{"id":361,"date":"2019-01-28T01:05:06","date_gmt":"2019-01-27T22:05:06","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/94.237.85.66\/?p=361"},"modified":"2019-02-16T02:26:33","modified_gmt":"2019-02-15T23:26:33","slug":"brics-alt-emperyalist-mi","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/trockist.net\/index.php\/2019\/01\/28\/brics-alt-emperyalist-mi\/","title":{"rendered":"BRICS “alt emperyalist” mi?"},"content":{"rendered":"\n

Patrick Bond <\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

(\u00c7eviri: Asl\u0131 G\u00f6ymen) <\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

BRICS(1)<\/strong>, bug\u00fcn d\u00fcnyadaki yeni alt emperyalizmin en a\u015f\u0131r\u0131 mevkilerinden birini arz ediyor. K\u00fcresel neoliberalizmi kolayla\u015ft\u0131r\u0131rken, yery\u00fcz\u00fcn\u00fcn ekolojik y\u0131k\u0131m\u0131n\u0131 h\u0131zland\u0131r\u0131yor ve art-b\u00f6lge [hinterland] ya\u011fmac\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131n e\u015fg\u00fcd\u00fcmc\u00fcleri olarak hizmet ediyorlar. BRICS’in hegemonik projesi engellenmeli.\u00a0<\/p>\n\n\n\n

‘Tekrardan, ANC’nin (Afrika Ulusal Kongresi) karakterinin disiplinli bir sol g\u00fc\u00e7, \u00e7ok s\u0131n\u0131fl\u0131 bir kitle hareketi ve antiemperyalist g\u00f6r\u00fcn\u00fcml\u00fc enternasyonalist bir hareketten olu\u015ftu\u011funu s\u00f6yl\u00fcyoruz.’ diyor Jacob Zuma, 12 Ocak’ta Durban’da ger\u00e7ekle\u015fen y\u0131l\u0131n en b\u00fcy\u00fck Afrika Ulusal Konseyi kutlamalar\u0131nda kitlelerine nutuk \u00e7ekerken.(2)<\/strong>\u00a0<\/p>\n\n\n\n

11 g\u00fcn sonra, Zuma, \u0130svi\u00e7re’nin Davos kentinde ger\u00e7ekle\u015fen D\u00fcnya Ekonomik Forumu’nun k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck ve l\u00fcks konferans salonunda emperyalistlere \u015f\u00f6yle s\u00f6yl\u00fcyor: ‘Biz, i\u015f yapmaya a\u00e7\u0131k, Afrika k\u0131tas\u0131na giri\u015fi sa\u011flamaya a\u00e7\u0131k bir G\u00fcney Afrika’y\u0131 temsil ediyoruz’(3)<\/strong> (Zuma, yem olarak, \u00f6zellikle, gelecek y\u0131llarda yap\u0131lmas\u0131 planlanan 440 milyar dolarl\u0131k ekonomik altyap\u0131 yat\u0131r\u0131m\u0131ndan bahsederken, \u00fclkesinde, elektri\u011fe, suya ve sa\u011fl\u0131\u011fa yap\u0131lan enflasyon \u00fczeri zamlar alt gelirli t\u00fcketicileri vuruyor. Tabii h\u00e2l\u00e2 \u00f6denmemi\u015f faturalar y\u00fcz\u00fcnden elektri\u011fi, suyu kesilmeyecek kadar \u015fansl\u0131larsa.)\u00a0<\/p>\n\n\n\n

G\u00fcney Afrika yetkilileri \u00e7o\u011funlukla antiemperyalist laflar eder fakat bir alt emperyalist olarak hareket eder. Bu kavram\u0131 ilk kez, 1965’te, Ruy Mauro Marini Brezilya meselesi i\u00e7in tan\u0131mlad\u0131: Bu (g\u00fcncel g\u00fc\u00e7 ili\u015fkileri \u00e7o\u011funlukla buna yol a\u00e7sa da) Kuzey Amerika’n\u0131n g\u00fcc\u00fcn\u00fc pasif\u00e7e kabul etme meselesi de\u011fil; emperyalist geni\u015flemeyle, bu geni\u015flemede anahtar ulus konumunu \u00fcstlenerek, fiilen i\u015fbirli\u011fine girmeyi tercih etmektir.’(4)<\/strong>\u00a0<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Neredeyse yar\u0131m y\u00fczy\u0131l sonra, Brezilya, Rusya, Hindistan, \u00c7in ve G\u00fcney Afrika’n\u0131n etkin bir ittifak halinde y\u00fckseli\u015finin sonras\u0131nda (BRICS) bu kavray\u0131\u015f\u0131n ileri g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015fl\u00fcl\u00fc\u011f\u00fc ortaya \u00e7\u0131kar. 2013 y\u0131l\u0131yla birlikte, geleneksel \u00fc\u00e7l\u00fcn\u00fcn (ABD, AB ve Japonya) y\u00f6r\u00fcngesindeki bu 5 anahtar ulus, emperyalizmin azimli i\u015fbirlik\u00e7ileri olurlar. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

BRICS, neoliberalizmin k\u00fcresel ve kurumsal g\u00fc\u00e7 yap\u0131lar\u0131n\u0131 tasdik edip, a\u015f\u0131r\u0131 \u00fcretimci ve a\u015f\u0131r\u0131 t\u00fcketimci bir geli\u015fim bozuklu\u011funu s\u00fcrd\u00fcrerek neoliberalizmin hedefini geli\u015ftirmi\u015f; ayr\u0131ca -k\u00fcresel \u0131s\u0131nmaya yapt\u0131klar\u0131 bol keseden katk\u0131larla- yaln\u0131zca \u00e7evrenin de\u011fil ayn\u0131 zamanda k\u00fcresel \u00f6l\u00e7ekli, uygulanabilir, potansiyel ekolojik d\u00fczenlemelerin de tahribat\u0131na da i\u015ftirak etmi\u015flerdir (emisyon ticaretiyle gittik\u00e7e derinle\u015fen metala\u015ft\u0131rmay\u0131 destekleyerek). <\/p>\n\n\n\n

BRICS’in neoliberalizmi yeniden me\u015frula\u015ft\u0131rma g\u00fcndeminde elbette ki yaln\u0131zca Kuzey Amerika’n\u0131n g\u00fcc\u00fcn\u00fc sa\u011flamla\u015ft\u0131rmak yok. Her durumda, BRICS \u00fclkelerinin, b\u00f6lgesel kapitalist \u00fclkelerin yarar\u0131na art b\u00f6lge \u00fczerindeki kontrol\u00fc, alt emperyalizmin bir di\u011fer etkileyici \u00f6zelli\u011fiydi. Bilhassa G\u00fcney Afrika vakas\u0131nda. Brezilyal\u0131 akademisyen Oliver Stuenkel 2012’de \u015funa dikkat \u00e7ekiyor: ‘BRICS \u00fcyelerinden hi\u00e7birisi kom\u015fular\u0131ndan anlaml\u0131 bir destek g\u00f6rm\u00fcyor ve yine hi\u00e7biri kendi b\u00f6lgesini temsil etme yetkisine sahip de\u011fil. Tam tersine, kom\u015fular\u0131n\u0131n b\u00f6lgesel hegemonyaya y\u00f6nelik BRICS projelerine duydu\u011fu ku\u015fku, grubun t\u00fcm \u00fcyeleri i\u00e7in e\u015fit derecede ge\u00e7erli.’(5)<\/strong>\u00a0<\/p>\n\n\n\n

G\u00fcney Afrika alt emperyalizminin uzun soluklu (apartheid d\u00f6nemi) ele\u015ftirilerinden bir\u00e7o\u011fu h\u00e2l\u00e2 ge\u00e7erli ama yeni olan, 1990’larda \u00fclkenin \u0131rksaldan s\u0131n\u0131fsala ge\u00e7en ‘elit d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015f\u00fcm\u00fc’yle birlikte gelen finansal liberalle\u015fme sayesinde, \u00f6nceden Johannesburg ve Cape Town merkezli olan b\u00f6lgesel ve t\u00fczel g\u00fc\u00e7lerin \u2013 Anglo American Corporation, DeBeers, Gencor (sonradan BHP Billiton oldu), Old Mutual and Liberty Life insurance, SA Breweries (sonradan Miller ile birle\u015fti), Investec bank, Didata IT, Mondi paper, vd. \u2013 ka\u00e7\u0131\u015fmas\u0131 oldu. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

