{"id":3011,"date":"2024-06-13T14:46:56","date_gmt":"2024-06-13T11:46:56","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/trockist.net\/?p=3011"},"modified":"2024-06-13T14:50:07","modified_gmt":"2024-06-13T11:50:07","slug":"secim-sonuclari-ve-sosyalist-strateji-i-rejim","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/trockist.net\/index.php\/2024\/06\/13\/secim-sonuclari-ve-sosyalist-strateji-i-rejim\/","title":{"rendered":"Se\u00e7im sonu\u00e7lar\u0131 ve sosyalist strateji (I): Rejim"},"content":{"rendered":"\n

A\u015fa\u011f\u0131da okuyucular\u0131m\u0131zla, 3 b\u00f6l\u00fcml\u00fck bir yaz\u0131 serisinin ilk k\u0131sm\u0131n\u0131 payla\u015f\u0131yoruz. \u0130yi okumalar dileriz.<\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n

***<\/strong><\/h4>\n\n\n\n

31 Mart 2024 yerel se\u00e7im sonu\u00e7lar\u0131 kesinle\u015fti\u011finde, ortaya yeni bir T\u00fcrkiye politik durumu \u00e7\u0131kt\u0131. Bu politik durum yayg\u0131n \u00f6nyarg\u0131lardan, kolayc\u0131 a\u00e7\u0131klamalardan ve y\u00fczeysel analizlerden ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131z bir bi\u00e7imde anla\u015f\u0131lmaya \u00e7al\u0131\u015f\u0131lmal\u0131d\u0131r. Bu metin bunu hedeflemektedir.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Rejim Bonapartist niteli\u011fini korumay\u0131 s\u00fcrd\u00fcr\u00fcrken, Bonapartizmin merkez\u00ee kurumu cumhurba\u015fkanl\u0131\u011f\u0131 olmay\u0131 s\u00fcrd\u00fcr\u00fcyor<\/strong><\/h4>\n\n\n\n

Yerel se\u00e7im sonu\u00e7lar\u0131na dair \u00f6ncelikle belirtilmesi gereken en \u00f6nemli iki olgu \u015funlard\u0131r: T\u00fcrkiye rejimi Bonapartist niteli\u011fini korumaktad\u0131r ve Bonapartist rejimin ba\u015fl\u0131ca y\u00fcr\u00fctme kurumu cumhurba\u015fkanl\u0131\u011f\u0131 (Be\u015ftepe) olmay\u0131 s\u00fcrd\u00fcrmektedir. Dolay\u0131s\u0131yla yerel se\u00e7im sonu\u00e7lar\u0131 Bonapartizmden yar\u0131-Bonapartizme evrilen bir s\u00f6zde “demokratik” s\u00fcre\u00e7 ba\u015flatmad\u0131\u011f\u0131 gibi, ba\u015fkanl\u0131k rejiminin merkez\u00ee kurumunun veya kurumlar\u0131n\u0131n parlamento veya belediyeler olmas\u0131n\u0131 da beraberinde getirmemi\u015ftir. Bu ba\u011flamda CHP\u2019nin yerel se\u00e7imlerden birinci parti olarak \u00e7\u0131kmas\u0131 ve AKP\u2019nin bir\u00e7ok b\u00fcy\u00fck\u015fehir, il ve il\u00e7e kaybetmi\u015f olmas\u0131, rejimin siyasal, kurumsal ve sosyal mimarisinde bir de\u011fi\u015fimi beraberinde getirmemi\u015ftir. Nitekim ba\u015fkanl\u0131k Bonapartizminin salt se\u00e7imler arac\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131yla d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015f\u00fcme u\u011frat\u0131lmas\u0131 mevcut ko\u015fullar i\u00e7inde m\u00fcmk\u00fcn de\u011fildir. Tro\u00e7ki\u2019nin de kaydetti\u011fi \u00fczere:<\/p>\n\n\n\n

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\u201cModern Bonapartizm hen\u00fcz s\u0131n\u0131f d\u00fc\u015fmanl\u0131klar\u0131n\u0131n a\u00e7\u0131k<\/em> \u00e7at\u0131\u015fmaya yol a\u00e7mad\u0131\u011f\u0131 d\u00f6nemdeki en a\u015f\u0131r\u0131 s\u0131n\u0131f d\u00fc\u015fmanl\u0131klar\u0131n\u0131n bir ifadesidir. Bonapartizm, s\u00f6zde parlamenter h\u00fck\u00fcmette ve bundan dolay\u0131 da \u2018partiler \u00fcst\u00fc\u2019 cumhurba\u015fkan\u0131nda bir dayanak noktas\u0131 bulabilir. Bu yaln\u0131zca ko\u015fullara ba\u011fl\u0131d\u0131r.\u201d (Lev Tro\u00e7ki, “D\u00f6rd\u00fcnc\u00fc Enternasyonal\u2019in \u0130spanya\u2019daki g\u00f6revleri”)<\/p>\n<\/blockquote>\n\n\n\n

