Tayyip Erdo\u011fan, \u00f6l\u00fcm\u00fcn\u00fcn 100. y\u0131l d\u00f6n\u00fcm\u00fcnde II. Abd\u00fclhamid\u2019i anma toplant\u0131s\u0131nda, onlarca y\u0131ll\u0131k kanl\u0131 bir istibdat d\u00f6neminden sonra J\u00f6n T\u00fcrk devrimiyle taht\u0131ndan indirilen despot sultan\u0131 \u201cT\u00fcrk d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnce hayat\u0131n\u0131 esir alan kat\u0131 ideolojik kutupla\u015fman\u0131n en b\u00fcy\u00fck kurbanlar\u0131ndan biridir\u201d diye tan\u0131mlayarak mazlum ilan etti. T\u00fcrkiye tarihinde, kanl\u0131 bask\u0131 ve k\u0131y\u0131m uygulamalar\u0131 sorumlular\u0131n\u0131n kahraman olarak an\u0131lmas\u0131na yabanc\u0131 de\u011filiz, ama bu \u00e7abalar\u0131n nedenlerini de kavrayabilmemiz gerekiyor. E\u011fer Abd\u00fclhamid \u201ckat\u0131 ideolojik kutupla\u015fman\u0131n kurban\u0131\u201d olarak g\u00f6r\u00fcl\u00fcyorsa, burada sultan\u0131 deviren demokratik devrim at\u0131l\u0131m\u0131na cepheden bir kar\u015f\u0131 \u00e7\u0131k\u0131\u015f s\u00f6z konusudur. Bug\u00fcn \u00fclkede demokrasiyi bo\u011farak, t\u0131pk\u0131 sultan\u0131n zaman\u0131nda kendine ait topraklar\u0131 y\u00f6netti\u011fi t\u00fcrden despotik bir rejim in\u015fa etmeye \u00e7al\u0131\u015fanlar\u0131n onu kendi referanslar\u0131 olarak almalar\u0131 anla\u015f\u0131l\u0131r hale geliyor. Sanki Abd\u00fclhamid ulusun vicdan\u0131nda bir kez akland\u0131\u011f\u0131nda, Tek Adam\u2019\u0131n me\u015fruiyeti de sa\u011flanm\u0131\u015f ve her t\u00fcrl\u00fc demokratik talep ve at\u0131l\u0131m \u201ckat\u0131 ideolojik kutupla\u015fma\u201d olarak mahk\u00fbm edilmi\u015f olacak. Ama\u00e7 bu.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Hangi \u201cvizyon\u201d?<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n Erdo\u011fan\u2019a g\u00f6re Abd\u00fclhamid, \u201cdevletimizin son 150 y\u0131l\u0131na damgas\u0131n\u0131 vuran en \u00f6nemli, en vizyoner, en stratejik zihne sahip \u015fahsiyetlerden biri(ydi). Sultan\u0131n ufku, hayalleri ve projeleri Y\u0131ld\u0131z Saray\u0131 duvarlar\u0131n\u0131n \u00e7ok \u00f6tesinde(ydi) \u2026\u201d Sultan\u0131n \u201cY\u0131ld\u0131z Saray\u0131n\u0131n \u00f6tesine ta\u015fan\u201d vizyonerli\u011fi genellikle, \u0130mparatorlu\u011fu y\u0131k\u0131ma s\u00fcr\u00fckleyen Bat\u0131 uygarl\u0131\u011f\u0131 kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131nda \u00fclkeyi modernle\u015ftirme yolunda giri\u015fti\u011fi baz\u0131 hamlelere dayand\u0131r\u0131l\u0131yor. Onun, kurdu\u011fu medreselerin ve yapt\u0131rd\u0131\u011f\u0131 y\u00fczlerce caminin yan\u0131 s\u0131ra \u0130stanbul\u2019da ve \u00fclke sath\u0131nda pek \u00e7ok laik ilk, orta ve y\u00fcksek e\u011fitim