Art\u0131k bu firmalar\u0131n finansal genel merkezleri Londra, New York ve Melbourne’de. Ve k\u00e2r\u0131n, k\u00e2r pay\u0131n\u0131n ve gelirin \u00fclke d\u0131\u015f\u0131na akmas\u0131, G\u00fcney Amerika’n\u0131n 2009’\u0131n ba\u015flar\u0131nda The Economist taraf\u0131ndan b\u00fcy\u00fcyen 17 pazar i\u00e7inden ‘en risklisi’ olarak se\u00e7ilmesinin ba\u015fl\u0131ca nedeni. Ayn\u0131 neden, b\u00fcy\u00fck sermayenin g\u00f6\u00e7\u00fcn\u00fc kolayla\u015ft\u0131rmak i\u00e7in para dola\u015f\u0131m\u0131n\u0131 kar\u015f\u0131lama amac\u0131yla devasa boyutlarda yeni d\u0131\u015f bor\u00e7 dayatmalar\u0131n\u0131 da beraberinde getiriyor. Bu sebeple G\u00fcney Afrika ’emperyalist’ olarak tan\u0131mlanamaz, sadece art\u0131k de\u011ferinin \u00e7ok az\u0131n\u0131 muhafaza ediyor. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

Neoliberalizmi kolayla\u015ft\u0131rmaktan, yery\u00fcz\u00fcn\u00fcn ekonomik y\u0131k\u0131m\u0131n\u0131 h\u0131zland\u0131rmaktan ve art b\u00f6lge ya\u011fmac\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131n e\u015fg\u00fcd\u00fcmc\u00fcs\u00fc olarak hizmet etmekten ba\u015fka, Va\u015fington’un s\u00fcregiden hegemonyas\u0131 ba\u011flam\u0131nda, alt emperyalizmin ba\u015fka hangi temel \u00f6zellikleri incelenmeli? E\u011fer -New York Kent \u00dcniversitesi’nin tan\u0131nm\u0131\u015f Marksist akademisyeni David Harvey’in(6)<\/strong> \u00f6nerdi\u011fi gibi- ‘yeni bir emperyalizm’ ‘m\u00fclks\u00fczle\u015ftirme yoluyla birikime’ \u00e7ok daha b\u00fcy\u00fck bir m\u00fcracaat ve dolay\u0131s\u0131yla kapitalizmin ya\u015fam\u0131n ve \u00e7evrenin ‘kapitalist olmayan’ taraflar\u0131n\u0131 tahsis etmesini gerektiriyorsa, o halde G\u00fcney Afrika ve di\u011fer BRICS \u00fclkeleri bug\u00fcn d\u00fcnyadaki yeni alt emperyalizmin en a\u015f\u0131r\u0131 mevkilerinden birini arz ediyor.\u00a0<\/p>\n\n\n\n

G\u00fcney Afrika’n\u0131n ‘\u00fcretim bi\u00e7imlerinin eklemlenmesi’ \u00fczerine eski nesil savlar -k\u00f6yl\u00fc siyahi kad\u0131nlar\u0131n devlet deste\u011fi olmadan \u00e7ocuklar\u0131n yeniden \u00fcretimini \u00fccretsiz olarak \u00fcstlenmesi, hasta i\u015f\u00e7iler ve emekliler sayesinde Bantustan’dan g\u00f6\u00e7men erkek i\u015f\u00e7ilerin ‘ucuz emek’ olarak getirilmesi- \u00c7in’in k\u00f6t\u00fc \u015f\u00f6hretli yasalar\u0131 ya da apartheid d\u00f6neminin ard\u0131ndan G\u00fcney Afrika g\u00f6\u00e7menlik modelinin b\u00f6lge i\u00e7inde (yerli i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n trajik yabanc\u0131 d\u00fc\u015fman\u0131 tepkilerine ba\u011fl\u0131 olmaks\u0131z\u0131n) daha da derinle\u015fmesine bakt\u0131\u011f\u0131m\u0131zda, bug\u00fcnlerde daha da kullan\u0131labilir g\u00f6r\u00fcn\u00fcyor. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u00d6ncelikle, alt emperyalizmin k\u00fcresel neoliberalizmi farkl\u0131 \u015fekillerde kolayla\u015ft\u0131rmas\u0131n\u0131n ve BRICS i\u00e7erisine G\u00fcney Afrika’n\u0131n b\u00f6lgesel kanun ve d\u00fczeni korumak i\u00e7in di\u011fer bir ‘\u015ferif yard\u0131mc\u0131s\u0131’ olarak kat\u0131lmas\u0131n\u0131n (\u00f6rne\u011fin bu makalenin yaz\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131 2013’\u00fcn ba\u015flar\u0131nda Orta Afrika Cumhuriyeti’nde oldu\u011fu gibi) gerek\u00e7esini a\u00e7\u0131klamak, uluslararas\u0131 ili\u015fkiler alan\u0131nda pop\u00fcler kalan, naif d\u0131\u015f politika s\u00f6ylentileri da\u011f\u0131tmay\u0131 gerektiriyor. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

Baz\u0131 akademisyenler, G\u00fcney Afrika’n\u0131n rol\u00fcn\u00fcn ne antiemperyalist ne de alt emperyalist oldu\u011funu \u00f6ne s\u00fcr\u00fcyor: ‘Orta G\u00fc\u00e7’ olarak, Pretoria, k\u0131tan\u0131n \u00e7\u0131karlar\u0131 i\u00e7inde hareket ederken yap\u0131c\u0131 bir \u015fekilde Afrika’y\u0131 ‘y\u00f6netmeye’ giri\u015fiyor (Maxi Schoeman)(7)<\/strong>; ‘bunu Afrikal\u0131 karde\u015f devletlerin g\u00fcvenini s\u00fcrekli olarak kazanmaya \u00e7al\u0131\u015farak, stratejik ortakl\u0131klar in\u015faa etme arac\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131yla’ yap\u0131yor (Chris Landsberg)(8)<\/strong> ve bu \u015fekilde di\u011fer Afrikal\u0131 \u00fclkelerle ‘homojen olmayan i\u015fbirli\u011fi’ arayarak, k\u00fcresel toplulu\u011fu, kendinin b\u00f6lgesel g\u00fc\u00e7 stat\u00fcs\u00fcne ikna etmeye \u00e7abal\u0131yor (John Daniel et al)(9)<\/strong>.\u00a0<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ama bu d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fcrler, zaman\u0131n gerektirdi\u011fi gibi g\u00fc\u00e7 ili\u015fkilerini ele\u015ftirel bir hassasiyetle sorgulama f\u0131rsat\u0131n\u0131 ka\u00e7\u0131r\u0131yor. \u00d6zellikle toplumun a\u015fa\u011f\u0131lanmas\u0131n\u0131 ve ekolojik zarar\u0131 (\u00f6rne\u011fin 2012’ye kadar Lonmin \u015firketi i\u00e7in \u00e7ok k\u00e2rl\u0131 olan, me\u015fhur Marikana platinyum madeni) dikkate almadan yap\u0131lan g\u00f6\u00e7men eme\u011fine dayal\u0131, a\u015f\u0131r\u0131 s\u00f6m\u00fcr\u00fcn\u00fcn oldu\u011fu maden \u00e7\u0131karma sanayilerinde; ki bunlar BRICS \u00fclkelerinin Afrika’yla olan ba\u011flant\u0131lar\u0131n\u0131n temel bi\u00e7imini olu\u015fturmaya devam etmektedir. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