Ge\u00e7mi\u015fte, burjuva T\u00fcrk siyasetinin k\u00fcrs\u00fclerinde ve hatta kulislerinde dahi hen\u00fcz m\u0131r\u0131ldanarak tart\u0131\u015f\u0131lmaya ba\u015flanm\u0131\u015f olan ba\u015fkanl\u0131k rejimi g\u00fcndeminin, h\u00fck\u00fcmet eliyle s\u00fcrd\u00fcr\u00fclmekte olan neoliberal ekonomik kar\u015f\u0131devrim nedeniyle somut bir olas\u0131l\u0131k ve olanak olarak egemen s\u0131n\u0131flar\u0131n kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131nda belirdi\u011fini ifade etmi\u015ftik. Olduk\u00e7a basit bir mant\u0131ksal ili\u015fki kurarak \u015funu ileri s\u00fcrd\u00fck: Patronlara tan\u0131nan ekonomik \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fckler, i\u015f\u00e7ilere uygulanan siyasal bask\u0131y\u0131 zorunlu olarak do\u011furacakt\u0131r. Zira burjuvazinin neoliberal politikalarla elde etti\u011fi ayr\u0131cal\u0131klar s\u0131n\u0131fsal kar\u015f\u0131tl\u0131klar\u0131 peki\u015ftirip derinle\u015ftirecek, bu kar\u015f\u0131tl\u0131klar\u0131n k\u0131z\u0131\u015fmas\u0131 sonucunda b\u00fcy\u00fck m\u00fccadeleler g\u00fcndeme gelecek (Gezi Ayaklanmas\u0131, Kobane Serh\u0131ldan\u0131, 2015 Metal F\u0131rt\u0131nas\u0131), dolay\u0131s\u0131yla bu m\u00fccadelelerin kapitalist \u00fcretim ili\u015fkilerinde gedikler a\u00e7mamas\u0131 i\u00e7in, sopa kullan\u0131m\u0131n\u0131 merkezine alan ve y\u00fcr\u00fctme ile yasamay\u0131 kendi tekelinde tutan bir rejimin in\u015fas\u0131, g\u00fcndeme gelecektir. 14 Ocak 2012\u2019de T\u00fcrk ve K\u00fcrt i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131flar\u0131n\u0131 yakla\u015fan sald\u0131r\u0131 dalgas\u0131na kar\u015f\u0131 uyaran a\u015fa\u011f\u0131daki sat\u0131rlara yer vermi\u015ftik:<\/p>\n\n\n\n

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\u201cPatronlar, ABD\/AB emperyalizmleri, NATO, IMF, D\u00fcnya Bankas\u0131 gibi emperyalist-kapitalist \u00f6rg\u00fctler T\u00fcrkiye i\u00e7in neoliberalizm eksenli bir ba\u015fka rota (demokratik-gericilik) \u00e7izdi. Sa\u011f-sol liberaller bu rotay\u0131 destekledi. AKP (bir nevi \u00d6zal-ANAP\u2019\u0131n devam\u0131 ve yar\u0131m kalan i\u015fi tamamlamak \u00fczere) bu neoliberal kar\u015f\u0131devrim program\u0131n\u0131 ba\u015far\u0131yla uygulad\u0131. (\u2026) AKP, neoliberal ekonomik-politik kar\u015f\u0131devrim sald\u0131r\u0131s\u0131n\u0131 burjuvazinin genel \u00e7\u0131karlar\u0131 ad\u0131na uygulayan bir h\u00fck\u00fcmet. Bu neoliberal program d\u00fcnyada oldu\u011fu gibi T\u00fcrkiye\u2019de de burjuvazinin d\u00fc\u015fen k\u00e2r oranlar\u0131n\u0131 y\u00fckseltme amac\u0131n\u0131 ta\u015f\u0131makta. (\u2026) Politik d\u00fczlemde bunun anlam\u0131 yasama ve yarg\u0131 kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131nda y\u00fcr\u00fctmenin g\u00fc\u00e7lendirilmesi. Y\u00fcr\u00fctme (h\u00fck\u00fcmet) lehine bu g\u00fc\u00e7lenme devlet ayg\u0131t\u0131n\u0131n y\u00fcksek maliyetli kabul edilen t\u00fcm \u2018y\u00fcklerinden\u2019 kurtar\u0131lmas\u0131 ve b\u00fcrokratik yap\u0131n\u0131n esnekle\u015ftirilmesi anlam\u0131na gelmekte. Rejimin \u2018Kemalist\u2019 niteli\u011finin yeniden tan\u0131mlanmas\u0131 da bu s\u00fcrecin bir \u00fcr\u00fcn\u00fc. Yeni anayasa, ba\u015fkanl\u0131k\/yar\u0131 ba\u015fkanl\u0131k sistemi, K\u00fcrt sorununun burjuva \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcm\u00fc vb. bir\u00e7ok konu-sorun bu ana ba\u015fl\u0131k alt\u0131nda yer almakta. Kemal Dervi\u015f\u2019in, politika ile ekonomiyi birbirinden ay\u0131rma, t\u00fcm ekonomik unsurlar\u0131 \u00f6zelle\u015ftirme, geri kalan alanda h\u00fck\u00fcmeti (y\u00fcr\u00fctmeyi) \u00e7ok daha etkin hale getirme anlay\u0131\u015f\u0131 hat\u0131rlanmal\u0131. (\u2026) Ba\u015ftaki soruya d\u00f6nersek; T\u00fcrkiye iyiye de\u011fil, k\u00f6t\u00fcye gitmekte ama bunun nedeni\/anlam\u0131 \u2018dincile\u015fmek\u2019 de\u011fil. K\u00f6t\u00fcye gitmekte \u00e7\u00fcnk\u00fc neoliberal kar\u015f\u0131devrim s\u0131n\u0131f hareketini par\u00e7alay\u0131p geriletmeyi becerdi.\u201d (Oktay Benol, \u201cT\u00fcrkiye iyiye mi, k\u00f6t\u00fcye mi gidiyor?\u201d, \u0130\u015f\u00e7i Cephesi<\/em>, 14 Ocak 2012)<\/p>\n<\/blockquote>\n\n\n\n

