0131r\u0131mlarda bulunmu\u015f olmakla birlikte, bunlar \u00f6nemsiz miktarlard\u0131r ve asl\u0131nda yurt d\u0131\u015f\u0131na sermaye aktar\u0131mlar\u0131, i\u00e7 pazara y\u00f6nelik \u00fcretim bi\u00e7imi \u00e7er\u00e7evesinde yasalarla son derece s\u0131n\u0131rland\u0131r\u0131lm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Bu alandaki ilk a\u00e7\u0131l\u0131m 1980\u2019li y\u0131llarda uyulanmaya ba\u015flayan neoliberal ekonomi politikalar\u0131yla birlikte ger\u00e7ekle\u015fir. 1983 ve 1984 y\u0131llar\u0131nda \u00e7\u0131kar\u0131lan kararnamelerlke yurt d\u0131\u015f\u0131na 3 milyar dolara kadar ayni ve\/veya nakdi sermaye ihrac\u0131 Hazine ve D\u0131\u015f Ticaret M\u00fcste\u015farl\u0131\u011f\u0131\u2019n\u0131n (HDTM) iznine tabi k\u0131l\u0131n\u0131r; bunu a\u015fan miktarlar i\u00e7in ise Bakanlar Kurulunun onay\u0131 gerekir. Yeni Kararlarla kambiyo kontrolleri gev\u015fetilir, izin prosed\u00fcr\u00fc kolayla\u015ft\u0131r\u0131l\u0131r, b\u00fcrokratik i\u015flemler azalt\u0131l\u0131r ve Bakanlar Kurulunun yetkisi daralt\u0131l\u0131r. Bu kararlar sonucunsa d\u0131\u015f \u00fclkelere sermaye ihrac\u0131, neredeyse s\u0131f\u0131r noktas\u0131ndan 170 milyon dolara y\u00fckselir. Yat\u0131r\u0131mlar\u0131n hemen tamam\u0131, T\u00fcrk g\u00f6\u00e7menlerin ya\u015fad\u0131\u011f\u0131 Bat\u0131 Avrupa \u00fclkelerindeki bankac\u0131l\u0131k sekt\u00f6r\u00fcne y\u00f6neliktir.<\/p>\n\n\n\n T\u00fcrk sermaye ihrac\u0131n\u0131n bir di\u011fer d\u00f6n\u00fcm noktas\u0131, 1989 y\u0131l\u0131d\u0131r. Sovyet blokunun y\u0131k\u0131l\u0131p bir dizi ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131z \u201cT\u00fcrki\u201d devletin ortaya \u00e7\u0131kmas\u0131, Turgut \u00d6zal \u00f6nderli\u011findeki T\u00fcrkiye burjuvazisini bu \u00fclkelere y\u00f6nelik bir ekonomik sald\u0131r\u0131 stratejesine iter. O y\u0131l yay\u0131mlanan 32 Say\u0131l\u0131 Kararnameyle kambiyo mevzuat\u0131 liberalle\u015ftirilir, uluslararas\u0131 sermaye hareketleri serbest b\u0131rak\u0131l\u0131r; d\u00f6viz al\u0131m\u0131 ve yurt d\u0131\u015f\u0131na \u00e7\u0131kar\u0131lmas\u0131 serbest hale getirilir, yurt d\u0131\u015f\u0131na sermaye ihrac\u0131na ili\u015fkin mevzuat liberalle\u015ftirilerek, d\u0131\u015f yat\u0131r\u0131m\u0131n \u00f6n\u00fcndeki engeller b\u00fcy\u00fck \u00f6l\u00e7\u00fcde kald\u0131r\u0131l\u0131r. Bu d\u00f6nemde de T\u00fcrk firmalar\u0131n\u0131n yat\u0131r\u0131m i\u00e7in en fazla tercih etti\u011fi b\u00f6lge geleneksel olarak Bat\u0131 Avrupa \u00fclkeleri olurken, yat\u0131r\u0131mlar\u0131n da \u00e7o\u011funlu\u011fu yine bankac\u0131l\u0131k sekt\u00f6r\u00fcnde yo\u011funla\u015f\u0131r. Ama ayn\u0131 zamanda ilk kez Do\u011fu Avrupa ve Orta Asya \u00fclkelerine giden firma say\u0131s\u0131 Bat\u0131 Avrupa\u2019ya yat\u0131r\u0131m yapan T\u00fcrk firmas\u0131 say\u0131s\u0131n\u0131 a\u015far ve b\u00f6ylece Birle\u015fik Devletler Toplulu\u011fu \u00fclkeleri yat\u0131r\u0131mc\u0131lar\u0131n\u0131n yeni ilgi alan\u0131 haline gelir. Bu arada 1994 ekonomik krizi de burjuvaziyi \u00fclke d\u0131\u015f\u0131 pazarlar aramaya iten bir unsur olu\u015fturur. Bu d\u00f6nemde YDY miktar\u0131 neredeyse on kat artarak 1,4 milyar dolar d\u00fczeyine ula\u015f\u0131r.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Ama bunlar daha hen\u00fcz k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck rakamlard\u0131r. 1996\u2019da T\u00fcrkiye\u2019nin AB G\u00fcmr\u00fck Birli\u011fi\u2019ne kat\u0131lmas\u0131, yerli \u015firketleri i\u00e7 pazarda yabanc\u0131 \u015firketlerle rekabet etmek zorunda b\u0131rak\u0131r ve T\u00fcrk sermayesi i\u00e7 piyasalardan ka\u00e7arak daha y\u00fcksek k\u00e2r ornalar\u0131na ula\u015fabilece\u011fi yeni pazar aray\u0131\u015flar\u0131na y\u00f6nelir. 2001 mali krizi de yerli sermayenin d\u0131\u015far\u0131 y\u00f6nelik ka\u00e7\u0131\u015f\u0131na itki sa\u011flar. Ayn\u0131 y\u0131l 1,5 milyar dolar d\u0131\u015f yat\u0131r\u0131m yap\u0131l\u0131r ve yurt d\u0131\u015f\u0131 sermaye sto\u011fu 5,2 milyar dolara y\u00fckselir. Krizin etkileri ise onu izleyen y\u0131llarda a\u00e7\u0131\u011fa \u00e7\u0131kar. Krizle birlikte \u00fclke ekonomisinde ya\u015fanan daralma, makroekonomik istikrars\u0131zl\u0131k ve belirsizli\u011fin artmas\u0131, firmalar\u0131n d\u0131\u015far\u0131ya yat\u0131r\u0131m yapma olanaklar\u0131n\u0131 etkiler. T\u00fcrk liras\u0131n\u0131n dolar kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131nda deval\u00fce edilmesi, yat\u0131r\u0131mlar\u0131n\u0131 finanse etmek i\u00e7in yabanc\u0131 para cinsinden bor\u00e7lu olan firmalar\u0131n etkilenmesine yol a\u00e7ar, yat\u0131r\u0131mlar\u0131n azalmas\u0131na neden olur. Krizinin \u00f6zellikle T\u00fcrk bankac\u0131l\u0131k sekt\u00f6r\u00fcn\u00fc derinden sarsmas\u0131 ve krizle birlikte bir\u00e7ok bankan\u0131n batmas\u0131 ya da el de\u011fi\u015ftirmesi, d\u0131\u015f yat\u0131r\u0131mlar\u0131n azalmas\u0131nda \u00f6nemli rol oynar.