Duruma g\u00f6re bu planlar do\u011frudan sava\u015fa g\u00f6t\u00fcrebilir. Sava\u015f, emperyal\/alt emperyal g\u00fc\u00e7 ili\u015fkilerini a\u00e7\u0131klamaya niyetlenen akademisyenler aras\u0131nda bir feti\u015f, ayn\u0131 zamanda da genel bir dikkat da\u011f\u0131t\u0131c\u0131s\u0131d\u0131r. Yak\u0131n d\u00f6nemde, Va\u015fington merkezli emperyalizmle ili\u015fkili en temel askeri \u00e7at\u0131\u015fmalar, Orta, Merkez Asya ve Kuzey Afrika’da ger\u00e7ekle\u015fti ve tabii \u0130srail, T\u00fcrkiye ve Suudi Arabistan s\u0131k s\u0131k Bat\u0131’n\u0131n alt emperyal m\u00fcttefikleri olarak an\u0131ld\u0131. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ama \u00e7ok uzun zaman \u00f6nce de\u011fil -1960’lardan 1980’lerin sonunda kadar- Afrika’n\u0131n g\u00fcneyi, So\u011fuk Sava\u015f \u00e7eki\u015fmeleri ve s\u00f6m\u00fcrge kar\u015f\u0131t\u0131 m\u00fccadele \u00f6zelli\u011fi ta\u015f\u0131yan say\u0131s\u0131z sava\u015f\u0131n ya\u015fand\u0131\u011f\u0131 yerdi ve Apartheid G\u00fcney Afrika’s\u0131 Va\u015fington i\u00e7in g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc ve rahatlat\u0131c\u0131 bir yard\u0131mc\u0131yd\u0131. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

Bu d\u00f6nemi izleyen yirmi y\u0131ldan fazla bir s\u00fcre sonra, kaynak \u00e7at\u0131\u015fmas\u0131 kavgalar\u0131 (\u00f6rne\u011fin orta ve g\u00fcney Afrika’n\u0131n birle\u015fti\u011fi B\u00fcy\u00fck G\u00f6ller b\u00f6lgesinde, mineral odakl\u0131 sava\u015f a\u011falar\u0131nca milyonlarca ki\u015finin \u00f6ld\u00fcr\u00fclmesi), neoliberalizm (G\u00fcney Afrika ve Zambiya), tesad\u00fcfi bir darbe (Madagaskar), diktat\u00f6rl\u00fck (Zimbabve, Svaziland ve Malavi) ya da bir\u00e7ok durumda bunlar\u0131n kar\u0131\u015f\u0131m\u0131yla ili\u015fkili devlet-sivil gerilimlerine tan\u0131k olduk. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

Portekizce konu\u015fan iki \u00fclke, Mozambik ve Angola’da apartheid ve CIA taraf\u0131ndan d\u00fczenlenen ve s\u0131ras\u0131yla 1991 ve 2001 y\u0131llar\u0131nda sonlanan i\u00e7 sava\u015flarda, milyonlarca insan\u0131n \u00f6l\u00fcm\u00fcn\u00fcn ard\u0131ndan a\u015f\u0131r\u0131 bir e\u015fitsizlikle de olsa ekonomide y\u00fcksek b\u00fcy\u00fcme oranlar\u0131 kaydedildi. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

Afrika’n\u0131n g\u00fcneyi boyunca, emperyal ve alt emperyal \u00e7\u0131karlar\u0131n ikisi de genellikle kaynak \u00e7\u0131kar\u0131lmas\u0131na dayand\u0131\u011f\u0131 i\u00e7in, Lonmin tarz\u0131yla (\u00f6nceden ad\u0131 Lonrho olan \u015firket, 1973’te Britanya Ba\u015fbakan\u0131 Edward Heath taraf\u0131ndan ‘kapitalizmin kabul edilemez y\u00fcz\u00fc’ olarak adland\u0131r\u0131lm\u0131\u015ft\u0131) sembolle\u015fen bir dizi d\u0131\u015far\u0131dan etkilenen kurum i\u00e7i ili\u015fkiler ortaya \u00e7\u0131kt\u0131. Bunlar, Maikana platinyum madenlerinde grev k\u0131r\u0131c\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131n gerekli farz edildi\u011fi 2012 y\u0131l\u0131n\u0131n ortalar\u0131nda, iktidardaki ANC politikac\u0131lar\u0131ndan Cyril Ramphosa’n\u0131n \u00f6nemli ortakl\u0131\u011f\u0131 ve onun Pretoria g\u00fcvenlik aparatlar\u0131 ile olan ili\u015fkilerinden ‘faydaland\u0131’. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

B\u00f6lgedeki G\u00fcney Afrikal\u0131, ABD’li, Avrupal\u0131 ve Kanadal\u0131 \u015firketlere \u00c7in, Hindistan ve Brezilya’dan b\u00fcy\u00fck \u015firketler ortak oldu. Onlar\u0131n g\u00f6revi, genel olarak mineral, ham petrol ve benzin \u00e7\u0131karmak i\u00e7in s\u00f6m\u00fcrgeci altyap\u0131 kurulu\u015flar\u0131 \u2013yol, demiryolu ve liman geni\u015fletme- in\u015fa etmekti. BRICS, \u00f6zellikle \u00f6nerilen BRICS Bankas\u0131 arac\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131yla bu faaliyeti ger\u00e7ekle\u015ftirmede olduk\u00e7a tutarl\u0131 g\u00f6r\u00fcn\u00fcyor. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

Bu \u00e7\u0131kar \u00e7at\u0131\u015fmalar\u0131, Va\u015fington’\u0131n k\u0131tada daha zorlay\u0131c\u0131 bir rol oynamas\u0131n\u0131n sonucu olarak silahl\u0131 bir \u00e7at\u0131\u015fmaya d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015febilir mi? Pentagon’un Afrika Komutanl\u0131\u011f\u0131, Afrika Boynuzu’nun pe\u015finde (ABD’nin Cibuti’de k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fcmsenmeyecek bir karargah\u0131 bulunmakta), Sahel boyunca (bu yaz\u0131 kaleme al\u0131n\u0131rken Mali’de) El Kaide \u00fcyelerine sald\u0131rmak ve gelecekteki petrol yataklar\u0131yla di\u011fer kaynaklar\u0131 g\u00fcvence alt\u0131na almak i\u00e7in varl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 art\u0131rmaya haz\u0131rlanm\u0131\u015f durumda. 2009’da koltu\u011fu ald\u0131\u011f\u0131ndan bu yana Barack Obama, kendisinin 2009’da Gana’da yapt\u0131\u011f\u0131 konu\u015fmada kabul edilen demokrasi yanl\u0131s\u0131 retori\u011fiyle ters d\u00fc\u015fen bir \u015fekilde Afrikal\u0131 tiran-elitlerle i\u015fbirli\u011fini s\u0131k\u0131la\u015ft\u0131rm\u0131\u015f durumda. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

Sherwood Ross’a g\u00f6re, ABD ad\u0131na \u00fclkesinde tutuklamalar ger\u00e7ekle\u015ftiren 28 \u00fclkeden 12’si Afrika’dan: Cezayir, Cibuti, M\u0131s\u0131r, Etiyopya, Gambiya, Kenya, Libya, Moritanya, Fas, Somali, G\u00fcney Afrika ve Zambiya.(10)<\/strong> \u00d6rne\u011fin, Gambiya’da, devlet ba\u015fkan\u0131 Yahya Jammeh’in CIA’n\u0131n ABD i\u015fkence mahkumlar\u0131 i\u00e7in ihtiya\u00e7 duydu\u011fu infaz alan\u0131n\u0131 kabul etmesi, Obama’n\u0131n Jammeh diktat\u00f6rl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcne g\u00f6z yummas\u0131 ile a\u00e7\u0131klanabilir. Benzer \u015fekilde, ABD’nin M\u0131s\u0131r’da -bir ba\u015fka i\u015fkence infaz noktas\u0131- M\u00fcbarek rejimini son g\u00fcnlerine dek destekleme tutumu, Obama’n\u0131n vaat etti\u011fi ‘g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc kurumlar’ kozununun oynanmas\u0131 ve g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc-adam jeopoliti\u011finin devaml\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131 hakk\u0131nda \u00e7ok fazla \u015fey s\u00f6yl\u00fcyordu.(11)<\/strong>\u00a0<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Askeri \u00e7at\u0131\u015fmadan ziyade daha \u00e7ok kurnaz emperyal kontrol bi\u00e7imleri, ‘Y\u00fckselen Afrika’ retori\u011fi ve 2000’lerin ba\u015f\u0131nda ticari mal fiyatlar\u0131n\u0131n f\u0131rlamas\u0131, k\u0131tan\u0131n ve \u00f6zellikle G\u00fcney Afrika b\u00f6lgesinin yat\u0131r\u0131m i\u00e7in \u00e7ekici mevzilere d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015fmesine yol a\u00e7t\u0131. Ve \u00e7okuluslu \u015firketler i\u00e7in Johannesburg’un b\u00f6lgesel fabrika \u015fubeleri i\u00e7in bir \u00fcs olmas\u0131, ayr\u0131ca G\u00fcney Afrika’n\u0131n ‘giri\u015f kap\u0131s\u0131’ i\u015flevinden dolay\u0131 bunlar hi\u00e7 de k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck yat\u0131r\u0131mlar de\u011fildi. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