Tam da burjuvazinin ve oligar\u015finin i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131na ve emek\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131flara y\u00f6nelik \u015fiddetlenen s\u00f6m\u00fcr\u00fc politikalar\u0131n\u0131n parlamenter ara\u00e7larla y\u00f6netilmesinin ve uygulanmas\u0131n\u0131n m\u00fcmk\u00fcn olamayacak bir noktaya gelebilece\u011fi ihtimali oldu\u011fu i\u00e7in, T\u00fcrk kapitalizminin bir ba\u015fkanl\u0131k rejimine ihtiya\u00e7 hissedebilece\u011fini ileri s\u00fcrd\u00fck. Dolay\u0131s\u0131yla y\u00fcr\u00fctmenin g\u00fc\u00e7lendirilmesinin, despot bir y\u00f6neticinin ki\u015fisel h\u0131rslar\u0131ndan de\u011fil ancak T\u00fcrk kapitalizminin ya\u015famsal ihtiya\u00e7lar\u0131ndan (sermaye birikimi ile s\u0131n\u0131r\u00f6tesi operasyonlar\u0131n meclise, yarg\u0131ya veya milletvekillerinin soru \u00f6nergelerine tak\u0131lmamas\u0131 ihtiyac\u0131) kaynaklanaca\u011f\u0131n\u0131 belirttik.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Dolay\u0131s\u0131yla ak\u0131m\u0131m\u0131z, ba\u015fkanl\u0131k rejiminin varl\u0131k \u015fartlar\u0131n\u0131n se\u00e7imlerin ifade etti\u011fi g\u00fc\u00e7 dengelerinde de\u011fil, ancak T\u00fcrk kapitalizminin sosyo-ekonomik ihtiya\u00e7lar\u0131nda ve y\u00f6neli\u015flerinde yatt\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 savunmaktad\u0131r. Bu ihtiya\u00e7lar ile y\u00f6neli\u015fler \u00fczerinde kapsaml\u0131 ve nitelikli bir d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015f\u00fcm ise, salt se\u00e7imler arac\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131yla yarat\u0131lamaz. Bu d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015f\u00fcm\u00fcn kayna\u011f\u0131 s\u0131n\u0131flar m\u00fccadelesidir. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

Kapitalist ekonomik kar\u015f\u0131devrim ve emperyalizme ba\u011f\u0131ml\u0131l\u0131k derinle\u015ferek s\u00fcr\u00fcyor<\/strong><\/h4>\n\n\n\n