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Ve nihayet 2002\u2019de AKP h\u00fck\u00fcmeti iktidara gelir ve T\u00fcrkiye ekonomisini k\u00fcresel kapitalizme entegre etmenin son darbelerini ger\u00e7ekle\u015ftirir. Haziran 2003\u2019de y\u00fcr\u00fcrl\u00fc\u011fe giren 4875 say\u0131l\u0131 yasayla T\u00fcrkiye\u2019nin kap\u0131lar\u0131 yabanc\u0131 sermayeye tamamen a\u00e7\u0131l\u0131r ve bunun sonucunda d\u0131\u015fardan firma ak\u0131n\u0131na u\u011frayan piyasada m\u00fcthi\u015f bir rekabet ba\u015flar. 2006 y\u0131l\u0131 sonunda, AB\u2019ye tam \u00fcyelik ve uyum s\u00fcreci \u00e7er\u00e7evesinde YDY mevzuat\u0131nda \u00f6nemli bir de\u011fi\u015fiklik yap\u0131larak, T\u00fcrk firmalar\u0131 \u00fczerinde s\u0131n\u0131rlay\u0131c\u0131 etkide bulunan izin sistemi tamamen ortadan kald\u0131r\u0131l\u0131r, b\u00f6ylece yurt d\u0131\u015f\u0131na sermaye ihrac\u0131 t\u00fcm\u00fcyle serbest hale getirilir. \u00d6te yandan 2001 krizinden sonra pek \u00e7ok firman\u0131n yeni yat\u0131r\u0131mnlardan \u00e7ok birle\u015fme ve sat\u0131n alma yat\u0131r\u0131mlar\u0131na y\u00f6nelmesi sermaye ihrac\u0131n\u0131n artmas\u0131na neden olur. T\u00fcrk \u015firketler b\u00fcy\u00fcme stratejilerini yurt d\u0131\u015f\u0131 firma sat\u0131n almalar\u0131nda aramaya ba\u015flar. 2002-2012 d\u00f6neminde yurt d\u0131\u015f\u0131nda yat\u0131r\u0131m yapan firma say\u0131s\u0131 4.826\u2019ya, d\u0131\u015f yat\u0131r\u0131m stoku ise 30,5 milyar dolara dayan\u0131r.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Bunlar, T\u00fcrkiye ekonomisi i\u00e7in tarihsel b\u00fcy\u00fckl\u00fckte rakamlard\u0131r. Bu tip h\u0131zl\u0131 bir sermaye birkiminin ve ihrac\u0131n\u0131n hangi temellerde yap\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131 ara\u015ft\u0131r\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131nda, yurt d\u0131\u015f\u0131 sermaye yat\u0131r\u0131mlar\u0131n\u0131n d\u0131\u015f bor\u00e7 ve i\u00e7eri y\u00f6nelik sermaye ak\u0131m\u0131yla kar\u015f\u0131la\u015ft\u0131r\u0131lmas\u0131 ilgin\u00e7 sonu\u00e7lar verir:<\/p>\n\n\n\n \u015eekil 8\u2019den de grafik bi\u00e7imde anla\u015f\u0131laca\u011f\u0131 \u00fczere yurt d\u0131\u015f\u0131na y\u00f6nelik sermaye yat\u0131r\u0131mlar\u0131n\u0131n (YDY d\u0131\u015far\u0131 stok) e\u011frisi i\u00e7eri y\u00f6nelik yabanc\u0131 sermaye yat\u0131r\u0131mlar\u0131 (YDY i\u00e7eriye stok) ile d\u0131\u015f bor\u00e7lanmadaki art\u0131\u015fla birlikte y\u00fckselmektedir. Bu da, d\u0131\u015far\u0131 y\u00f6nelen T\u00fcrkiye sermayesinin ana kayna\u011f\u0131n\u0131n d\u0131\u015f bor\u00e7lar yoluyla elde edilen krediler ve yabanc\u0131 firmalarla birle\u015fmeler oldu\u011funa i\u015faret eder. T\u00fcrk sermayesinin d\u0131\u015f yat\u0131r\u0131mlar sto\u011funun d\u0131\u015f bor\u00e7lanma i\u00e7indeki pay\u0131 2000 y\u0131l\u0131ndaki %3,1 d\u00fczeyinden 2012 y\u0131l\u0131nda %9\u2019a y\u00fckselmi\u015ftir; yani bor\u00e7 sto\u011funun giderek artan b\u00f6l\u00fcmleri, d\u0131\u015f yat\u0131r\u0131mlar\u0131 i\u00e7in firmalar\u0131n hizmetine sunulmaktad\u0131r.\u00a0<\/p>\n\n\n\n \u00d6te yandan, d\u0131\u015fardan gelen sermayenin art\u0131\u015f h\u0131z\u0131, yurt d\u0131\u015f\u0131na \u00e7\u0131kan T\u00fcrk sermayesinin ak\u0131m h\u0131z\u0131ndan daha y\u00fcksektir; d\u0131\u015far\u0131 yat\u0131r\u0131mlar\u0131n i\u00e7eri gelen sermayeye oran\u0131 2012 y\u0131l\u0131 i\u00e7in 1:6 d\u00fczeyindedir. Elimizde firmalara ili\u015fkin resmi olarak yay\u0131mlanm\u0131\u015f veriler olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131ndan, d\u0131\u015fardan gelen sermayenin hangi b\u00f6l\u00fcmlerinin T\u00fcrk \u015firketlerini atlama ta\u015f\u0131 olarak kullanarak T\u00fcrkiye\u2019nin \u201cetki alan\u0131\u201d i\u00e7indeki \u00fclkelere y\u00f6neldi\u011fini belirlememiz olanakl\u0131 de\u011fil. Ama Tablo 10\u2019u inceledi\u011fimizde, hangi \u015firketlerin \u201c\u00e7ok uluslu\u201d niteli\u011fi kazand\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 kestirebiliriz:<\/p>\n\n\n\n D\u0131\u015fa sermaye yat\u0131r\u0131m\u0131 yapan bu 19 en b\u00fcy\u00fck \u015firket i\u00e7inde sadece TPAO hen\u00fcz daha \u201ckamu kurulu\u015fu\u201d olma niteli\u011fini korumaktad\u0131r. B\u00fct\u00fcn \u00f6b\u00fcr \u015firketler \u00f6zel sermaye niteliklidir ve hepsinin toplam 396 yabanc\u0131 i\u015ftiraki (\u015fube, alt kurulu\u015f, vb.) bulunmaktad\u0131r. Yurt d\u0131\u015f\u0131nda \u00e7al\u0131\u015fanlar\u0131n\u0131n say\u0131s\u0131 90 bin dolay\u0131ndad\u0131r. Bu 19 \u015firketin 31,4 milyar dolar d\u00fczeyinde yabanc\u0131 varl\u0131\u011f\u0131 vard\u0131r ve 15 milyar dolar civar\u0131nda d\u0131\u015f sat\u0131\u015flar ger\u00e7ekle\u015ftirmektedirler. \u015eirketlerin yabanc\u0131 i\u015ftiraklerinin %70\u2019i Bat\u0131 ve Do\u011fu Avrupa \u00fclkelerinde, %17\u2019si ise Ortado\u011fu ve Afrika \u00fclkelerinde bulunuyor. Yat\u0131r\u0131m stoku a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan bak\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131nda ise, \u201cT\u00fcrk \u00e7okuluslu\u201d \u015firketlerinin Avrupa\u2019daki ekonomik krizle birlikte yat\u0131r\u0131mlar\u0131n\u0131 daha \u00e7ok Asya ve Ortado\u011fu \u00fclkelerine kayd\u0131rd\u0131klar\u0131 g\u00f6zlenmektedir. <\/p>\n\n\n\n Bu arada Avrupa\u2019ya y\u00f6nelik sermaye ihrac\u0131nda \u00f6nde gelen Hollanda\u2019n\u0131n hemen ard\u0131nda Malta\u2019n\u0131n yer almas\u0131 (2010 rakamlar\u0131na g\u00f6re d\u0131\u015f yat\u0131r\u0131mlar\u0131n yakla\u015f\u0131k %10\u2019u), bu \u201cihracat\u0131n\u201d esas\u0131nda vergi ka\u00e7ak\u00e7\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131na ili\u015fkin oldu\u011funa