Bu d\u00f6nem boyunca, Va\u015fington’un Afrika i\u00e7in serinkanl\u0131 fakat yine de gittik\u00e7e artan \u00f6neme sahip, Bush’un D\u0131\u015fi\u015fleri Bakan\u0131 Colin Powell’in, Afrika’da Y\u00fckselen ABD Menfaatleri isimli d\u00f6k\u00fcmanda ikna edici bir \u015fekilde anlatt\u0131\u011f\u0131 bir g\u00fcndemi vard\u0131: <\/p>\n\n\n\n

\t\u2022\tSudan’da politik istikrar (Va\u015fington’un petrol\u00fc i\u00e7in can att\u0131\u011f\u0131 \u00fclke);
\n<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\t\u2022\tMillennium Challenge Account [ABD’nin yeni yard\u0131m mekanizmas\u0131] i\u00e7in bir ilk ad\u0131m olabilecek Afrika’n\u0131n \u00e7\u00f6km\u00fc\u015f sermaye pazarlar\u0131na destek;
\n<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u2022 Enerji alan\u0131na daha fazla ilgi, \u00f6zellikle ‘di\u011fer anahtar Bat\u0131 Afrika petrol \u00fcreticilerinin \u00fczerinde olan Nijerya ve Angola’dan gelecek, gelece\u011fin y\u0131\u011f\u0131nsal kazanc\u0131na’; <\/p>\n\n\n\n

\t\u2022\tVah\u015fi ya\u015fam\u0131 koruman\u0131n tan\u0131t\u0131m\u0131;
\n<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\t\u2022\t‘M\u00fcsl\u00fcman sosyal yard\u0131m insiyatifi’ de dahil, ‘ter\u00f6rle m\u00fccadele’ \u00e7abalar\u0131n\u0131 artt\u0131rmak;
\n<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\t\u2022\tYeni G8 fonu sayesinde on binlerce Afrika taburuna d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcr\u00fclen, geni\u015fletilmi\u015f bar\u0131\u015f operasyonlar\u0131; ve
\n<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u2022 AIDS’e daha fazla ilgi. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

Hepsinden daha \u00e7ok Sudan \u00fczerinde, G\u00fcney Afrika’n\u0131n i\u015fbirli\u011fi ABD’nin emperyal g\u00fcndemi i\u00e7in olmazsa olmaz. Yine de ABD ordusunun 1993’te Somali’de a\u015fa\u011f\u0131land\u0131\u011f\u0131 ‘Kara \u015eahin D\u00fc\u015ft\u00fc’ d\u00f6neminin ard\u0131ndan, Pentagon’un Afrika’ya do\u011frudan tabur yollama konusunda pek bir i\u015ftah kalmam\u0131\u015ft\u0131; bunun bir sonucu olarak da Ba\u015fkan Bill Clinton, 1994’teki Ruanda soyk\u0131r\u0131m\u0131nda k\u0131l\u0131n\u0131 k\u0131p\u0131rdatmad\u0131\u011f\u0131 i\u00e7in \u00f6z\u00fcr dilemek zorunda kald\u0131. Buna kar\u015f\u0131l\u0131k, Afrika Komutanl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131n ba\u015f\u0131ndaki Carter Ham’\u0131n 2011’de a\u00e7\u0131klad\u0131\u011f\u0131 gibi, Va\u015fington nihayetinde daha geleneksel askeri operasyonlar\u0131 \u00fcstlenmesi i\u00e7in -[her ne kadar] onlar taraf\u0131ndan y\u00f6netilmese de- Afrikal\u0131lardan olu\u015fan bir Afrika Komuntanl\u0131\u011f\u0131na ihtiya\u00e7 duydu…(12)<\/strong>\u00a0<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ayr\u0131ca, ABD Havac\u0131l\u0131k \u00dcniversitesi’nin 3 Ayl\u0131k Stratejik Ara\u015ft\u0131rmalar dergisi, ABD’nin Afrika Birli\u011fi ordu dan\u0131\u015fman\u0131n\u0131n \u015fu s\u00f6zlerini aktar\u0131yor: ‘Bizim \u00e7ocuklar\u0131n oraya girip bitkin d\u00fc\u015fmesini istemiyoruz. Biz Afrikal\u0131lar\u0131n bunu yapmas\u0131n\u0131 istiyoruz.’(13)<\/strong> \u00d6rne\u011fin 2006’n\u0131n sonlar\u0131nda, Bush, yeni ortaya \u00e7\u0131kan \u0130slami Mahkeme h\u00fck\u00fcmetinden \u00fclkeyi kurtarmak i\u00e7in Somali’yi i\u015fgal etmek istemi\u015fti. Bu fikri me\u015frula\u015ft\u0131rmas\u0131 i\u00e7in Mbeki’yi (d\u00f6nemin G\u00fcney Afrika Devlet Ba\u015fkan\u0131, \u00e7n) \u00e7a\u011f\u0131r\u0131rken, operasyon, \u00fc\u00e7 hafta sonra Melees Zenawi’nin Etiyopya ordusu taraf\u0131ndan ger\u00e7ekle\u015ftirildi.(14)<\/strong>\u00a0<\/p>\n\n\n\n

2011’de Obama, Muammer Kaddafi’den kurtulmak i\u00e7in Libya’y\u0131 i\u015fgal etmek istedi\u011finde, G\u00fcney Afrika, BM G\u00fcvenlik Konseyi’nde (ki orada ge\u00e7ici bir koltu\u011fu vard\u0131) NATO’nun bombalama yapmas\u0131 y\u00f6n\u00fcnde, Afrika Birli\u011fi’nin muazzam muhalefetine ra\u011fmen, olumlu oy kullanm\u0131\u015ft\u0131. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ve Ocak 2013’te, Pretoria, Orta Afrika Cumhuriyeti’nde ger\u00e7ekle\u015fen bir darbe giri\u015fimi s\u0131ras\u0131nda 400 askerini oraya g\u00f6nderdi \u00e7\u00fcnk\u00fc, D\u0131\u015fi\u015fleri Bakan\u0131 Ebrahim Ebrahim’in bir r\u00f6portajda verdi\u011fi demece g\u00f6re, \u00fclkedeki maden yataklar\u0131 ve \u00fclkeyi y\u00f6neten tiran Fran\u00e7ois Boziz\u00e9’ye G\u00fcney Afrika’n\u0131n g\u00f6nderdi\u011fi silahlar kast edilerek, ‘orada korunmas\u0131 gereken servetimiz var’.(15)<\/strong>\u00a0<\/p>\n\n\n\n

G8 de benzer \u015fekilde G20’ye, BRICS’e ve hatta G\u00fcney Afrika’n\u0131n ekonomik cephedeki ‘\u015ferif yard\u0131mc\u0131s\u0131’ deste\u011fine bel ba\u011fl\u0131yor. \u00d6rne\u011fin, 2008-09 krizi ba\u015f g\u00f6sterdi\u011finde, G20, Walden Bello taraf\u0131ndan \u015f\u00f6yle tarif edilmi\u015fti: ‘Bunlar\u0131n hepsi \u015fov. Bu \u015fovun gizledi\u011fi \u015feyse d\u00fcnyan\u0131n nereye gitti\u011fini ve istikrar\u0131n\u0131 sa\u011flamak i\u00e7in gereken tedbirlerin ne oldu\u011funu bilmeyen k\u00fcresel elitler taraf\u0131ndan duyulan \u00e7ok derin bir kayg\u0131 ve korku.’(16)<\/strong>\u00a0<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Harvey’e g\u00f6re, G20 basit\u00e7e \u015funu soruyor: ‘Temelleriyle oynamadan, daha \u00f6nce sahip oldu\u011fumuz ve son otuz y\u0131ld\u0131r da d\u00fczene soktu\u011fumuz kapitalizmin ayn\u0131s\u0131n\u0131 nas\u0131l yeniden tesis edebiliriz?’(17)<\/strong>\u00a0<\/p>\n\n\n\n