Se\u00e7im sonu\u00e7lar\u0131 \u00fczerinde Mehmet \u015eim\u015fek\u2019in Erdo\u011fan taraf\u0131ndan onaylanan kemer s\u0131kma \u00f6nlemlerinin bir hayli etkili oldu\u011fu do\u011frudur. Ancak \u015fu \u00f6nemli n\u00fcans\u0131 d\u00fc\u015fmekte fayda var: Bu se\u00e7imlerde Mehmet \u015eim\u015fek\u2019in OVP\u2019si de\u011fil, Mehmet \u015eim\u015fek\u2019in OVP\u2019sinin uygulay\u0131c\u0131lar\u0131 cezaland\u0131r\u0131lm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Zira ayn\u0131 OVP\u2019yi d\u00fczen muhalefeti de savunmaktad\u0131r ancak CHP cezaland\u0131r\u0131lmam\u0131\u015ft\u0131r.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u015eim\u015fek\u2019in ekonomi politikalar\u0131 tek ba\u015flar\u0131na ve izole bir \u015fekilde de\u011ferlendirilemez, zira bu, onlar\u0131n hangi s\u0131n\u0131fsal ve toplumsal ili\u015fkilerden kaynakland\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 gizler. Bug\u00fcn T\u00fcrkiye\u2019de i\u015f\u00e7ilerin ve emek\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131flar\u0131n i\u00e7ine s\u00fcr\u00fcklendikleri sefalet ve a\u00e7l\u0131k durumunun bir\u00e7ok ikincil ve \u00fc\u00e7\u00fcnc\u00fcl nedeni var. Ancak bu a\u011f\u0131r ekonomik krizin ve s\u00f6m\u00fcr\u00fclen s\u0131n\u0131flar\u0131n yoklu\u011fa s\u00fcr\u00fckleni\u015fin ba\u015fl\u0131ca nedeninin \u00fcretimin ve b\u00f6l\u00fc\u015f\u00fcm\u00fcn, yani ekonominin toplumsal \u00f6rg\u00fctleni\u015f tarz\u0131n\u0131n kapitalist karakterinden kaynakland\u0131\u011f\u0131 asla unutulmamal\u0131d\u0131r. Emek\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131flar\u0131 bir varolu\u015f m\u00fccadelesine s\u00fcr\u00fckleyen ekonomik krizin kayna\u011f\u0131, s\u00f6m\u00fcr\u00fclen s\u0131n\u0131flardan s\u00f6m\u00fcren s\u0131n\u0131flara do\u011fru ger\u00e7ekle\u015ftirilen servet transferidir. Rejimin ge\u00e7mi\u015fte uygulad\u0131\u011f\u0131 ve \u201cfaiz sebep, enflasyon sonu\u00e7\u201d \u015feklinde form\u00fcle edilen d\u00f6nemsel ekonomi politikas\u0131 ve rejimin bug\u00fcn uygulamakta oldu\u011fu \u015eim\u015fek\u2019in OVP\u2019si, bu servet transferinin, yani art\u0131k de\u011fer gasp\u0131n\u0131n bi\u00e7imlerinden yaln\u0131zca ikisidir. Mevcut kriz, son 40 y\u0131l\u0131n yoksullardan zenginlere do\u011fru yap\u0131lan payla\u015f\u0131m politikalar\u0131n\u0131n, yani kapitalist ekonomik kar\u015f\u0131devrimin do\u011frudan bir sonucudur.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Dolar kurunun ger\u00e7ekle\u015ftirdi\u011fi s\u0131\u00e7ramalar, do\u011frudan do\u011fruya emek\u00e7ilerin \u00fccret baz\u0131ndaki al\u0131m g\u00fc\u00e7lerinin d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcr\u00fclerek banka sermayesinin \u015fi\u015fmesi i\u00e7in kullan\u0131lm\u0131\u015f, enflasyonun art\u0131\u015f\u0131 reel \u00fccretlerin negatif bir bas\u0131nca maruz b\u0131rak\u0131larak, egemen bloklar\u0131n k\u00e2r paylar\u0131n\u0131n y\u00fckseltilmesi i\u00e7in yararlan\u0131lm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r; i\u015fsizli\u011fin artmas\u0131ndan ise yine benzer bir \u015fekilde, patronlar i\u015fg\u00fcc\u00fc maliyetlerini d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcrmek i\u00e7in faydalanm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. \u00d6zetle b\u00fct\u00fcn bu kriz dinamiklerini burjuvazi, yine kendisi i\u00e7in sermaye birikim kanallar\u0131 haline getirmeyi, rejimi arac\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131yla ba\u015farm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Rejimin bug\u00fcnk\u00fc ekonomi politikas\u0131n\u0131n niteli\u011fini belirleyen olgu, i\u015fte bu kriz dinamiklerinin burjuvazi a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan kullan\u0131\u015fl\u0131 sermaye birikim kanallar\u0131 haline getirilmesidir. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

2002\u2019den bu yana AKP h\u00fck\u00fcmetleri eliyle ger\u00e7ekle\u015ftirilen \u00f6zelle\u015ftirmelerin sonucunda 2006-2020 y\u0131llar\u0131 aras\u0131nda yabanc\u0131 sermayenin T\u00fcrkiye\u2019den d\u0131\u015far\u0131ya do\u011fru yapt\u0131\u011f\u0131 k\u00e2r transferlerinin toplam\u0131 43 milyar dolar\u0131 buldu (iktisat\u00e7\u0131lar\u0131n 2022 sonuna ili\u015fkin cari i\u015flemler a\u00e7\u0131\u011f\u0131 beklentisinin 38 milyar 279 milyon dolar oldu\u011funu hat\u0131rlatal\u0131m). Dolay\u0131s\u0131yla, bug\u00fcnk\u00fc ekonomik duruma yaln\u0131zca konjonkt\u00fcrel yanl\u0131\u015f politikalar\u0131n yol a\u00e7t\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 savunan, d\u00f6viz giderlerinin d\u00f6viz gelirlerinden fazla olmas\u0131n\u0131n nedeninin ge\u00e7mi\u015fte kalm\u0131\u015f olan \u201cfaiz sebep, enflasyon sonu\u00e7\u201d anlay\u0131\u015f\u0131n\u0131n sonucu oldu\u011funu ilan eden ve asl\u0131nda ilk AKP h\u00fck\u00fcmetlerinin ve bug\u00fcn de Mehmet \u015eim\u015fek\u2019in do\u011fru bir ekonomi politika \u00e7izgisi izledi\u011fini iddia eden d\u00fczen muhalefeti unsurlar\u0131n\u0131n (Babacan, Bilge Y\u0131lmaz, CHP, Davuto\u011flu), mevcut cari a\u00e7\u0131\u011f\u0131n ve d\u00f6viz krizinin ba\u015fl\u0131ca kaynaklar\u0131ndan birisinin \u00f6zelle\u015ftirmeler oldu\u011funu kabul etmek istememesi do\u011fald\u0131r.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Emperyalizmin T\u00fcrkiye\u2019deki \u00fcretici g\u00fc\u00e7leri (insan, do\u011fa, teknik) ya\u011fmalama kanal\u0131 yaln\u0131zca \u00f6zelle\u015ftirmeler ile de s\u0131n\u0131rl\u0131 kalmad\u0131: Ge\u00e7i\u015f garantili yollar, k\u00f6pr\u00fcler, yolcu garantili havalimanlar\u0131 ve hasta garantili hastaneler servetin yerli oligar\u015fiye ve yabanc\u0131 mali sermayeye aktar\u0131lmas\u0131n\u0131n ba\u015fl\u0131ca yollar\u0131ndan biri halini ald\u0131. Ge\u00e7i\u015f garantili Orhangazi K\u00f6pr\u00fcs\u00fc, 3. K\u00f6pr\u00fc, Avrasya T\u00fcneli, 3. Havaliman\u0131 ve di\u011fer projeler, k\u00fcresel finans aristokrasisinin T\u00fcrkiye ekonomisini s\u0131k\u0131ca ipotek alt\u0131na almas\u0131na yard\u0131mc\u0131 oldu. AKP taraf\u0131ndan \u015eubat 2002\u2019de IMF ile yap\u0131lan stand-by anla\u015fmas\u0131n\u0131n, May\u0131s 2005\u2019te yenilenmesiyle beraber T\u00fcrkiye ekonomisinin IMF politikalar\u0131yla y\u00f6netilmeye devam edildi\u011fini d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnecek olursak, ge\u00e7i\u015f garantili servet h\u0131rs\u0131zl\u0131\u011f\u0131 projeleri, bu talan\u0131n s\u00fcreklili\u011fini garanti alt\u0131na alan ba\u015fl\u0131ca y\u00f6ntem oldu.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Mevcut ekonomik kriz, i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n ufak ekonomik kazan\u0131mlar i\u00e7in b\u00fcy\u00fck fedak\u00e2rl\u0131klar ger\u00e7ekle\u015ftirmesini dayatmakta, bu da i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n eylem g\u00fcc\u00fc \u00fczerinde olumsuz bir bas\u0131n\u00e7 yaratmaktad\u0131r. Bu ba\u011flamda ekonomik krizden \u00e7\u0131k\u0131\u015f\u0131n yoluna i\u015faret eden ve ufak ekonomik kazan\u0131mlar\u0131n siyasal mevzilerin fethedilmesiyle ger\u00e7ekle\u015ftirilmesini \u00f6ng\u00f6ren ge\u00e7i\u015f talepleri program\u0131m\u0131z \u00f6zel bir \u00f6nem kazanmaktad\u0131r.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