i\u015faret etmekte. \u201cVergi cennetlerini\u201d olu\u015fturan off-shore<\/em> merkezlerine akan paran\u0131n %87\u2019si Malta\u2019ya, %8\u2019i Virjin, Cayman ve Bahama Adalar\u0131\u2019na, %3\u2019\u00fc Bahreyn\u2019e ve %2\u2019si Monako ve Cebelitar\u0131k\u2019a gitmi\u015ftir. Nitekim Transparency International<\/em> (Uluslararas\u0131 \u015eeffafl\u0131k) \u00f6rg\u00fct\u00fcn\u00fcn 2013 y\u0131l\u0131 listesinde T\u00fcrkiye’nin, Bahamalar, \u015eeysel Adalar\u0131, Kosta Rika, Bruney, Ruanda, Bruney gibi \u00fclkelerin bile alt\u0131nda 54. s\u0131rada yer almas\u0131, \u00fclkedeki yolsuzlu\u011fun, kara para aklamac\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131n ve vergi ka\u00e7ak\u00e7\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131n d\u00fczeyine i\u015faret etmektedir. Bu tip b\u00f6lgelere giden do\u011frudan sermaye esas olarak finans sekt\u00f6r\u00fcne aittir. Tablo 11\u2019den de izlenebilece\u011fi gibi, yurt d\u0131\u015f\u0131na yat\u0131r\u0131mlarda enerji (%27,4) ve imalat sanayisi (%14,9) sekt\u00f6rlerinin hemen ard\u0131ndan %13,7\u2019lik payla bankac\u0131l\u0131k sekt\u00f6r\u00fc gelmektedir ve bu pay ilerleyen y\u0131llarda giderek artm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r.<\/p>\n\n\n\n \u00d6zetle, T\u00fcrkiye\u2019nin yurt d\u0131\u015f\u0131na sermaye ihrac\u0131n\u0131n mutlak rakamlar\u0131 ne denli b\u00fcy\u00fck g\u00f6r\u00fcnse de esas itibariyle onu \u201csermaye ihra\u00e7 eden\u201d de\u011fil, yabanc\u0131 sermaye ithal eden ve h\u0131zla bor\u00e7lanan, yani emperyalist sermaye yat\u0131r\u0131mlar\u0131n\u0131n ve d\u0131\u015f bor\u00e7lanma s\u00f6m\u00fcr\u00fcs\u00fcn\u00fcn alt\u0131nda olan bir \u00fclke olarak tan\u0131mlamam\u0131z gerekiyor. T\u00fcrkiye\u2019yi sermaye ihrac\u0131 a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan d\u00fcnya \u00f6l\u00e7e\u011finde g\u00f6zledi\u011fimizde, bu durum daha da netlik kazan\u0131r.<\/p>\n\n\n\n UNCTAD’\u0131n yay\u0131nlad\u0131\u011f\u0131 2013 Yabanc\u0131 Do\u011frudan Yat\u0131r\u0131mlar raporuna(7)<\/strong> g\u00f6re 2012 y\u0131l\u0131nda k\u00fcresel \u00f6l\u00e7ekte 171 \u00fclke toplam 23,6 trilyon dolar tutar\u0131nda yurt d\u0131\u015f\u0131 yat\u0131r\u0131m yapm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Bunlar\u0131n ba\u015f\u0131n\u0131 %22’lik payla ABD \u00e7ekmektedir; onu \u0130ngiltere (%7,66), Almanya (%6,56), Fransa (%6,34), Hong Kong (%5,55), \u0130svi\u00e7re (%4,79) ve Japonya (%4,47) izler. \u0130\u00e7lerinde Bel\u00e7ika, Hollanda, Kanada, \u0130spanya, \u0130talya, \u00c7in, \u0130ngiliz Virgin Adalar\u0131 ve Avustralya’n\u0131n da bulundu\u011fu ilk on be\u015f \u00fclkenin d\u00fcnya yurt d\u0131\u015f\u0131 yat\u0131r\u0131mlar\u0131ndaki pay\u0131 %80’dir. Geri kalan b\u00f6l\u00fcm di\u011fer 166 \u00fclke aras\u0131nda payla\u015f\u0131lm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Bu listede T\u00fcrkiye’nin yeri %0,13 ile 45. s\u0131rad\u0131r. T\u00fcrkiye’nin bu durumunu daha da ayd\u0131nlatabilmek amac\u0131yla, kapitalist ekonomistlerin “geli\u015fmekte olan \u00fclkeler” ba\u015fl\u0131\u011f\u0131 alt\u0131nda toplad\u0131klar\u0131 ve\/veya “alt emperyalizm” savunucular\u0131n\u0131n bu kavram \u00e7er\u00e7evesinde se\u00e7ebilecekleri \u00e7e\u015fitli \u00fclkelerden olu\u015fan bir tablo haz\u0131rlayabiliriz; buna g\u00f6re:<\/p>\n\n\n\n Se\u00e7ti\u011fimiz bu on yedi \u00fclkenin, d\u00fcnya d\u0131\u015f yat\u0131r\u0131mlar\u0131ndaki pay\u0131 %7,25’tir (toplam 1,7 trilyon dolar). T\u00fcrkiye bu grubun da en altlar\u0131ndad\u0131r (15. s\u0131ra); grup i\u00e7indeki pay\u0131 da sadece1,78’dir. Grup \u00fcyelerinin d\u0131\u015f yat\u0131r\u0131mlar\u0131n\u0131n ulusal gelirlerine oran\u0131 dikkate al\u0131nd\u0131\u011f\u0131nda ise, T\u00fcrkiye %3,8 ile en alt s\u0131raya inmektedir. “Sermaye ihra\u00e7 ediyoruz” sevin\u00e7 \u00e7\u0131\u011fl\u0131klar\u0131n\u0131n ger\u00e7ek y\u00fcz\u00fc budur.<\/p>\n\n\n\n T\u00fcrkiye Nerede?<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n D\u00fcnya ekonomik ve politik konjonktr\u00fcr\u00fc i\u00e7inde emperyalist \u00fclkeler ile ba\u011f\u0131ml\u0131 \u00fclkelerin konumunu ve kar\u015f\u0131l\u0131kl\u0131 ili\u015fkilerini tan\u0131mlayabilmek a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan yeni kavramlar\u0131n geli\u015ftirilmesine Marksistler olarak kar\u015f\u0131 olamay\u0131z. Nitekim, alt emperyalizm kavram\u0131n\u0131 da bu \u00e7er\u00e7evede de\u011ferlendirmeye \u00e7al\u0131\u015ft\u0131k. \u00d6nce belirtmek isteriz ki, bu kavram\u0131n kurucusu Mauro Marini yakla\u015f\u0131m\u0131n\u0131 bir kuram<\/em> haline d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcrmekten uzak durmu\u015f, daha ziyade onu Marksist yakla\u015f\u0131ma bir katk\u0131 olarak de\u011ferlend\u0131rmi\u015ftir. Ama ayn\u0131 \u015feyi onun izleyicileri i\u00e7in s\u00f6ylemek olanakl\u0131 de\u011fil. Hatta, belirli bir mali sermaye sekt\u00f6r\u00fcn\u00fcn olu\u015ftu\u011fu, imalat \u00fcr\u00fcnleri ihra\u00e7 etmeye ve d\u0131\u015f yat\u0131r\u0131mlar yapmaya ba\u015flayan G\u00fcney Afrika, Brezilya gibi \u00fclkeleri emperyalist olarak tan\u0131mlayanlar bile bulunmakta(8)<\/strong>. Alt emperyalizm kavram\u0131 giderek Lenin’in temellerini att\u0131\u011f\u0131 Marksist emperyalizm kuram\u0131ndan uzakla\u015farak, 1970’ler ve sonras\u0131 d\u00fcnya ger\u00e7ekli\u011fini a\u00e7\u0131klamaya y\u00f6nelik ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131z, politik sonu\u00e7lar\u0131 farkl\u0131 bir kuram haline gelmeye ba\u015flam\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Kavrama itiraz\u0131m\u0131z\u0131n temelinde de bu olgu yatmaktad\u0131r.