D\u0131\u015f politika a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan Zuma (G\u00fcney Afrika’n\u0131n bug\u00fcnk\u00fc devlet ba\u015fkan\u0131, \u00e7n)’n\u0131n ba\u015fkanl\u0131\u011f\u0131 taraf\u0131ndan dillendirilen b\u00fcy\u00fck soru, Mbeki’nin yay\u0131lmac\u0131 ‘Afrika’n\u0131n Kalk\u0131nmas\u0131 i\u00e7in Yeni Ortakl\u0131k’ projesinden gelen ivmenin proje batt\u0131ktan sonra dondurulup, me\u015fguliyeti i\u00e7 meselelere vererek, uluslararas\u0131 d\u00fczlemde g\u00f6rece daha zay\u0131f bir tutkuya d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015f\u00fcp d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015fmeyece\u011fiydi. Ne var ki, 2012’de kati suretle olumlu bir cevap geldi: Nkozana Dlamini-Zuma’n\u0131n Afrika Birli\u011fi Komisyonu Genel Ba\u015fkanl\u0131\u011f\u0131 se\u00e7imi. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

2012’nin ortalar\u0131nda, Pretoria’n\u0131n -G\u00fcney Afrika Ba\u015fkanl\u0131\u011f\u0131’nca denetlenen ve ANC’nin Aral\u0131k 2012’deki ulusal konferans\u0131nda onaylanan- Ulusal Kalk\u0131nma Plan\u0131, politikada \u00e7e\u015fitli yetki de\u011fi\u015fikliklerin getirilmesini ve ayn\u0131 zamanda G\u00fcney Afrika’n\u0131n yeni BRICS kimli\u011fi ve i\u015flevine uydurulmas\u0131n\u0131 sa\u011flad\u0131. Bunlar genel olarak, ‘Afrika jeopoliti\u011finin zay\u0131fl\u0131\u011f\u0131ndan faydalanarak politika yapan, b\u00f6lgenin zalimi: G\u00fcney Afrika alg\u0131s\u0131n\u0131’ de\u011fi\u015ftirmek i\u00e7in daha derin ekonomik n\u00fcfuz alanlar\u0131 yaratacak ticaret yanl\u0131s\u0131 \u00f6nermelerden olu\u015fuyordu.(18)<\/strong>\u00a0<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Bu sorun Pretoria’y\u0131 sonraki y\u0131llarda da b\u0131rakmayacakt\u0131 \u00e7\u00fcnk\u00fc Afrika’n\u0131n siyasi payla\u015f\u0131m\u0131n\u0131n 1884-85 y\u0131llar\u0131nda Berlin’de \u00e7izilmesi gibi, 2013’te BRICS Durban Zirvesi de ‘Bat\u0131l\u0131’ olarak tan\u0131mlanabilecek demokrasi ve insan haklar\u0131 gibi endi\u015felerden kurtulmu\u015f bir ama\u00e7 ta\u015f\u0131yordu: k\u0131tan\u0131n ekonomik payla\u015f\u0131m\u0131. Zirveye 16 Afrikal\u0131 devlet ba\u015fkan\u0131 da i\u015fbirlik\u00e7i olarak hizmet etmek \u00fczere \u00e7a\u011fr\u0131lm\u0131\u015ft\u0131. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

Sat\u0131r aralar\u0131 okundu\u011funda, Durban zirvesinin sonu\u00e7lar\u0131 \u015funlard\u0131: <\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u2022 Avantajl\u0131 \u015firketlerin (maden) \u00e7\u0131kar\u0131m\u0131 ve toprak gasp\u0131 stratejilerinin desteklenmesi; <\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u2022 Afrika’n\u0131n sanayisizle\u015fme s\u00fcrecini derinle\u015ftirme (-Yak\u0131nda Walmart’\u0131n y\u00f6netece\u011fi- G\u00fcney Afrikal\u0131 Shoprite ve Makro’nun yerellerde bile bulunabilecek en k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck bir \u00fcr\u00fcn\u00fc dahi ithal etti\u011fi i\u00e7in bir \u00e7ok ba\u015fkentte \u00e7oktan ad\u0131 \u00e7\u0131km\u0131\u015f durumda); <\/p>\n\n\n\n

\t\u2022\tNEPAD gibi ba\u015far\u0131s\u0131z olmu\u015f projeleri canland\u0131rmak; ve
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\u2022 Va\u015fington’\u0131n senaryosunu takiben, G\u00fcney Afrika Kalk\u0131nma Bankas\u0131’n\u0131n rol\u00fcne zarar vermesine ra\u011fmen, ‘BRICS Bankas\u0131’ arac\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131yla hem toprak gasp\u00e7\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 hem de yeni s\u00f6m\u00fcrgeci altyap\u0131lar\u0131n geni\u015fletilmesini finansal olarak desteklemek.(19) <\/strong>
Bu ve daha fazla kan\u0131tla, BRICS’in ‘antiemperyalist’ ya da bir yandan korkun\u00e7 g\u00fcvenlik aparatlar\u0131yla art b\u00f6lgeleriyle kendi \u00f6fkeli halk\u0131n\u0131 kontrol ederken, di\u011fer yandan k\u00fcresel kurumlar ve neoliberal ideologlar i\u00e7in \u015ferif yard\u0131mc\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131 yapan bir ‘alt emperyalist’ oldu\u011funa karar verebilir miyiz? BRICS’in ekolojiye zarar veren, t\u00fcketim odakl\u0131, a\u015f\u0131r\u0131 finansalla\u015fm\u0131\u015f, iklim zararl\u0131s\u0131 geli\u015fim bozuklu\u011fu modeli, \u015firketlerin ve devletin k\u00e2r\u0131 i\u00e7in, \u00f6zellikle Bat\u0131l\u0131 sermaye \u00e7ok iyi i\u015fliyor ama, kendi halk\u0131n\u0131n \u00e7o\u011funlu\u011fu ve gezegen i\u00e7in yinelenen krizlere neden oluyor.
Nitekim alt emperyalist etiketi \u00e7ekici geliyor. 1970’lerde, Marini Brezilya’n\u0131n ‘alt emperyalizmin ya\u015fayan en iyi manifestosu’ oldu\u011funu \u015fu \u00fc\u00e7 nedenle ileri s\u00fcrm\u00fc\u015ft\u00fc:
<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\uf0f1 Brezilya’n\u0131n Latin Amerika ve Afrika’daki yay\u0131lmac\u0131 politikalar\u0131, yeni pazarlar araman\u0131n \u00f6tesinde; Bolivya’daki gaz ve benzin, Ekvador ve Afrika’daki eski Portekiz s\u00f6m\u00fcrgelerinde petrol ve Paraguay’daki hidroelektrik potansiyelleri gibi hammadde kaynaklar\u0131 \u00fczerinde kontrol kazanma ve daha da \u00f6tesinde Arjantin gibi rakiplerinin bu kaynaklara eri\u015fmesini engelleme giri\u015fimine kar\u015f\u0131l\u0131k gelmiyor mu? <\/p>\n\n\n\n

\uf0f1 Temel olarak Petrobas \u00f6rne\u011findeki gibi devlet eliyle Brezilya sermayesinin ihracat\u0131, Brezilya gibi ba\u011f\u0131ml\u0131 bir \u00fclkenin yapabilirli\u011fi ba\u011flam\u0131nda kendine has bir sermaya ihracat\u0131 vakas\u0131 olarak dikkat \u00e7ekmiyor mu? Ayr\u0131ca, Brezilya, sermayeyi, d\u0131\u015f kamu borcunun s\u00fcrekli art\u0131\u015f\u0131 ve Paraguay’da, Bolivya ve Afrika’daki eski Portekiz s\u00f6m\u00fcrgelerinde (bunlar sadece \u00f6rneklerin bir k\u0131sm\u0131) i\u015fbirli\u011fi yapan finans gruplar\u0131na ortak sermaye arac\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131yla ihra\u00e7 ediyor. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