May\u0131s 2023 se\u00e7imlerinde rejimin \u00e7eli\u015fkili “zaferi”<\/strong><\/h4>\n\n\n\n

31 Mart 2024 yerel se\u00e7im sonu\u00e7lar\u0131 kesinle\u015fti\u011finde, bu se\u00e7imlerde, 11 ay \u00f6nce ger\u00e7ekle\u015fen May\u0131s 2023 se\u00e7im sonu\u00e7lar\u0131n\u0131n tam tersine i\u015faret eden sonu\u00e7lar elde edildi\u011fine dair yayg\u0131n bir kanaat olu\u015ftu. Bu kanaat g\u00f6r\u00fcn\u00fcrde do\u011fru gibi g\u00f6z\u00fck\u00fcyor olsa da, yine de ger\u00e7e\u011fi b\u00fct\u00fcn y\u00f6nleriyle a\u00e7\u0131klamamaktad\u0131r. Bu nedenle bu yayg\u0131n kanaate dikkatli ve incelikli bir \u015fekilde yakla\u015fmak gerekmektedir.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Se\u00e7im sonu\u00e7lar\u0131, kitlelerin bilin\u00e7 ve m\u00fccadele seviyeleri ile s\u0131n\u0131flar m\u00fccadelesinin mevcut a\u015famas\u0131 \u00fczerine, \u00e7arp\u0131k da olsa bir foto\u011fraf\u0131 temsil ederler. Bu bir foto\u011fraft\u0131r ancak \u00e7arp\u0131kt\u0131r, zira ya\u015fanmakta olan de\u011fi\u015fimleri bir film gibi g\u00f6sterememektedir. Bu konuda Marksist ustam\u0131z Lev Tro\u00e7ki\u2019nin s\u00f6ylediklerini hat\u0131rlamakta fayda olacakt\u0131r:<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\n

\u201cDiyalektik d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnce vulger d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnceye, bir sinema filminin bir foto\u011frafa ba\u011fl\u0131 oldu\u011fu gibi ba\u011fl\u0131d\u0131r. Sinema filmi hareketsiz foto\u011fraf\u0131 d\u0131\u015flamaz ve o hareketsiz foto\u011fraflar\u0131 devinimin yasalar\u0131na g\u00f6re kayna\u015ft\u0131r\u0131r. Diyalektik silojizmi inkar etmez ama bizi ebediyen de\u011fi\u015fen ger\u00e7ekli\u011fin daha yak\u0131ndan anla\u015f\u0131lmas\u0131na ta\u015f\u0131mak i\u00e7in silojizmleri kayna\u015ft\u0131rmay\u0131 \u00f6\u011fretir. Hegel Mant\u0131k<\/em> kitab\u0131nda bir seri yasa ortaya koymu\u015ftur: Niceli\u011fin niteli\u011fe d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015f\u00fcm\u00fc, \u00e7eli\u015fkiler arac\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131yla geli\u015fim, i\u00e7erik ile bi\u00e7imin \u00e7at\u0131\u015fmas\u0131, s\u00fcreklili\u011fin sekteye u\u011framas\u0131, olas\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131n ka\u00e7\u0131n\u0131lmazl\u0131\u011fa d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015f\u00fcm\u00fc, vs. Basit silojizmin elementer g\u00f6revler i\u00e7in ta\u015f\u0131d\u0131\u011f\u0131 \u00f6neme benzer \u015fekilde, bunlar da teorik d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnce i\u00e7in \u00f6nemlidir.\u201d (Lev Tro\u00e7ki, Marksizmi Savunurken<\/em>)<\/p>\n<\/blockquote>\n\n\n\n