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Marini ve ona sad\u0131k kalan izleyicileri a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan alt emperyalizm kavram\u0131, ba\u011f\u0131ml\u0131 \u00fclkeler grubunda, imalat sanayisindeki ilerlemeler, finans kapital olu\u015fumu ve sanayi mallar\u0131 ihracat\u0131 a\u00e7\u0131lar\u0131ndan \u00f6ne \u00e7\u0131kan, “s\u0131ralamada \u00fcstlere y\u00fckselen” \u00fclkeler i\u00e7in kullan\u0131lmaktad\u0131r. Bu \u00fclkeler h\u00e2l\u00e2 emperyalizme ba\u011f\u0131ml\u0131d\u0131r, ama Lenin’in tan\u0131mlad\u0131\u011f\u0131 emperyalist, yar\u0131 s\u00f6m\u00fcrge ve s\u00f6m\u00fcrge \u00fclkeler kategorilerinde bir yer de\u011fi\u015fimine u\u011framakta m\u0131d\u0131rlar? Ba\u015fka bir deyi\u015fle alt emnperyalizm bir yeni \u00fclke kategorisi midir? E\u011fer \u00f6yleyse, emperyalist d\u00fcnya sisteminde yeni bir niteliksel d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015f\u00fcm s\u00f6z konusudur ve alt emperyalizm yakla\u015f\u0131m\u0131 kuramsalla\u015ft\u0131r\u0131l\u0131yor demektir. Yok e\u011fer bu kavram sadece ba\u011f\u0131ml\u0131 \u00fclkenin kendi benzerleri aras\u0131ndaki derecesine i\u015faret ediyorsa, sadece ilgili \u00fclkenin di\u011ferlerinden fark\u0131n\u0131 belirten bir gazetecilik terimi ya da pop\u00fcler bir deyi\u015f olarak kabul edilebilir. Hatta, emperyalist kurulu\u015flar\u0131n “geli\u015fmekte olan \u00fclkeler” veya “ge\u00e7i\u015f ekonomileri” benzeri tan\u0131mlar\u0131na kar\u015f\u0131 \u00e7\u0131kan bir se\u00e7enek bile olu\u015fturabilir. Ama o zaman da, “alt emperyalist” yerine, bu \u00fclkelerin emperyalist d\u00fcnya sistemi i\u00e7indeki yerlerine vurgu yapan bir ba\u015fka terim, \u00f6rne\u011fin “\u00fcst s\u00f6m\u00fcrge” ya da “s\u00fcper s\u00f6m\u00fcrge” kavram\u0131n\u0131 kullanmak \u00e7ok daha do\u011fru olmaz m\u0131yd\u0131?<\/p>\n\n\n\n Bu kavramlarda \u0131srar ediyoruz, zira Lenin’in geli\u015ftirdi\u011fi Marksist kuram\u0131n temelinde herhangi bir de\u011fi\u015fikli\u011fin oldu\u011funu s\u00f6yleyemeyiz: bug\u00fcn belki de Afganistan, Haiti ve benzeri birka\u00e7 \u00fclkenin d\u0131\u015f\u0131nda do\u011frudan s\u00f6m\u00fcrge olarak tan\u0131mlayabilece\u011fimiz pek ba\u015fka \u00fclke kalmam\u0131\u015f olsa bile, diplomatik ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131zl\u0131klar\u0131n\u0131 kazanm\u0131\u015f s\u00f6m\u00fcrgeler olan yar\u0131 s\u00f6m\u00fcrge \u00fclkelerden emperyalist \u00fclkelere y\u00f6nelik sistematik bir art\u0131 de\u011fer aktar\u0131m\u0131 s\u00f6z konusudur. Bunun mekanizmas\u0131 elbette Lenin’in zaman\u0131nda oldu\u011funun ayn\u0131s\u0131 de\u011fildir; emperyalizm, sermaye ihra\u00e7lar\u0131n\u0131n d\u0131\u015f\u0131nda, d\u0131\u015f bor\u00e7lar, e\u015fit olmayan de\u011fi\u015fim, \u00e7okuluslu \u015firket yap\u0131lar\u0131 gibi yeni s\u00f6m\u00fcr\u00fc y\u00f6ntemler geli\u015ftirmi\u015ftir. Bu ba\u011flamlarda T\u00fcrkiye’nin durumuna yukar\u0131da de\u011finmi\u015ftik. Bizim kestirimlerimize g\u00f6re T\u00fcrkiye ulusal gelirinin %15-20 aras\u0131nda de\u011fi\u015fen bir b\u00f6l\u00fcm\u00fc, do\u011frudan (yerinde) art\u0131 de\u011fer s\u00f6m\u00fcr\u00fcs\u00fc, d\u0131\u015f bor\u00e7 faizleri, mali ve sanayi k\u00e2r transferleri, e\u015fit olmayan ticari de\u011fi\u015fim gibi mekanizmalarla emperyalist \u00fclkelere akmaktad\u0131r.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Bu demek de\u011fildir ki d\u00fcnya ekonomisi ve ona ba\u011fl\u0131 olarak \u00fclke ekonomileri b\u00fcy\u00fcmemektedir. Tersine, do\u011fal afetlerin ve kapitalist \u00fcretim tarz\u0131n\u0131n neden oldu\u011fu do\u011fal y\u0131k\u0131mlar\u0131n d\u0131\u015f\u0131nda, bizzat kapitalist \u00fcretim s\u00fcre\u00e7leri krizlerinin yol a\u00e7t\u0131\u011f\u0131 ekonomik y\u0131k\u0131mlara kar\u015f\u0131n, d\u00fcnya ekonomisi (barbarl\u0131k ya da sosyalizm \u00e7eli\u015fkisini \u015fiddetlendirerek) bir b\u00fct\u00fcn olarak b\u00fcy\u00fcmektedir. Nitekim, 2002-2102 y\u0131llar\u0131 aras\u0131nda ki\u015fi ba\u015f\u0131na ger\u00e7ek GSMH d\u00fcnya \u00f6l\u00e7e\u011finde %2,58, “geli\u015fmekte olan \u00fclkelerde” %6,6, T\u00fcrkiye’de ise %4,6 oran\u0131nda artm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r.(9)<\/strong> Ama bilinen ger\u00e7ek, bu geli\u015fmenin toplumlar\u0131n genel refah d\u00fczeyini bir b\u00fct\u00fcn olarak art\u0131rmad\u0131\u011f\u0131d\u0131r. Tam tersine, art\u0131 de\u011ferin kapitalist m\u00fclk edini\u015fi toplumlardaki e\u015fitsizlikleri derinle\u015ftirmekte ve s\u0131n\u0131f \u00e7eli\u015fkilerini \u015fiddetlendirmektedir. \u00d6rne\u011fin, AKP h\u00fck\u00fcmetlerinin ve burjuva bas\u0131n\u0131n t\u00fcm sevin\u00e7 \u00e7\u0131\u011fl\u0131klar\u0131na ve \u00f6vg\u00fclerine kar\u015f\u0131n “b\u00fcy\u00fcyen T\u00fcrkiye’de” eme\u011fin ulusal gelirden ald\u0131\u011f\u0131 pay son on iki y\u0131l i\u00e7inde azalm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. T\u00fcrkiye emek\u00e7ilerinin ulusal gelirdeki pay\u0131 1999’da %52 iken, bu rakam 2012’de 22 puanl\u0131k bir gerileyi\u015fle %30’a d\u00fc\u015fm\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcr.(10)<\/strong> Bu durumun i\u015faret etti\u011fi artan s\u00f6m\u00fcr\u00fc oranlar\u0131n\u0131n, sadece ulusal burjuvazinin de\u011fil, ama ayn\u0131 zamanda emperyalist sermayenin birikim s\u00fcre\u00e7lerini besledi\u011fi a\u00e7\u0131kt\u0131r.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Marini tezini geli\u015ftirirken, Brezilya’n\u0131n bir “alt emperyalist” \u00fclke olarak ABD emperyalizminin b\u00f6lgedeki arac\u0131s\u0131, vekili (proxy<\/em>) oldu\u011funa i\u015faret etmi\u015ftir. Ger\u00e7ekten de gerek 1970’li y\u0131llar\u0131n askeri diktat\u00f6rl\u00fckleri, gerekse onu izleyen \u201cdemokratik\u201d iktidarlar, ard\u0131ndan Lula ve sonras\u0131 “sol” h\u00fck\u00fcmetler bu g\u00f6revi sadakatle yerine getirmi\u015flerdir. Brezilya’n\u0131n Haiti i\u015fgaline aktif olarak kat\u0131l\u0131m\u0131 ya da Venez\u00fcella’daki Chavez h\u00fck\u00fcmetinin G\u00fcney Amerika pazarlar\u0131n\u0131 birle\u015ftirme do\u011frultusundaki \u00e7abalar\u0131n\u0131 baltalamas\u0131 bunun son \u00f6rnekleri olmu\u015ftur. Ayn\u0131 durumu, gene alt emperyalizm savunucular\u0131n\u0131n g\u00f6sterdikleri gibi, G\u00fcney Afrika’da da g\u00f6zlemleyebilmekteyiz. Bir zamanlar\u0131n “kom\u00fcnist” Afrika Ulusal Kongresi (ve onun \u00f6nderi Mandela) y\u00f6netimi alt\u0131nda bu \u00fclke, eski \u0131rk\u00e7\u0131 rejimin b\u00f6lgedeki “emperyalizm vekilli\u011fi” g\u00f6revini bu kez kendi y\u00f6ntemleriyle s\u00fcrd\u00fcrmektedir. Bu \u00fclkenin Afrika’n\u0131n “k\u0131zg\u0131n noktalar\u0131” olan G\u00fcney Sudan, B\u00fcy\u00fck G\u00f6ller, Orta Afrika Cumhuriyeti gibi b\u00f6lgelerine “istikrar sa\u011flay\u0131c\u0131” g\u00fc\u00e7 olarak m\u00fcdahaleleri, ABD emperyalizminin buralardaki politikas\u0131n\u0131n hayata ge\u00e7irilmesi y\u00f6n\u00fcnde olmu\u015ftur.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Ama, alt emperyalist \u00fclkeleri tan\u0131mlamakta bir kriter olarak kullan\u0131lan “emperyalizm vekilli\u011fi”, tezin savunucular\u0131 taraf\u0131ndan hep birlikte alt emperyalist olarak s\u0131n\u0131fland\u0131r\u0131lan BRICS’in (Brezilya, Rusya, Hindistan, \u00c7in, G\u00fcney Afrika) di\u011fer \u00fcyeleri i\u00e7in ge\u00e7erli mi? Bu \u00fclkelerin hepsi egemen sermaye g\u00fc\u00e7leri ve k\u00fcresel kapitalizmin \u00e7\u0131karlar\u0131 a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan kendi b\u00f6lgelerinde “istikrar” pe\u015finde ko\u015fmakla birlikte, b\u00f6lgelerinde kendileri i\u00e7in arad\u0131klar\u0131 “istikrar”, ABD ve Avrupa emperyalizmlerinin kurmaya \u00e7al\u0131\u015ft\u0131klar\u0131 d\u00fczenle \u00e7eli\u015fkiye, hatta \u00e7at\u0131\u015fmaya girebilmektedir. Rusya’n\u0131n G\u00fcrcistan ve Ukrayna, \u00c7in’in ise Do\u011fu \u00c7in Denizi’ndeki hava sahas\u0131 konular\u0131nda ABD ve AB ile ciddi s\u00fcrt\u00fc\u015fmelere s\u00fcr\u00fcklenmesi, bu “\u00e7at\u0131\u015fmal\u0131 birli\u011fin” emperyalizmin vekilli\u011finden farkl\u0131 oldu\u011funu g\u00f6steren son \u00f6rneklerdir. Bu \u00fclkelerdeki yerel burjuvazilerin (mali sermaye ve sanayi ve ticaret burjuvazileri) k\u00fcresel kapitalizm \u00e7er\u00e7evesinde ve \u00e7okuluslu \u015firketler ba\u011flam\u0131nda emperyalist sermaye ile kayna\u015fmakta olduklar\u0131 bir ger\u00e7ektir; ne var ki, ortaya yekpare bir d\u00fcnya burjuvazisi (bu tezin savunucular\u0131na g\u00f6re “k\u00fcresel burjuvazi”) \u00e7\u0131km\u0131\u015f de\u011fildir ve farkl\u0131 ulusal ya da yerel burjuvaziler “kendi” devlet ayg\u0131tlar\u0131na ihtiya\u00e7 duymay\u0131 s\u00fcrd\u00fcrmektedirler.<\/p>\n\n\n\n T\u00fcrkiye’de de mali sermayenin ve giderek sanayi sermayesinin emperyalist sermayeyle b\u00fct\u00fcnle\u015fmekte oldu\u011fu g\u00f6zlemlenmektedir; bir dizi T\u00fcrk firmas\u0131n\u0131n “\u00e7okuluslu” nitelik kazanmas\u0131 bunun belirtisidir. Hatta, AKP iktidarlar\u0131 alt\u0131nda g\u00fc\u00e7lenen Anadolu burjuvazisinin \u00fcst katmanlar\u0131 da bu s\u00fcrece dahil olmaktad\u0131r. Bu s\u00fcre\u00e7, T\u00fcrkiye devletinin emperyalizmin “vekilli\u011fi” niteli\u011fini g\u00fc\u00e7lendirmekte midir? Ku\u015fkusuz T\u00fcrkiye burjuvazisi kendi b\u00f6lgesinde kapitalist \u00fcretim, de\u011fi\u015fim ve birikim s\u00fcre\u00e7lerinin “istikrar” i\u00e7inde i\u015flemesinden yanad\u0131r ve bu do\u011frultuda ABD emperyalizmi ile bir “stratejik dostluk” kurmu\u015ftur ve hatta AB emperyalistler grubuna kat\u0131lmak istemektedir. Asl\u0131nda T\u00fcrk devletinin “vekillik” \u00f6zelli\u011fi, daha NATO’ya kat\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131 d\u00f6nemden beri s\u00fcregelmektedir. Kore sava\u015f\u0131nda ABD saflar\u0131nda yer almas\u0131ndan ba\u015flay\u0131p Afganistan’\u0131n i\u015fgalinde rol \u00fcstlenmeye kadar uzanan bir s\u00fcre\u00e7te, Ankara h\u00fck\u00fcmetleri \u00f6zellikle ABD emperyalizminin hizmetinde olmu\u015ftur. <\/p>\n\n\n\n Ama \u00f6zellikle son on y\u0131l i\u00e7inde ilgin\u00e7 geli\u015fmelere tan\u0131k olunmaktad\u0131r. T\u00fcrkiye burjuvazisi k\u00fcresel sermayeye kat\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131 oranda “otonom” \u00f6zellikler