\uf0f1 ‘Genel olarak 1968’den bu yana finansal sermayenin ola\u011fand\u0131\u015f\u0131 geli\u015fimi kadar, son y\u0131llarda Brezilya’da ortaya \u00e7\u0131kan tekelle\u015fme s\u00fcrecinin h\u0131zlanmas\u0131n\u0131 ak\u0131lda tutmakta fayda var.’(20)<\/strong>\u00a0<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Meseleler, zaman ge\u00e7tik\u00e7e her y\u00f6nden bozulmaya ba\u015flar. E\u011fer BRICS \u00fcyeleri ger\u00e7ekten alt emperyalistse bu \u00f6l\u00e7\u00fctlere katk\u0131 olarak \u2013b\u00f6lgesel ekonomi \u00e7\u0131kartmas\u0131, ‘sermayenin ihrac\u0131’ (her zaman daha sonraki emperyalist politikalarla i\u015fbirli\u011fi i\u00e7inde) ve yerli kurumsal tekelle\u015fme ve finansalla\u015fma- iki rol daha ekleyebiliriz. \u0130lki, b\u00f6lgenin jeopolitik ‘istikrar\u0131n\u0131’ sa\u011flamak: \u00f6rne\u011fin, Brezilya’n\u0131n Haiti’deki nefret edilen ordusu ve G\u00fcney Sudan, B\u00fcy\u00fck G\u00f6ller ve 5 milyar dolarl\u0131k kirli silah\u0131n askeri destek olarak sat\u0131n al\u0131nd\u0131\u011f\u0131 Orta Afrika Cumhuriyeti gibi Afrika’n\u0131n s\u0131cak noktalar\u0131ndaki Pretoria pazarl\u0131klar\u0131. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u0130kincisi, pazara giri\u015fi derinle\u015ftirmeyi me\u015frula\u015ft\u0131rmak i\u00e7in neoliberalizmin geni\u015f kapsaml\u0131 i\u015flerini ilerletmek. G\u00fcney Afrika’n\u0131n NEPAD’\u0131; \u00c7in, Brezilya ve Hindistan’\u0131n D\u00fcnya Ticaret \u00d6rg\u00fct\u00fc’n\u00fc canland\u0131rma giri\u015fimi; Brezilya’n\u0131n Venezuela’n\u0131n sol giri\u015fimi ‘G\u00fcney Bankas\u0131’ insiyatifini sabote etmesi bunun \u00f6rneklerinden birka\u00e7\u0131. Eric Toussaint’\u0131n 2009’daki D\u00fcnya Sosyal Forumu panelinde belirtti\u011fi gibi, ‘Brezilya’n\u0131n \u00e7eper emperyalist g\u00fc\u00e7 \u015feklindeki tan\u0131m\u0131, hangi siyasi partinin iktidarda oldu\u011funa ba\u011fl\u0131 de\u011fil. Emperyalizm kelimesi, sald\u0131rgan askeri politikayla ba\u011fda\u015ft\u0131r\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131 i\u00e7in a\u015f\u0131r\u0131 g\u00f6r\u00fcnebilir. Ama bu emperyalizmin dar bir kavray\u0131\u015f\u0131d\u0131r.’(21)<\/strong>\u00a0<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ziraat b\u00f6l\u00fcm\u00fc akademisyenleri Paris Yeros ve Sam Moyo’ya g\u00f6re, g\u00fcncel emperyalizm i\u00e7in daha zengin bir \u00e7er\u00e7eve \u015f\u00f6yle ele al\u0131n\u0131yor: ‘yerli eme\u011fin a\u015f\u0131r\u0131 s\u00f6m\u00fcr\u00fcs\u00fcne dayanan bir sistem. \u0130lk andan beri b\u00f6yleydi ama geli\u015ftik\u00e7e k\u00e2r\u0131n ger\u00e7ekle\u015fme krizlerine \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcm bulmak i\u00e7in d\u0131\u015far\u0131daki marketlere gereksinim duyuyor.’(22)<\/strong>\u00a0<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Rosa Luxemburg’un y\u00fczy\u0131l \u00f6nceki d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncesinden t\u00fcretilen bu kavram, kapitalizmin ekonomi-d\u0131\u015f\u0131 zorlay\u0131c\u0131 kapasitelerinin imece sistemini, halka ait tesisleri, aileleri (\u00f6zellikle kad\u0131nlar\u0131), topra\u011f\u0131, do\u011fan\u0131n her halini nas\u0131l ya\u011fmalad\u0131\u011f\u0131na ve k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fclen devlete odaklan\u0131yor; Harvey’in ‘m\u00fclks\u00fczle\u015ftirme yoluyla birikim’i ve \u00f6zel durumlarda askeri m\u00fcdahaleyi gerektiren Naomi Klein’in ‘\u015eok Doktrini’.(23)<\/strong>\u00a0<\/p>\n\n\n\n

BRICS alt emperyalizminin \u00e7e\u015fitli bi\u00e7imleri var, Yeros ve Moyo’nun belirtti\u011fi gibi: ‘Baz\u0131lar\u0131 devletin g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc deste\u011fiyle \u00f6zel sermaye bloklar\u0131 taraf\u0131ndan s\u00fcrd\u00fcr\u00fcl\u00fcyor (Brezilya, Hindistan); \u00c7in gibi devlete ait \u015firketlerin do\u011frudan m\u00fcdahil oldu\u011fu di\u011fer \u00f6rnekler de var. Apertheid sonras\u0131 d\u00f6nemde ekonomisini a\u015f\u0131r\u0131 \u00f6l\u00e7\u00fcde \u00f6zelle\u015ftirmeye dayayan G\u00fcney Afrika’n\u0131n durumunda ise yerli ve \u00f6zerk bir burjuvaziden bahsetmek giderek g\u00fc\u00e7le\u015fiyor. Bat\u0131’n\u0131n askeri projelerine kat\u0131lma derecesi de yine bir \u00fclkeden di\u011ferine de\u011fi\u015fse de t\u00fcm\u00fcnde alt emperyalizme has bir ‘\u015fizofreni’ oldu\u011fu s\u00f6ylenebilir.’ <\/p>\n\n\n\n

T\u00fcm bu e\u011filimler, kayg\u0131 duyan herkesin muhalefetini destekliyor. Sonu\u00e7lar\u0131 g\u00f6zlemlemek giderek her zamankinden kolay bir hale geliyor, <\/p>\n\n\n\n

\uf0f1 BRICS liderleri IMF’nin kesinti yanl\u0131s\u0131 finansman\u0131n\u0131 destekleyip D\u00fcnya Ticaret \u00d6rg\u00fct\u00fc’n\u00fcn yeni sald\u0131r\u0131 dalgas\u0131n\u0131 harekete ge\u00e7irdik\u00e7e; <\/p>\n\n\n\n

\uf0f1 Yeni BRICS Bankas\u0131, D\u00fcnya Bankas\u0131’n\u0131n insani, ekolojik ve ekonomik y\u0131k\u0131m\u0131n\u0131 k\u0131z\u0131\u015ft\u0131rd\u0131k\u00e7a; <\/p>\n\n\n\n

\uf0f1 Afrika giderek alt emperyalisterin (orta Afrika’da olduk\u00e7a yayg\u0131n olan) sarp maden ve petrol \u00e7\u0131karma niyetleri aras\u0131ndaki \u00f6l\u00fcmc\u00fcl \u00e7at\u0131\u015fmalar\u0131n ya\u015fand\u0131\u011f\u0131 bir sava\u015f alan\u0131na d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015ft\u00fck\u00e7e; <\/p>\n\n\n\n

\uf0f1 iklim m\u00fczakerelerini ya da karbon sal\u0131n\u0131m pazarlar\u0131n\u0131n dengelenmesini BRICS\/ ABD’nin sabotaj etmesiyle i\u015fbirli\u011fi i\u00e7indeki ikiy\u00fczl\u00fcl\u00fck devam ettik\u00e7e; <\/p>\n\n\n\n