kurulu\u015funun ger\u00e7ekle\u015ftirilmesine \u00f6nayak oldu\u011fu, hatta okul say\u0131s\u0131n\u0131n dini kurulu\u015f say\u0131s\u0131n\u0131n \u00fczerinde oldu\u011fu biliniyor. Ama bu t\u00fcr bir at\u0131l\u0131m ihtiyac\u0131n\u0131n ortaya konmas\u0131n\u0131n ve bu do\u011frultuda ba\u015flat\u0131lan giri\u015fimlerin sadece ona ait olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131 da ortada.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Osmanl\u0131 \u0130mparatorlu\u011fu\u2019nun teknolojik ve idari a\u00e7\u0131lardan modernle\u015ftirilmesi \u00e7abalar\u0131 daha III. Selim ve II. Mahmud d\u00f6nemlerine dayan\u0131r. Ya\u011fma ve ranta dayal\u0131 kapitalizm \u00f6ncesi bir temel \u00fczerinde ayakta durmaya \u00e7al\u0131\u015fan imparatorluk, Bat\u0131 kapitalizminin \u00fcretim ve ticarete dayal\u0131 h\u0131zl\u0131 geli\u015fimi kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131nda sallanmakta oldu\u011funun fark\u0131na belki de 1683\u2019teki Viyana yenilgisi ve ard\u0131ndan 1699\u2019da yap\u0131lan sonu\u00e7lar\u0131 a\u011f\u0131r Karlof\u00e7a Anla\u015fmas\u0131yla varm\u0131\u015ft\u0131. Ard\u0131ndan 18. y\u00fczy\u0131lda, I. Petro alt\u0131nda b\u00fcy\u00fck bir modernle\u015fme ve sanayile\u015fme d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015f\u00fcm\u00fc ya\u015fayan Rusya kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131ndaki yenilgiler ve toprak kay\u0131plar\u0131 gelecekti. \u0130mparatorlu\u011fun bu darbeler alt\u0131nda \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fclmeye ba\u015flamas\u0131, ordunun Bat\u0131l\u0131 teknikler temelinde yenilenmesi \u201cvizyonunu\u201d do\u011furacak, ama ayn\u0131 zamanda Abd\u00fclhamid\u2019in de \u201cufkunu\u201d olu\u015fturacak \u201cen yak\u0131n d\u00fc\u015fmana kar\u015f\u0131 bir ba\u015fka Avrupal\u0131 g\u00fc\u00e7le ittifak\u201d politikas\u0131n\u0131n geli\u015ftirilmesine neden olacakt\u0131.<\/p>\n\n\n\n \u0130mparatorlu\u011fun ekonomik, askeri ve idari a\u00e7\u0131lardan modernle\u015ftirilmesi \u00e7abalar\u0131nda, 19. y\u00fczy\u0131l\u0131n ba\u015flar\u0131nda Fransa\u2019n\u0131n korumas\u0131 alt\u0131nda M\u0131s\u0131r\u2019da reform at\u0131l\u0131mlar\u0131 ba\u015flatan Vali Mehmet Ali Pa\u015fa\u2019n\u0131n uygulamalar\u0131ndan da esinlenen II. Mahmut\u2019un \u00f6nemi herkes\u00e7e kabul edilir. Ama daha da \u00f6nemli reformlar, onun \u00f6l\u00fcm\u00fcn\u00fcn ard\u0131ndan Sultan Abd\u00fclmecit\u2019le birlikte ba\u015flayan Tanzimat D\u00f6neminde (1839-1876) uygulananlar olacakt\u0131. Bu d\u00f6nemde, \u00f6zellikle Mustafa Re\u015fit, Mehmet Emin Ali ve Ke\u00e7ecizade Fuat pa\u015falar\u0131n