g\u00f6stermeye ba\u015flam\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Onun kendi b\u00f6lgesinde kurmaya \u00e7al\u0131\u015ft\u0131\u011f\u0131 “istikrar” ve bunun i\u00e7in izledi\u011fi politikalar asl\u0131nda “kendi” sermaye gruplar\u0131n\u0131n \u00e7\u0131karlar\u0131n\u0131 g\u00f6zetmekte ve bu nedenle de zaman zaman di\u011fer “k\u00fcresel g\u00fc\u00e7lerle” \u00e7eli\u015fkiye girebilmektedir: Irak i\u015fgali s\u0131ras\u0131nda Meclis’in tak\u0131nd\u0131\u011f\u0131 ikircikli tutumlar; Gazze ve Hamas konular\u0131nda ABD’nin ger\u00e7ek jandarmas\u0131 \u0130srail ile ya\u015fanan s\u00fcrt\u00fc\u015fmeler; M\u0131s\u0131r’daki askeri darbe kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131nda Washington’dan farkl\u0131 tutum al\u0131\u015f; n\u00fckleer enerji konusunda \u0130ran’a ili\u015fkin politikalarda ABD’den farkl\u0131 bir \u00e7izginin izlenmesi; \u00c7in’den f\u00fcze al\u0131m\u0131 konusunda NATO’yla ya\u015fanan p\u00fcr\u00fcz, vb. Bu olgular T\u00fcrkiye devletinin “vekillik” g\u00f6revinin \u00e7eli\u015fkilerden ar\u0131nm\u0131\u015f olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 g\u00f6steriyor. Kald\u0131 ki, sermaye b\u00f6lgesel ya da k\u00fcresel d\u00fczeylerde ne denli b\u00fct\u00fcnle\u015firse b\u00fct\u00fcnle\u015fsin, kapitalizmin temelinde yatan k\u00e2r oranlar\u0131n\u0131n d\u00fc\u015fme e\u011filimi ve rekabet unsurlar\u0131 i\u00e7 \u00e7at\u0131\u015fmalar\u0131 yeniden ve yeniden g\u00fcndeme getirmektedir. \u00dcstelik, ba\u011f\u0131ml\u0131 \u00fclkelerin burjuvazisi uluslararas\u0131 rakipleri veya ortaklar\u0131 kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131nda ya da onlara oranla ne denli g\u00fc\u00e7lenirse, \u00e7eli\u015fkiler ve \u00e7at\u0131\u015fma olas\u0131l\u0131klar\u0131 da o denli artmaktad\u0131r.<\/p>\n\n\n\n K\u00fcreselle\u015fen kapitalizm i\u00e7inde bir dizi yar\u0131 s\u00f6m\u00fcrge \u00fclkede mali sermayenin olu\u015fumu, sermaye birikimi ve yo\u011funla\u015fma s\u00fcre\u00e7leri, d\u00fcnya ticaretine kat\u0131l\u0131m g\u00fc\u00e7lenmektedir. Bu s\u00fcre\u00e7lerin bile\u015fik ve e\u015fitsiz niteli\u011fi, ilgili \u00fclkelerin hepsini tek bir “alt emperyalizm” tan\u0131m\u0131 alt\u0131nda toplamay\u0131 olanaks\u0131z k\u0131l\u0131yor. Bize g\u00f6re bu kavram Lenin’in tan\u0131mlad\u0131\u011f\u0131 \u00fclke tiplerinden daha farkl\u0131 karakterde bir olu\u015fuma i\u015faret etmiyor. Sadece yar\u0131 s\u00f6m\u00fcrge \u00fclkeler aras\u0131nda ekonomisi ve burjuvazisi g\u00f6rece daha g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc olanlar\u0131 belirliyor. Kald\u0131 ki T\u00fcrkiye, yukar\u0131da da incelemeye \u00e7al\u0131\u015ft\u0131\u011f\u0131m\u0131z gibi, bu kategoriye dahi giremiyor ya da bu kavram\u0131n taraftarlar\u0131nca \u00e7izilebilecek bir “alt emperyalizm” s\u0131n\u0131r\u0131n\u0131n \u00e7evresinde sal\u0131n\u0131yor.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Politik Tutum Sorunu<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n B\u00fct\u00fcn bu tart\u0131\u015fma ku\u015fkusuz sadece akademik veya kuramsal bir nitelik ta\u015f\u0131m\u0131yor, zira politik sonu\u00e7lar\u0131 var. Her \u015feyden \u00f6nce, devrimci Marksizm uluslararas\u0131 s\u00fcre\u00e7lere ve \u00e7eli\u015fkilere s\u0131n\u0131f perspektifiyle yakla\u015f\u0131r ve \u00fclkeler aras\u0131ndaki gerilimlerde ve\/veya s\u0131cak \u00e7at\u0131\u015fmalarda \u00fclkelerin niteli\u011fine g\u00f6re tutum al\u0131r ve o do\u011frultuda enternasyonal m\u00fccadele s\u00fcrd\u00fcr\u00fcr. \u00d6rne\u011fin emperyalist \u00fclkeler ile ba\u011f\u0131ml\u0131 (s\u00f6m\u00fcrge ya da yar\u0131 s\u00f6m\u00fcrge) \u00fclkeler aras\u0131ndaki \u00e7at\u0131\u015fmalarda, ba\u011f\u0131ml\u0131 \u00fclkenin yan\u0131nda ve emperyalizmin kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131nda yer al\u0131r. Bu tutum, ba\u011f\u0131ml\u0131 \u00fclke iktidar\u0131n\u0131n rejiminden ya h\u00fck\u00fcmetinin niteli\u011finden ve sald\u0131rgan taraf\u0131n hangisi oldu\u011fundan ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131zd\u0131r. \u00d6rne\u011fin, Arjantin\u2019de askeri cunta d\u00f6neminde \u0130ngiltere\u2019nin Malvinas\u2019\u0131 (1982) i\u015fgali s\u0131ras\u0131nda devrimci hareket \u0130ngiliz emperyalizmine kar\u015f\u0131 tutum alm\u0131\u015f ve bu y\u00fczden de baz\u0131 \u201csol\u201d ak\u0131mlarca askeri diktat\u00f6rl\u00fc\u011f\u00fc desteklemekle su\u00e7lanm\u0131\u015ft\u0131. Ayn\u0131 polemik ABD\u2019nin 2003\u2019teki Irak i\u015fgali s\u0131ras\u0131nda da ya\u015fanm\u0131\u015ft\u0131. Devrimci Marksizm, Saddam rejiminin t\u00fcm gerici karakterine kar\u015f\u0131n, \u201cne ABD ne Saddam\u201d t\u00fcr\u00fcnden sonunda emperyalizmin \u00e7\u0131kar\u0131na hizmet eden s\u00f6zde \u00fc\u00e7\u00fcnc\u00fc yolcular\u0131n tersine, t\u00fcm g\u00fcc\u00fcyle i\u015fgalin kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131nda m\u00fccadeleye at\u0131lm\u0131\u015ft\u0131. Buna benzer pek \u00e7ok \u00f6rnek verilebilir.