\uf0f1 \u0130ster Brezilya’n\u0131n Vale ve Petrobras’\u0131, G\u00fcney Afrika’n\u0131n Anglo ve BHP Billiton’\u0131, Hindistan’\u0131n Tata ve Arcelor-Mittal’\u0131, \u00c7in’in devlete ait \u015firketleri ya da Rusya’n\u0131n enerji \u015firketleri olsun, kurbanlar\u0131 taraf\u0131ndan hedef al\u0131nan belirli \u015firketlerin gerektirdi\u011fi birle\u015fik kampanyalar ve boykotlar, askeri kar\u015f\u0131 sald\u0131r\u0131lar\u0131 ortaya \u00e7\u0131kard\u0131k\u00e7a; <\/p>\n\n\n\n

A\u015fa\u011f\u0131dan y\u00fckselen hegemonya kar\u015f\u0131t\u0131 bir a\u011f ve ard\u0131ndan hem emperyalizme hem de BRICS alt emperyalizmine kar\u015f\u0131 bir hareket in\u015fa etmek hi\u00e7bir zaman bug\u00fcnk\u00fc kadar \u00f6nemli olmam\u0131\u015ft\u0131r.(24)\u00a0<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Dipnotlar:<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

1.)<\/strong> BRICS: S\u0131ras\u0131yla Brezilya, Rusya, Hindistan, \u00c7in ve G\u00fcney Afrika \u00fclkelerinin, \u0130ngilizce isimlerinin ba\u015f harflerinden olu\u015fan k\u0131saltma (-\u00e7ev.)
<\/p>\n\n\n\n

2.)<\/strong> \u00a0Zuma, J., \u2018ANC January 8th statement 2013\u2019, Afrika Ulusal Kongresi\u2019ndeki konu\u015fmas\u0131, Durban, 12 Ocak 2013.
<\/p>\n\n\n\n

3.)<\/strong>\u00a0Zuma, J., \u2018South Africa is open for business\u2019, D\u00fcnya Ekonomi Forumu\u2019ndaki konu\u015fmas\u0131, Davos, 23 Ocak 2013.
<\/p>\n\n\n\n

4.)<\/strong> \u00a0Marini, R.M., \u2018Brazilian interdependence and imperialist in tegration\u2019, Monthly Review, 17, 7, 1965, s. 22. \u0130ki \u00f6n tart\u0131\u015fma birle\u015ftirilebilir. \u0130lki, Marini\u2019nin d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncelerini sevgili G\u00fcney Afrikal\u0131lara \u00f6nerirken Melanie Samson bu eski analizin \u00e7ok de\u011ferli bir ele\u015ftirisini sunuyor: \u2018Bond alt emperyalizmden kimin \u00e7\u0131kar sa\u011flad\u0131\u011f\u0131 konusunda a\u00e7\u0131k olsa da, alt emperyalizm kuramla\u015ft\u0131rmas\u0131n\u0131 a\u00e7\u0131k bir \u015fekilde detayland\u0131rmaz. Bu arada, ona g\u00f6re, klasik kuramc\u0131lar taraf\u0131ndan analiz edilen erken emperyal d\u00f6nemde, emperyal kapasite \u2018alt emperyalist s\u00fcre\u00e7 taraf\u0131ndan yeniden \u00fcretilmi\u015ftir\u2019. Bond ayr\u0131ca G\u00fcney Afrika\u2019n\u0131n apartheid ve apartheid sonras\u0131 d\u00f6nemlerde Kongo Demokratik Cumhuriyeti\u2019ndeki alt emperyalist projelerin devaml\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 da not eder. Emperyalizmin de\u011fi\u015fen do\u011fas\u0131n\u0131 dikkatle detayland\u0131rmas\u0131na ra\u011fmen, Bond, alt emperyalizmin tarihd\u0131\u015f\u0131, de\u011fi\u015fmeyen bir kavramla\u015ft\u0131rmas\u0131n\u0131 sunar. (M Samson, \u2018(Alt)Emperyal G\u00fcney Afrika? Tart\u0131\u015fmay\u0131 Yeniden \u015eekillendirmek) BRICS\u2019in y\u00fckseli\u015fi bu kavramsalla\u015ft\u0131rmay\u0131 d\u00fczeltmek i\u00e7in bir f\u0131rsat sunuyor, her ne kadar emperyalizmin Afrika\u2019da \u00e7o\u011funlukla kaynaklar\u0131n ya\u011fmalanmas\u0131 ve neoliberal sosyo-ekonomik politikalar\u0131n uygulanmas\u0131 yoluyla ger\u00e7ekle\u015ftirildi\u011fi, G\u00fcney Afrika\u2019n\u0131n bu s\u00fcreci b\u00fcy\u00fck \u00f6l\u00e7\u00fcde kolayla\u015ft\u0131rd\u0131\u011f\u0131 \u015feklindeki standart sav\u0131m\u0131 s\u00fcrd\u00fcrsem de daha yeni bir \u00e7al\u0131\u015fma i\u00e7in bkz. P Bond, Looting Africa, London, Zed Books, 2006. \u0130kincisi, Ian Taylor\u2019un yazd\u0131\u011f\u0131 \u015fu c\u00fcmleler: \u2018Beyaz Pretoria zaman zaman hakl\u0131 olarak alt emperyalizm ve kibirlilikle su\u00e7lanabilir. Afrika\u2019n\u0131n g\u00fcneyindeki bir\u00e7ok tamamlanmam\u0131\u015f kapitalizm bi\u00e7imleri, b\u00f6lge i\u00e7erisinde alt emperyalizm kavram\u0131n\u0131n \u00e7abucak kullan\u0131lmas\u0131na yol a\u00e7\u0131yor. Liberal b\u00f6lgeselcilik ve G\u00fcney Afrika d\u0131\u015f politikas\u0131, hegemonik olmayan bir devletle ve onun k\u0131ta \u00e7ap\u0131ndaki hakim s\u0131n\u0131flar\u0131yla kar\u015f\u0131 kar\u015f\u0131ya geldi\u011finde hi\u00e7 de tereya\u011f\u0131ndan k\u0131l \u00e7eker gibi davranam\u0131yor.\u2019 Bu c\u00fcmleler beni ikna etmedi \u00e7\u00fcnk\u00fc alt emperyalizm yaln\u0131zca Marini\u2019nin tan\u0131m\u0131na de\u011fil ayn\u0131 zamanda \u2018tamamlanmam\u0131\u015f\u2019 kapitalizmle birle\u015fen, (\u2018m\u00fclks\u00fczle\u015ftirme yoluyla birikim\u2019 arac\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131yla) onu b\u00fcy\u00fcten ve gittik\u00e7e k\u00f6t\u00fcle\u015fen \u2018e\u015fitsiz ve birle\u015fik bir kalk\u0131nma\u2019ya da uyuyor.
Dahas\u0131, b\u00f6lgedeki neoliberalizmi savunanlar gayet de tereya\u011f\u0131ndan k\u0131l \u00e7eker gibi, yerel hakim s\u0131n\u0131flarla el ele ba\u015far\u0131lan yap\u0131sal uyum politikalar\u0131n\u0131n uygulanmas\u0131n\u0131 geni\u015fletiyorlar. Bkz. I Taylor, \u2018South African \u2018imperialism\u2019 in a region lacking regionalism,\u2019 Third World Quarterly, 32, 7, 2011, s. 1233-1253.\u00a0<\/p>\n\n\n\n

5.)<\/strong> Stuenkel, O., \u2018Can the BRICS Co-operate in the G-20? A View from Brazil\u2019, South African Institute for International A airs, Occasional Paper 123, Johannesburg, Aral\u0131k 2012.\u00a0<\/p>\n\n\n\n

6.)<\/strong> Harvey, D., The New Imperialism, Oxford, Oxford University Press, 2003.
<\/p>\n\n\n\n

7.)<\/strong> Schoeman, M., \u2018South Africa as an emerging Middle Power, 1994-2003,\u2019 in J Daniel, A Habib and R Southall (Eds), State of the Nation: South Africa 2003-04, Pretoria, HSRC, 2003.\u00a0<\/p>\n\n\n\n