Dolay\u0131s\u0131yla hem May\u0131s 2023 hem de Mart 2024 se\u00e7im sonu\u00e7lar\u0131n\u0131, birbirlerinden ayr\u0131 ve kopuk, iki ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131z foto\u011fraf olarak de\u011ferlendirmemek ancak bu iki se\u00e7im sonucunu birbirleriyle ili\u015fkili bir \u015fekilde ele almak ve hatta gerekirse, bu iki \u00f6nemli se\u00e7ime, asl\u0131nda iki b\u00f6l\u00fcmden olu\u015fan tek bir se\u00e7immi\u015f gibi yakla\u015fmak, somut durumu somut bir \u015fekilde tahlil etmemize yard\u0131mc\u0131 olacakt\u0131r.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

14 May\u0131s 2023 se\u00e7imlerinin ertesinde ortaya \u00e7\u0131kan foto\u011fraf, sol-sosyalist g\u00fc\u00e7lerin ve emek\u00e7i halk\u0131n \u00fczerinde bir demoralizasyon yaratm\u0131\u015ft\u0131. Bu durum olduk\u00e7a anla\u015f\u0131l\u0131r olmas\u0131na ra\u011fmen, bunun ba\u015fl\u0131ca nedeni, foto\u011fraf\u0131n izlenimci bir \u015fekilde yorumlanmas\u0131, g\u00f6r\u00fcn\u00fcrde olan ile ya\u015fanmakta olan aras\u0131ndaki fark\u0131 ortaya koyamamakt\u0131. Bu fark\u0131n ortaya konulmas\u0131 \u00f6nemlidir zira May\u0131s 2023 se\u00e7im sonu\u00e7lar\u0131, rejimin son y\u0131llarda ya\u015famakta oldu\u011fu politik ve toplumsal destek kayb\u0131n\u0131n \u015fiddetlenerek s\u00fcrd\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn\u00fc; devletin b\u00fct\u00fcn siyasi ve ekonomik \u00f6nlemlerine ra\u011fmen rejime raz\u0131 olan kitleler nezdindeki eriyi\u015fin ve kopu\u015fun \u00f6n\u00fcne ge\u00e7ilemedi\u011fini g\u00f6stermekteydi.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Mart 2024 yerel se\u00e7im sonu\u00e7lar\u0131 i\u00e7in nas\u0131l ki d\u00fczen muhalefetinin kazanmad\u0131\u011f\u0131 ancak iktidar\u0131n kaybetti\u011fi s\u00f6yleniyorsa, bunun tam tersi de May\u0131s 2023 se\u00e7im sonu\u00e7lar\u0131 i\u00e7in s\u00f6ylenebilirdi: \u0130ktidar kazanmam\u0131\u015ft\u0131, d\u00fczen muhalefeti kaybetmi\u015fti.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Erdo\u011fan May\u0131s 2023 se\u00e7im kampanyas\u0131nda devletin ve oligar\u015finin kaynaklar\u0131n\u0131 olabildi\u011fince kulland\u0131, musluklar\u0131 a\u00e7t\u0131. 500 bin konut projesi, EYT, asgari \u00fccrete, emeklilik maa\u015flar\u0131na ve memur \u00fccretlerine \u201cy\u00fcksek\u201d zamlar, 1 ayl\u0131\u011f\u0131na bedava do\u011fal gaz, do\u011fal gaz t\u00fcketiminde 1 y\u0131ll\u0131k k\u0131smi indirim, esnaflara kredi paketleri ve benzerleri, bu durumun birka\u00e7 \u00f6ne \u00e7\u0131kan \u00f6rne\u011fi olarak verilebilir. Dahas\u0131 Erdo\u011fan, kampanyas\u0131 boyunca gerici duygulara seslenerek \u201cter\u00f6r\u201d su\u00e7lamalar\u0131n\u0131 ve homofobik, transfobik s\u00f6ylemleri \u00fcst d\u00fczeyde kulland\u0131. Kaynaklar\u0131n bu derece kullan\u0131lmas\u0131 ve rakiplerinin \u201cter\u00f6rle\u201d bu denli ili\u015fkilendirilmesine ra\u011fmen, Cumhurba\u015fkanl\u0131\u011f\u0131 se\u00e7imlerini ilk turda kazanamad\u0131. 2018 Cumhurba\u015fkanl\u0131\u011f\u0131 se\u00e7imlerinde kullan\u0131lan 49.903.302 oyun 25.436.238\u2019i Erdo\u011fan\u2019a verilmi\u015fti. 14 May\u0131s 2023 se\u00e7imlerinde ise 53.993.714 oy kullan\u0131ld\u0131 ve Erdo\u011fan bunlar\u0131n yaln\u0131zca 26.086.097\u2019sini alabildi. Dolay\u0131s\u0131yla oy kullanan se\u00e7men say\u0131s\u0131ndaki art\u0131\u015f 4 milyonu bulurken, Erdo\u011fan\u2019\u0131n oy art\u0131\u015f\u0131 yaln\u0131zca 500.000 dolaylar\u0131nda kalm\u0131\u015ft\u0131. Bu, s\u0131n\u0131flar m\u00fccadelesi arenas\u0131na yeni yeni \u00e7\u0131kmakta olan gen\u00e7 i\u015f\u00e7i-emek\u00e7i ku\u015fa\u011f\u0131n\u0131n rejime d\u00f6n\u00fck net ve keskin bir ho\u015fnutsuzluk duydu\u011funu ve onu reddetti\u011fini; rejimin de elinin alt\u0131ndaki b\u00fct\u00fcn kaynaklara ra\u011fmen, bu yeni proleter ku\u015fa\u011f\u0131n \u00fczerinde r\u0131za ve denetim kuramad\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 g\u00f6stermekteydi.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Cumhur \u0130ttifak\u0131\u2019ndan proletaryan\u0131n kopu\u015fu \u015fiddetlenerek devam ediyordu<\/strong><\/h4>\n\n\n\n