denetiminde hukuk, e\u011fitim, askeri, mali ve sanayile\u015fme alanlar\u0131nda \u00f6nemli \u00e7a\u011fda\u015fla\u015fma giri\u015fimlerinde bulunulacakt\u0131. Ama ne var ki bu reformlar tarihsel bak\u0131mdan gecikmi\u015f, ivmeleri a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan da yetersiz olarak kalacak, imparatorlu\u011fun Bat\u0131 kapitalizminin yar\u0131s\u00f6m\u00fcrgesi olma durumuna d\u00fc\u015fmesinin \u00f6n\u00fcne ge\u00e7emeyecekti. Abd\u00fclhamid\u2019in \u201cprojeleri\u201d de, Tanzimat D\u00f6neminde giri\u015filen yenile\u015fme \u00e7abalar\u0131n\u0131 istibdat alt\u0131nda s\u00fcrd\u00fcrme tasar\u0131s\u0131n\u0131n \u00f6tesine ge\u00e7emeyecek; tam tersine bask\u0131 rejimi, reformlara ideolojik ve siyasi olarak \u00f6nderlik edebilecek kadrolar\u0131n tasfiyesine yol a\u00e7arak gerici ba\u011fnazl\u0131\u011f\u0131 \u00e7a\u011fda\u015fla\u015fman\u0131n \u00f6n\u00fcne bir engel halinde dikecekti. 1908 devrimine yol a\u00e7an ba\u015fl\u0131ca \u00e7eli\u015fki de buydu.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Abd\u00fclhamid bu devrimin gelmekte oldu\u011funu g\u00f6r\u00fcyordu, nitekim tam da bu nedenle bask\u0131 rejimini a\u011f\u0131rla\u015ft\u0131rd\u0131k\u00e7a a\u011f\u0131rla\u015ft\u0131rd\u0131. Demokrasi talebiyle g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015flerini yayg\u0131nla\u015ft\u0131ran ayd\u0131nlara, orduda yenilgilerden mustarip ve bunun sorumlulu\u011funu padi\u015fah\u0131n yanl\u0131\u015f politikalar\u0131na atfeden subaylara, a\u011f\u0131r vergiler alt\u0131nda inleyip ba\u015fkald\u0131ran halk kesimlerine y\u00f6nelik olarak istibdat rejimini yo\u011funla\u015ft\u0131rmaktan ba\u015fka \u201c\u00e7are\u201d g\u00f6remiyordu. G\u00f6r\u00fcnen o ki, Erdo\u011fan\u2019\u0131n \u201cvizyonu\u201d da K\u0131z\u0131l Sultan\u2019\u0131nkiyle s\u0131n\u0131rl\u0131. Onca \u201cmega projelere\u201d, onca binalara, onca mahalle \u00fcniversitelerine, onca camilere ra\u011fmen halk Gezi\u2019de ayaklan\u0131yor, metal i\u015f\u00e7ileri f\u0131rt\u0131na estiriyor, kitleler kendilerini (sahtecilikle ellerinden ka\u00e7\u0131r\u0131lan) referandumlarda, se\u00e7imlerde, k\u0131rlarda, kentlerde ifade ediyorlar\u2026 Erdo\u011fan\u2019\u0131n buna yan\u0131t\u0131 ise OHAL\u2019i s\u00fcrd\u00fcrmek, milletvekillerini, gazetecileri, ayd\u0131nlar\u0131 hapse atmak, kitleleri bask\u0131yla korkutmak oluyor. Yeni bir 1908\u2019den korkuyor.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Hangi \u201cproje\u201d?