8.)<\/strong> Landsberg, C., \u2018South Africa\u2019s global strategy and status\u2019, Johannesburg, Friedrich Ebert Stiftung \u2018New powers for global change?\u2019 Brie ng Paper February 2006, http:\/\/www.fesglobalization.org\/projects\/new_powers.htm
<\/p>\n\n\n\n

9.)<\/strong> Daniel, J., Naidoo, V. ve Naidu, S. \u2018The South Africans have arrived: Post-Apartheid corporate expansion into Africa,\u2019 in Daniel, J., Habib, A. ve Southall, R. (Eds), State of the Nation: South Africa 2003-04, Pretoria, HSRC, 2003.\u00a0<\/p>\n\n\n\n

10.)<\/strong> Ross, S., \u2018Rendition and the global war on terrorism: 28 nations have supported the US in the detention and torture of \u2018suspects,\u2019\u2018 Global Research, 1 Nisan, 2010.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

11.)<\/strong> Bond, P., \u2018Who will get \u2018whacked\u2019 next in Africa?\u2019, Black Agenda Report, 16 Ekim 2012. http:\/\/blackagendareport.com\/content\/who-will-get-%E2%80%9Cwhacked%E2%80%9Dnext-africa<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

12.)<\/strong> AfriCom Public A airs, \u2018Ham discusses AFRICOM mission with African journalists, PAOs at symposium,\u2019 Garmisch, Germany, 29 A\u011fustos 2012, http:\/\/www.africom.mil\/getArticle.asp?art=8266&lang=0<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

13.)<\/strong> S. Cochran, \u2018Security assistance, surrogate armies, and the pursuit of US interests in Sub-Saharan Africa\u2019, Strategic Studies Quarterly, Bahar 2010, 4, 1, http:\/\/www.au.af.mil\/au\/ssq\/2010\/spring\/cochran.pdf
<\/p>\n\n\n\n

14.)<\/strong> White House Press O ce, \u2018Press release: Remarks by President Bush and President Mbeki of South Africa in photo opportunity,\u2019 Washington, 8 Aral\u0131k 2006. Mbeki \u00f6zel olarak \u2018Somali\u2019deki zor duruma\u2019 dikkat \u00e7ekiyor \u2013 (\u2018Evet efendim\u2019 diyor Bush) ve Mbeki devam ediyor: \u2018Ba\u015fkan ve ben, \u015funda olduk\u00e7a samimiyiz ki, ordan gitmesi gereken bir \u015fey var. Bu ba\u015far\u0131s\u0131z devletin kendisidir. H\u00fck\u00fcmeti onar\u0131p, \u00fclkeyi birle\u015ftirecek bir ge\u00e7i\u015f h\u00fck\u00fcmetini desteklemek gerekiyor. Bu \u00f6nemlidir \u00e7\u00fcnk\u00fc sorunlar\u0131n en b\u00fcy\u00fc\u011f\u00fc olan ter\u00f6r, kendine g\u00fcvenli bir alan yaratarak, oray\u0131 ter\u00f6ristlerin merkezine \u00e7eviriyor ve buradan da t\u00fcm k\u0131taya yay\u0131labilir. Bu kayg\u0131y\u0131 iki taraf olarak payla\u015f\u0131yoruz.\u2019 Bu konu\u015fmadan \u00fc\u00e7 hafta sonra, Va\u015fington\u2019un emriyle Etiyopya, Somali\u2019yi i\u015fgal etti.(Bkz. Sudan Tribune, 10 Aral\u0131k 2010, reporting on WikiLeaks cables:http:\/\/www. sudantribune.com\/US-behind-Ethiopia-invasion-in,37189)\u00a0<\/p>\n\n\n\n

15.)<\/strong> \u00a0Patel, K., \u2018The world according to Dirco (v. Jan 2013)\u2019, Daily Maverick, 25 Ocak 2013.
<\/p>\n\n\n\n

16.)<\/strong> \u00a0Bello, W., \u2018U-20: Will the global economy resurface?,\u2019 Foreign Policy in Focus, 31 Mart
2009.
<\/p>\n\n\n\n

17.)<\/strong> \u00a0Harvey, D., \u2018The G20, the nancial crisis and neoliberalism,\u2019 Interview on Democracy Now!,
New York, 3 Nisan 2009.
<\/p>\n\n\n\n

18.)<\/strong> \u00a0National Planning Commission, 2030, Our future \u2013 make it work: National Development
Plan, Minister in the O ce of the President, Pretoria, A\u011fustos 2012, B\u00f6l\u00fcm 7.
<\/p>\n\n\n\n

19.)<\/strong> CityPress, \u2018Sadc banks on own development bank,\u2019 23 Haziran 2012, http:\/\/www.citypress. co.za\/business\/sadc-banks-on-own-development-bank-20120623\/ve yeni s\u00f6m\u00fcrgeci kar\u015f\u0131la\u015ft\u0131rmayla ilgili daha fazla bilgi i\u00e7in, bkz. T Ferrando, \u2018BRICS and land grabbing: Are South-South relationships any di erent?\u2019, yay\u0131mlanmam\u0131\u015f makale, Pretoria, http:\/\/ssrn. com\/abstract=2174455\u00a0<\/p>\n\n\n\n

20.)<\/strong> Marini, R. M., Subdesarrollo y Revoluci\u00f3n, Mexico City, Siglo XXI Editores, 1974, s. 1-25.\u00a0<\/p>\n\n\n\n

21.)<\/strong>\u00a0Bonfond, O., Toussaint, E. ve Gonzales, M. T., \u2018Will capitalism absorb the WSF?\u2019, MRzine, 28 \u015eubat 2010, http:\/\/mrzine.monthlyreview.org\/2010\/bt280210p.html#_edn13
<\/p>\n\n\n\n

22.)<\/strong> \u00a0Yeros, P. ve Moyo, S. \u2018Rethinking the theory of primitive accumulation\u2019, 2. IIPPE Konferans\u0131\u2019na sunulan metin, 20\u221222 May\u0131s 2011, Istanbul, Turkey, s.19.
<\/p>\n\n\n\n

23.)<\/strong> \u00a0Harvey, D., The New Imperialism, op cit; N Klein, Shock Doctrine, Toronto, Knopf Canada, 2007.
<\/p>\n\n\n\n

24.)<\/strong> \u00a0A.g.e., s. 20.
<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

Patrick Bond  (\u00c7eviri: Asl\u0131 G\u00f6ymen)  BRICS(1), bug\u00fcn d\u00fcnyadaki yeni alt emperyalizmin en a\u015f\u0131r\u0131 mevkilerinden birini arz ediyor. K\u00fcresel neoliberalizmi kolayla\u015ft\u0131r\u0131rken, yery\u00fcz\u00fcn\u00fcn ekolojik y\u0131k\u0131m\u0131n\u0131 h\u0131zland\u0131r\u0131yor ve art-b\u00f6lge [hinterland] ya\u011fmac\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131n e\u015fg\u00fcd\u00fcmc\u00fcleri olarak hizmet ediyorlar. BRICS’in hegemonik projesi engellenmeli.\u00a0 ‘Tekrardan, ANC’nin (Afrika Ulusal Kongresi) karakterinin disiplinli bir sol g\u00fc\u00e7, \u00e7ok s\u0131n\u0131fl\u0131 bir kitle hareketi ve antiemperyalist g\u00f6r\u00fcn\u00fcml\u00fc enternasyonalist […]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":8,"featured_media":362,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"_exactmetrics_skip_tracking":false,"_exactmetrics_sitenote_active":false,"_exactmetrics_sitenote_note":"","_exactmetrics_sitenote_category":0,"footnotes":""},"categories":[635],"tags":[437,440,201,132],"class_list":["post-361","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-alt-emperyalizm","tag-alt","tag-brics","tag-emperyalist","tag-mi"],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/trockist.net\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/361","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/trockist.net\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/trockist.net\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/trockist.net\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/8"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/trockist.net\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=361"}],"version-history":[{"count":1,"href":"https:\/\/trockist.net\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/361\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":363,"href":"https:\/\/trockist.net\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/361\/revisions\/363"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/trockist.net\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/362"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/trockist.net\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=361"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/trockist.net\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=361"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/trockist.net\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=361"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}