Erdo\u011fan\u2019\u0131n May\u0131s 2023 se\u00e7imlerindeki krizi partisi ve ittifak\u0131 nezdinde daha da derinle\u015fiyordu. 1 Kas\u0131m 2015 se\u00e7imlerinde AKP %49.50, MHP ise (o s\u0131rada \u201cmuhalefetteydi\u201d) %11.90 alm\u0131\u015ft\u0131. Dolay\u0131s\u0131yla Cumhur \u0130ttifak\u0131\u2019n\u0131n eski partilerinin toplam oy oran\u0131 %61\u2019i ge\u00e7iyordu. 2018 se\u00e7imlerinde, tabloya BBP eklenmesine ra\u011fmen bu oran %53.48\u2019e d\u00fc\u015ft\u00fc (kullan\u0131lan oy say\u0131s\u0131 50.700.826 idi). 14 May\u0131s 2023 se\u00e7imlerinde ise kullan\u0131lan oy say\u0131s\u0131 55.836.055\u2019e \u00e7\u0131kmas\u0131na ve Cumhur \u0130ttifak\u0131\u2019na giren veya ona oy \u00e7a\u011fr\u0131s\u0131 yapan partilere H\u00fcda-Par, DSP ve YRP eklenmesine ra\u011fmen, bu oran %49.37\u2019ye d\u00fc\u015ft\u00fc. AKP 2018\u2019de, yurtd\u0131\u015f\u0131 oylarla beraber 21.338.693 oy alm\u0131\u015ft\u0131 ve se\u00e7men say\u0131s\u0131ndaki art\u0131\u015fa ra\u011fmen May\u0131s 2023 se\u00e7imlerinde 19.132.114 oy ald\u0131.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

B\u00fct\u00fcn bu say\u0131lar ve veriler \u015funu anlatmaktad\u0131r: Se\u00e7men say\u0131s\u0131 ve Cumhur \u0130ttifak\u0131 bile\u015fenlerinin say\u0131s\u0131 artt\u0131, ancak rejim partilerinin ald\u0131klar\u0131 oy oran\u0131 \u015fiddetlenerek d\u00fc\u015fmeyi s\u00fcrd\u00fcrd\u00fc. Rejimin taban\u0131ndaki kopu\u015flar ve eriyi\u015f, devlet ile oligar\u015finin b\u00fct\u00fcn kaynaklar\u0131n\u0131n kullan\u0131lmas\u0131na ve ittifak\u0131n yeni siyasal partilere a\u00e7\u0131lmas\u0131na ra\u011fmen, \u00f6nlenemedi. Dahas\u0131, yukar\u0131da da belirtti\u011fimiz \u00fczere, gen\u00e7 emek\u00e7i ku\u015faklar\u0131, se\u00e7imlerde rejime onay vermeyi reddetti. Cumhur \u0130ttifak\u0131, art\u0131k birtak\u0131m politikalarla emek\u00e7i halk\u0131 ikna ederek de\u011fil, ancak ve ancak daha da gerici ve sa\u011fc\u0131 partilere tavizler tan\u0131yarak ve emek\u00e7i halk\u0131 bunlara raz\u0131 gelmeye \u00e7al\u0131\u015farak oy toplam\u0131n\u0131 korumaya \u00e7al\u0131\u015ft\u0131 ve buna ra\u011fmen ba\u015far\u0131l\u0131 olamad\u0131, y\u0131llara yay\u0131lan oylar\u0131ndaki akut gerilemeyi durduramad\u0131. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