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Alt emperyalizm tan\u0131m\u0131n\u0131n, emperyalist, yar\u0131 s\u00f6m\u00fcrge ve s\u00f6m\u00fcrge \u00fclkelerinden ayr\u0131, ba\u015fl\u0131 ba\u015f\u0131na bir \u00fclke kategorisi olarak kabul edilmesi durumunda, \u00f6zellikle s\u0131cak \u00e7at\u0131\u015fmalarda devrimci enternasyonalizmin tutumu ne olacakt\u0131r? Ku\u015fkusuz hemen \u201cemperyalizmin kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131nda olunur\u201d diye yan\u0131t verilebilir. Ama \u201calt emperyalist\u201d diye tan\u0131mlanan bir \u00fclke ile \u201ckapitalist geli\u015fmenin daha alt basamaklar\u0131na\u201d yerle\u015ftirilen bir ba\u015fka \u00fclkenin \u00e7at\u0131\u015fmas\u0131 durumunda izlenecek politika konusunda hangi tutum \u00fcstlenilecek, bu \u00fclkelerin devrimcileri hangi kampta m\u00fccadele edeceklerdir? \u00d6rne\u011fin, Pakistan ile Hindistan Ke\u015fmir konusunda s\u0131k s\u0131k sava\u015f\u0131n e\u015fi\u011fine gelmektedir; b\u00f6yle bir durumda devrimciler hangi saflarda sava\u015facakt\u0131r? Alt emperyalizm savunucular\u0131na g\u00f6re Hindistan\u2019\u0131n \u201calt emperyalist\u201d olarak tan\u0131mland\u0131\u011f\u0131, Pakistan\u2019\u0131n da bu kategoriye y\u00fckselememi\u015f bir \u00fclke olarak kabul edildi\u011fi g\u00f6z \u00f6n\u00fcnde tutulacak olursa, Pakistan\u2019\u0131n yan\u0131nda Hindistan\u2019a kar\u015f\u0131 m\u00fccadele \u00e7izgisi \u00f6nerilebilir. Ama ya sald\u0131rgan taraf Pakistan ise, tutum ne olacakt\u0131r? Devrimci Marksizm bu iki \u00fclkeyi de ba\u011f\u0131ml\u0131, yar\u0131 s\u00f6m\u00fcrge olarak tan\u0131mlamaktad\u0131r ve bu tip iki \u00fclke aras\u0131ndaki \u00e7at\u0131\u015fmalardaki tutumu sald\u0131rgan\u0131n kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131nda m\u00fccadele etmektir. Dolay\u0131s\u0131yla, Pakistan\u2019\u0131n Hindistan\u2019a sald\u0131rmas\u0131 durumunda, devrimci Marksizm ile alt emperyalizm taraftarlar\u0131 birbirlerine kar\u015f\u0131t cephelerde konumlanacaklard\u0131r. Bu farkl\u0131l\u0131k, enternasyonalist politikalarda son derece ay\u0131r\u0131c\u0131, kritik bir \u00e7izgidir.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Alt emperyalizm tart\u0131\u015fmas\u0131n\u0131n \u00f6nemli politik sonu\u00e7lar\u0131ndan biri de ba\u011f\u0131ml\u0131 \u00fclkelerdeki anti-emperyalist m\u00fccadeleye ili\u015fkindir. Ba\u011f\u0131ml\u0131 s\u00f6m\u00fcrge ya da yar\u0131 s\u00f6m\u00fcrge \u00fclkelerde, emperyalizmin egemenli\u011fine kar\u015f\u0131 m\u00fccadele \u00f6nemli bir politik ve programatik noktay\u0131 olu\u015fturur. Devrimci Marksizm, ge\u00e7i\u015f talepleri y\u00f6ntemiyle, kitleleri emperyalizme kar\u015f\u0131 m\u00fccadeleye davet eder ve bu do\u011frultuda olu\u015facak seferberlikler i\u00e7inde emperyalizmden ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131zl\u0131\u011f\u0131 \u00fclkedeki kapitalist sistemin sona erdirilmesi \u00e7a\u011f\u0131r\u0131s\u0131na ba\u011flar. Demokratik bir talebe sosyalist i\u00e7erik kazand\u0131rmak i\u00e7in m\u00fccadele eder. Ama e\u011fer alt emperyalizm sadece emperyalist a\u015faman\u0131n e\u015fi\u011fi ise, bu kavram\u0131n savunucular\u0131n\u0131n da \u201cemperyalizmden ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131zl\u0131\u011f\u0131\u201d k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fcmsemeleri, dolay\u0131s\u0131yla demokratik taleplere ve\/veya o noktadan hareket eden ge\u00e7i\u015f taleplerine s\u0131rt \u00e7evirmeleri m\u00fcmk\u00fcn olur. Oysa geri \u00fclkelerde demokratik g\u00f6revlerin \u00f6nemini anlayamamak, bu g\u00f6revleri sistematik olarak i\u015f\u00e7i-emek\u00e7i h\u00fck\u00fcmeti form\u00fcl\u00fcne ba\u011flamamak, devrimci hareketi kitlelerin uza\u011f\u0131ndaki bir sol sekterlik konumuna iter.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Asl\u0131nda bu konu, kapitalizmin ilgili \u00fclkelerdeki geli\u015fimi ve demokratik devrimlerin tarihsel sorunlar\u0131yla da ilintilidir. S\u00f6m\u00fcrge ve yar\u0131 s\u00f6m\u00fcrgeler kapitalizme gecikmi\u015f olarak kat\u0131lan, ge\u00e7mi\u015finde burjuvazisi c\u0131l\u0131z ve emperyalist \u00e7a\u011fla birlikte demokratik devrimin sorunlar\u0131n\u0131 (tar\u0131m reformu\/devrimi, ulusal sorun, vb.) \u00e7\u00f6zebilmekten aciz olan \u00fclkelerdir. Dolay\u0131s\u0131yla da devrimci Marksizm bu sorunlar \u00e7er\u00e7evesindeki m\u00fccadeleleri program\u0131na al\u0131r ve demokratik devrimin \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fclmeden kalm\u0131\u015f tarihsel g\u00f6revlerinin proleter devrimi taraf\u0131ndan s\u0131rtlan\u0131lmas\u0131 gerekti\u011fini anlat\u0131r. \u0130nceledi\u011fimiz alt emperyalizm literat\u00fcr\u00fcnde bu konuya ili\u015fkin herhangi bir incelemeye rastlayamad\u0131k. \u201cAlt emperyalist a\u015famaya\u201d s\u0131\u00e7rad\u0131\u011f\u0131 kabul edilen \u00fclkelerde demokratik devrimin tarihsel sorunlar\u0131n\u0131n a\u015f\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131 d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fcl\u00fcyorsa, Lenin ve Tro\u00e7ki\u2019nin in\u015fa ettikleri emperyalist \u00e7a\u011f ve proleter devrimi kuram\u0131ndan (s\u00fcrekli devrim) k\u00f6kl\u00fc bir kopu\u015f s\u00f6z konusu olacakt\u0131r. B\u00f6yle bir tutumu a\u015famal\u0131 devrim strajisine inanan Stalinist hareketin \u201cazamici sol\u201d kesimlerinin kabullenmesi beklenebilir. Ama kendini devrimci Marksizm saflar\u0131nda g\u00f6ren ak\u0131mlarca bu tip bir anlay\u0131\u015f\u0131n kabul\u00fc bizim i\u00e7in ciddi bir ay\u0131r\u0131m \u00e7izgisi olu\u015fturur.