<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n Tanzimat pa\u015falar\u0131n\u0131n \u0130mparatorlu\u011fun par\u00e7a par\u00e7a b\u00f6l\u00fcn\u00fcp Bat\u0131l\u0131 g\u00fc\u00e7lerce yutulmas\u0131 kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131nda bulduklar\u0131 \u00e7are, askeri yetersizlikleri diplomatik manevralarla dengeleme politikas\u0131yd\u0131. Bu politikalar\u0131n\u0131 kolayla\u015ft\u0131ran unsur da, \u00e7ok ilgin\u00e7 bi\u00e7imde, bizzat \u0130mparatorlu\u011fun par\u00e7alanmaya yak\u0131n olu\u015fuydu. Zira zaten aralar\u0131nda toprak ve pazar payla\u015f\u0131m\u0131 m\u00fccadelesi i\u00e7inde olan ne \u0130ngiltere, ne Fransa, ne Avusturya-Macaristan ne de Rusya kendisinden bir ba\u015fka devletin Osmanl\u0131 topraklar\u0131 \u00fczerinde tam bir egemenlik kurmas\u0131na m\u00fcsaade etme niyetindeydi. Osmanl\u0131 sultanlar\u0131 ve pa\u015falar\u0131 bu kozu iyi de\u011ferlendirdiler ve \u00f6rne\u011fin Bo\u011fazlar\u2019a, oradan da Akdeniz\u2019e inmeye \u00e7al\u0131\u015fan Rusya kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131nda \u0130ngiltere\u2019nin deste\u011fini alabildiler. 1821\u2019de ba\u015flayan Yunan isyan\u0131n\u0131 M\u0131s\u0131r Valisi Mehmet Ali Pa\u015fa sayesinde bast\u0131rd\u0131lar, ama Vali daha sonra \u0130stanbul\u2019a do\u011fru harekete ge\u00e7ti\u011finde ona kar\u015f\u0131 Rusya ile i\u015fbirli\u011fi yapt\u0131lar.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Tabii bu denge politikalar\u0131n\u0131n hep bir bedeli vard\u0131. \u00d6rne\u011fin, 1841\u2019de Beyrut\u2019ta Mehmet Ali Pa\u015fa\u2019n\u0131n ordusunu bombalayarak Osmanl\u0131n\u0131n yard\u0131m\u0131na gelen \u0130ngiltere bunun kar\u015f\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131nda imparatorlu\u011fa Balta Liman\u0131 antla\u015fmas\u0131n\u0131 \u00f6nceden imzalatm\u0131\u015f, onun ekonomisinde b\u00fcy\u00fck bir ayr\u0131cal\u0131k elde etmi\u015fti. Ayn\u0131 \u015fekilde 1877-78 Osmanl\u0131-Rus Sava\u015f\u0131\u2019nda \u0130ngiltere, \u00f6nce Osmanl\u0131lar\u0131n Rusya \u00f6n\u00fcnde b\u00fcy\u00fck bir hezimet ya\u015famas\u0131na g\u00f6z yummu\u015f, ama Ruslar Bo\u011fazlar\u2019a inmeye kalk\u0131nca da bunu engelleyip kar\u015f\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131nda K\u0131br\u0131s\u2019\u0131 i\u015fgal edebilmi\u015fti. Rusya da bu sava\u015f\u0131n sonucunda imparatorlu\u011fun do\u011fu eyaletlerini kapm\u0131\u015f, Bulgaristan, Bosna-Hersek ve Yunanistan \u00fczerinde s\u00f6z sahibi olmay\u0131 ba\u015farm\u0131\u015ft\u0131. 1876\u2019da tahta \u00e7\u0131kan II. Abd\u00fclhamid \u201cmeslek ya\u015fam\u0131na\u201d denge politikalar\u0131n\u0131n neden oldu\u011fu bu b\u00fcy\u00fck kay\u0131plarla ba\u015fl\u0131yordu.