Cumhur \u0130ttifak\u0131\u2019n\u0131n proleter kentlerdeki durumu daha da vahimdi. \u0130\u015f kazalar\u0131 oran\u0131n\u0131n binde 20.7 ile, T\u00fcrkiye ortalamas\u0131 olan binde 16.5\u2019in \u00e7ok \u00fczerinde oldu\u011fu Bursa\u2019y\u0131 ele alal\u0131m. Sanayi i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n kitlesel bir varl\u0131k g\u00f6sterdi\u011fi Bursa\u2019da 2018 se\u00e7imlerinde AKP %46.23, MHP ise %10.62 alm\u0131\u015ft\u0131. May\u0131s 2023 se\u00e7imlerinde ise bu partilerin oy oranlar\u0131 s\u0131ras\u0131yla %38.92\u2019ye ve %8.58\u2019e d\u00fc\u015fm\u00fc\u015f durumdayd\u0131. Cumhur \u0130ttifak\u0131\u2019n\u0131n Bursa gibi bir i\u015f\u00e7i kentindeki oy kayb\u0131 %10 civarlar\u0131ndayd\u0131.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

2022 y\u0131l\u0131nda kredi kart\u0131 bor\u00e7 art\u0131\u015f\u0131nda T\u00fcrkiye\u2019de ba\u015f\u0131 \u00e7eken \u015fehir Konya oldu. Konya\u2019da emek\u00e7ilerin ve orta kademeli s\u0131n\u0131flar\u0131n kredi kart\u0131 bor\u00e7 art\u0131\u015f\u0131 %107 oldu. 2018\u2019de AKP\u2019nin bu \u015fehirden ald\u0131\u011f\u0131 oy oran\u0131 olan %59.4, 2023 May\u0131s se\u00e7imlerinde %48.07\u2019ye d\u00fc\u015ft\u00fc. MHP\u2019nin de kayb\u0131yla birlikte d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fcld\u00fc\u011f\u00fcnde, Cumhur \u0130ttifak\u0131\u2019n\u0131n bu bor\u00e7lular \u015fehrindeki toplam kayb\u0131 %12\u2019ye dayan\u0131yordu.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

T\u00fcrkiye\u2019de son 10 y\u0131l i\u00e7inde tespit edilebilen 671 i\u015f\u00e7i intihar\u0131 ger\u00e7ekle\u015fti. Bunlar\u0131n 52\u2019si Kocaeli\u2019nde ya\u015fand\u0131. \u0130\u015f\u00e7i intiharlar\u0131n\u0131n toplam i\u015f\u00e7i \u00f6l\u00fcmlerine oran\u0131 T\u00fcrkiye\u2019de %4 iken, Kocaeli\u2019de bu oran %9. Ve Cumhur \u0130ttifak\u0131\u2019n\u0131n bu proleter \u015fehirde devasa bir kay\u0131p ya\u015fad\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 g\u00f6r\u00fcyoruz. AKP bu \u015fehirden 2018\u2019de %59.67 alm\u0131\u015ft\u0131. 2023\u2019te ise %39.59 ald\u0131. Dolay\u0131s\u0131yla kay\u0131p %20\u2019ydi. Ayn\u0131 se\u00e7imlerde MHP\u2019nin oy oran\u0131 da %11.39\u2019dan %8.39\u2019a d\u00fc\u015ft\u00fc. Cumhur \u0130ttifak\u0131\u2019n\u0131n, Gebze gibi devasa OSB\u2019leriyle tan\u0131nan Kocaeli\u2019de ya\u015fad\u0131\u011f\u0131 toplam oy kayb\u0131 %23 seviyesindeydi.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

A\u015fa\u011f\u0131da okuyucular\u0131m\u0131zla, 3 b\u00f6l\u00fcml\u00fck bir yaz\u0131 serisinin ilk k\u0131sm\u0131n\u0131 payla\u015f\u0131yoruz. \u0130yi okumalar dileriz. *** 31 Mart 2024 yerel se\u00e7im sonu\u00e7lar\u0131 kesinle\u015fti\u011finde, ortaya yeni bir T\u00fcrkiye politik durumu \u00e7\u0131kt\u0131. Bu politik durum yayg\u0131n \u00f6nyarg\u0131lardan, kolayc\u0131 a\u00e7\u0131klamalardan ve y\u00fczeysel analizlerden ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131z bir bi\u00e7imde anla\u015f\u0131lmaya \u00e7al\u0131\u015f\u0131lmal\u0131d\u0131r. Bu metin bunu hedeflemektedir. Rejim Bonapartist niteli\u011fini korumay\u0131 s\u00fcrd\u00fcr\u00fcrken, Bonapartizmin merkez\u00ee kurumu […]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":6,"featured_media":3012,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"_exactmetrics_skip_tracking":false,"_exactmetrics_sitenote_active":false,"_exactmetrics_sitenote_note":"","_exactmetrics_sitenote_category":0,"footnotes":""},"categories":[645,780,701],"tags":[243,1155,1059,1097,363,1096,760],"class_list":["post-3011","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-devlet-ve-rejim","category-guncel","category-politika","tag-akp","tag-baskanlik","tag-cumhur-ittifaki","tag-mhp","tag-rejim","tag-secimler","tag-yerel-secimler"],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/trockist.net\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/3011","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/trockist.net\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/trockist.net\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/trockist.net\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/6"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/trockist.net\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=3011"}],"version-history":[{"count":2,"href":"https:\/\/trockist.net\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/3011\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":3014,"href":"https:\/\/trockist.net\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/3011\/revisions\/3014"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/trockist.net\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/3012"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/trockist.net\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=3011"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/trockist.net\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=3011"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/trockist.net\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=3011"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}