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Ama e\u011fer alt emperyalist \u00fclkelerde de demokratik devrimin tarihsel sorunlar\u0131n\u0131n h\u00e2l\u00e2 \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcms\u00fcz olarak kalmaya devam etti\u011fi s\u00f6ylenirse, o zaman bu ba\u011flamda kavram\u0131n kendisi b\u00fct\u00fcn \u00f6nemini yitirir ve \u00f6nce de s\u00f6yledi\u011fimiz gibi, ba\u011f\u0131ml\u0131 \u00fclkelerin \u201cdaha fazla geli\u015fmi\u015f\u201d olanlar\u0131n\u0131 tan\u0131mlamakta kullan\u0131lan bir gazetecilik tabiri haline indirgenmi\u015f olur. Bu kavrama, Marini gibi ciddi bir Marksistin \u00e7abalar\u0131na sayg\u0131da kusur etmeksizin, bundan ba\u015fka bir \u00f6nem atfetmek de pek m\u00fcmk\u00fcn g\u00f6r\u00fcnm\u00fcyor.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Aral\u0131k 2013<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n Dipnotlar:<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n 1.)<\/strong>\u00a02008 krizine ili\u015fkin Mesafe<\/em>\u2019nin analizleri, derginin 2009 tarihli \u0130kinci say\u0131s\u0131nda bulanabilir.<\/p>\n\n\n\n 2.)<\/strong>\u00a0Marini, Ruy Mauro, Subdesarrollo y revoluci\u00f3n<\/em>, Siglo XXI yay\u0131nlar\u0131, Meksika, 1974, 5. bask\u0131; “Brazilian subimperialism”, Monthly Review<\/em>, Londra, 1972, say\u0131 23(9), s. 14-24.\u00a0<\/p>\n\n\n\n 3.)<\/strong>\u00a0Bu tezin T\u00fcrkiye\u2019deki bizim bildi\u011fimiz en \u00f6nemli savunucusu Marksist Tutum<\/em> dergisidir. Bak.: http:\/\/marksisttutum.org\/alt_emperyalizm_uzerine_bolgesel_guc_turkiye_1.htm.<\/p>\n\n\n\n 4.)<\/strong>\u00a0Marini, Ruy Mauro, “La acumulaci\u00f3n capitalista mundial y el subimperialismo”, Cuadernos Pol\u00edticos<\/em>, Meksika, 1977, say\u0131 12.\u00a0<\/p>\n\n\n\n 5.)<\/strong>\u00a0<\/strong>ibid<\/em>.<\/p>\n\n\n\n 6.)<\/strong>\u00a0Aktaran: Daniel Dombey, \u201cReliance on foreign capital inflows raises concern\u201d, 30 Eyl\u00fcl 2013, bak.: http:\/\/www.ft.com\/intl\/cms\/s\/0\/e29f6794-1eb0-11e3-b80b-00144feab7de.html#axzz2mFypifrX.<\/p>\n\n\n\n 7.)<\/strong>\u00a0Bak.: http:\/\/unctadstat.unctad.org\/temp\/us_fdistock_fdi_16686605420833.xls.<\/p>\n\n\n\n 8.)<\/strong>\u00a0\u00d6rne\u011fin Ishmael Lesufi, “Toward a Critique of the Political Economy of NEPAD”, Beyond the ‘African Tragedy’<\/em>, Ashgate Publishing, 2006, Hampshire, \u0130ngiltere.<\/p>\n\n\n\n 9.)<\/strong>\u00a0Bak.: http:\/\/unctadstat.unctad.org\/TableViewer\/tableView.aspx?ReportId=109.<\/p>\n\n\n\n 10.)<\/strong>\u00a0Kaynak: AMECO veri taban\u0131. Aktaran: Serkan \u00d6ngel\/Kurtar Tany\u0131lmaz, D\u0130SK-AR dergisi, G\u00fcz 2013 say\u0131s\u0131, \u0130stanbul.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":" Kapitalizmin \u201ck\u00fcreselle\u015fmesi\u201d, bir ba\u015fka deyi\u015fle emperyalist sermayenin birikimi ve dola\u015f\u0131m\u0131, mallar\u0131n d\u00fcnya \u00f6l\u00e7e\u011finde \u00fcretimi ve pazarlanmas\u0131 \u00f6n\u00fcndeki t\u00fcm \u201culusal\u201d duvarlar\u0131n ABD\u2019nin ekonomik, politik ve askeri g\u00fcc\u00fcyle y\u0131k\u0131lmas\u0131, emperyalizmin ve d\u00fcnya kapitalist sisteminin tahlili ve tan\u0131m\u0131 konular\u0131nda yeni kuramsal ve politik tart\u0131\u015fmalara yol a\u00e7m\u0131\u015f durumda. Sovyet sisteminin da\u011f\u0131larak ba\u015fta Rusya olmak \u00fczere pek \u00e7ok yeni burjuva […]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":3,"featured_media":386,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"_exactmetrics_skip_tracking":false,"_exactmetrics_sitenote_active":false,"_exactmetrics_sitenote_note":"","_exactmetrics_sitenote_category":0,"footnotes":""},"categories":[635],"tags":[437,441,201,132,177],"class_list":["post-364","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-alt-emperyalizm","tag-alt","tag-altemperyalist","tag-emperyalist","tag-mi","tag-turkiye"],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/trockist.net\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/364","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/trockist.net\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/trockist.net\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/trockist.net\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/3"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/trockist.net\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=364"}],"version-history":[{"count":1,"href":"https:\/\/trockist.net\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/364\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":387,"href":"https:\/\/trockist.net\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/364\/revisions\/387"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/trockist.net\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/386"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/trockist.net\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=364"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/trockist.net\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=364"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/trockist.net\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=364"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}![\"\"](\"http:\/\/94.237.85.66\/wp-content\/uploads\/2019\/01\/Ekran-Resmi-2019-01-28-01.11.08-1024x370.png\")
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