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Ama Tanzimat D\u00f6nemini kapatan yeni sultan\u0131 bir \u00f6nceki d\u00f6nemin uygulamalar\u0131ndan ay\u0131ran \u00f6nemli bir nokta vard\u0131. II. Mahmud, Avrupal\u0131 g\u00fc\u00e7leri yak\u0131ndan izlemek amac\u0131yla o \u00fclkelere diplomatlar yollaman\u0131n yan\u0131 s\u0131ra, d\u0131\u015f politikan\u0131n y\u00fcr\u00fct\u00fclmesinde uzmanla\u015fma sa\u011flamak amac\u0131yla Hariciye Nezareti olu\u015fturmu\u015f ve kurumun ba\u015f\u0131na da vezir unvanl\u0131 ki\u015filer atamaya ba\u015flam\u0131\u015ft\u0131. Tanzimat d\u00f6nemi boyunca da d\u0131\u015fi\u015fleri bakanlar\u0131 ve uzmanlar\u0131 d\u0131\u015f politikan\u0131n belirlenmesinde ve uygulanmas\u0131nda etkin rol \u00fcstlenmi\u015flerdi. 1878 Rus sava\u015f\u0131 felaketi Abd\u00fclhamid\u2019e hariciye naz\u0131rlar\u0131n\u0131 ve uzman diplomatlar\u0131 kenara \u00e7ekme ve t\u00fcm d\u0131\u015f politika y\u00f6netimini kendi ellerine alma f\u0131rsat\u0131n\u0131 verdi. \u00d6yle ki, saltanat\u0131 d\u00f6neminde, g\u00f6revleri sadece padi\u015fah\u0131n kararlar\u0131n\u0131 uygulamakla s\u0131n\u0131rlanm\u0131\u015f yirminin \u00fczerinde bakan g\u00f6reve gelip gitti. San\u0131r\u0131z Tayyip Erdo\u011fan \u201cmon\u015ferleri\u201d kenara \u00e7ekip t\u00fcm diplomasi karar yetkisini elinde toplarken ve d\u0131\u015fi\u015fleri bakanlar\u0131n\u0131 birer basit infaz kulu haline d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcr\u00fcrken de Abd\u00fclhamid\u2019den esinlendi.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Pekiyi, Erdo\u011fan\u2019a g\u00f6re bu \u201cvizyoner\u201d olan bu sultan\u0131n Osmanl\u0131n\u0131n toprak b\u00fct\u00fcnl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn\u00fc sa\u011flamak i\u00e7in uygulamaya devam etti\u011fi denge politikalar\u0131 ve bu ama\u00e7la t\u00fcm d\u0131\u015f politika yetkisini elinde toplama \u201cprojesi\u201d i\u015fe yarad\u0131 m\u0131? Soruyu daha anla\u015f\u0131l\u0131r bir bi\u00e7imde soral\u0131m: Yar\u0131s\u00f6m\u00fcrge bir \u00fclke ba\u011f\u0131ml\u0131 oldu\u011fu emperyal (bug\u00fcn art\u0131k emperyalist) devletlerden ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131z ba\u015far\u0131l\u0131 bir d\u0131\u015f politika izleyebilir mi? Bu sorunun yan\u0131t\u0131, sultan II. Abd\u00fclhamid d\u00f6neminin sonu\u00e7lar\u0131nda yat\u0131yor: Onun 33 y\u0131ll\u0131k saltanat d\u00f6neminde Osmanl\u0131 \u0130mparatorlu\u011fu ba\u015fta Tunus, M\u0131s\u0131r, K\u0131br\u0131s, S\u0131rbistan, Karada\u011f ve Romanya olmak \u00fczere 1 milyon 592 bin 806 kilometre kare toprak kaybetti. Yani bug\u00fcnk\u00fc T\u00fcrkiye\u2019nin yakla\u015f\u0131k iki kat\u0131!<\/p>\n\n\n\n Erdo\u011fan\u2019\u0131n Abd\u00fclhamid\u2019i sitayi\u015fle anmas\u0131 bo\u015funa de\u011fil, kendisi de ayn\u0131 \u00e7\u0131kmaz sokaklarda dola\u015f\u0131yor. Esad rejimine kar\u015f\u0131 g\u00f6r\u00fcn\u00fc\u015fte ABD ile birlikte, ama bu konuda Rusya ve \u0130ran ile \u00e7eli\u015fiyor. \u00d6nce Esad\u2019a ve K\u00fcrtlere kar\u015f\u0131 radikal \u0130slamc\u0131larla i\u015fbirli\u011fi yap\u0131yor, bunun sonucunda ABD, Rusya ve Suriye\u2019yi kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131na al\u0131nca onlarla birlikte I\u015e\u0130D\u2019e cephe al\u0131p K\u00fcrtlerin yan\u0131na d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcyor, sonra YPG ile sava\u015fmak i\u00e7in kendi himayesinde bir \u201c\u00d6SO\u201d olu\u015fturuyor. S\u0131n\u0131r g\u00fcvenli\u011fi gerek\u00e7esiyle K\u00fcrt b\u00f6lgelerine y\u00f6nelik operasyona ba\u015flay\u0131nca ABD, Rusya, \u0130ran ve Suriye\u2019yi tedirgin ediyor, ama bir yandan da ABD ve Rusya\u2019n\u0131n ho\u015fg\u00f6r\u00fcs\u00fcyle operasyonlar\u0131n\u0131 s\u00fcrd\u00fcr\u00fcyor. Mitinglerinde ABD kar\u015f\u0131t\u0131 nutuklar\u0131yla s\u00f6zde bir \u201cantiemperyalist\u201d alg\u0131 olu\u015fturuyor, bu arada ba\u015fka emperyalist \u00fclkelerle (Almanya ve Fransa) fl\u00f6rt ediyor\u2026 \u0130\u015fi ger\u00e7ekten \u00e7ok zor! Bir i\u015f\u00e7i-emek\u00e7i h\u00fck\u00fcmetinin s\u00f6zc\u00fcs\u00fc de\u011fil ki, \u201cOrtado\u011fu Emek\u00e7i Halklar\u0131 Federasyonu\u201d slogan\u0131yla emperyalistlerin ve yay\u0131lmac\u0131, bask\u0131c\u0131, gerici diktat\u00f6rl\u00fcklerin olu\u015fturdu\u011fu k\u00f6rd\u00fc\u011f\u00fcm\u00fc kesip ats\u0131n\u2026<\/p>\n\n\n\n Hangi \u201chayaller\u201d?<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n Erdo\u011fan T\u00fcrkiye\u2019yi yeni yat\u0131r\u0131m alanlar\u0131na ve pazarlara a\u00e7abilmek amac\u0131yla, tabii bu arada \u00fclke i\u00e7inde \u201cbirlik ve beraberli\u011fi koruyabilmek\u201d amac\u0131yla da Abd\u00fclhamid\u2019den yararlanmak istiyor. Ona g\u00f6re sultan, \u201cda\u011f\u0131lmaya y\u00fcz tutmu\u015f \u0130slam d\u00fcnyas\u0131n\u0131 bir araya getirmek \u00fczere \u0130slam Birli\u011fi hedefiyle yola \u00e7\u0131k(m\u0131\u015f)\u201d. Erdo\u011fan\u2019\u0131n, Abd\u00fclhamid\u2019in \u00c7in\u2019den Ma\u00e7in\u2019e kadar yay\u0131lm\u0131\u015f M\u00fcsl\u00fcmanlar\u0131 birle\u015ftirmeye \u00e7al\u0131\u015ft\u0131\u011f\u0131 iddias\u0131 elbette kendisinin hayal \u00fcr\u00fcn\u00fc. Hi\u00e7bir kaynakta Abd\u00fclhamid\u2019e atfedilecek b\u00f6yle bir politika yok. Ama sultan\u0131n elbette bir \u0130slami cihat \u00e7abas\u0131 vard\u0131, ama Osmanl\u0131 topraklar\u0131 i\u00e7inde ve onun korunmas\u0131na y\u00f6nelik olarak.<\/p>\n\n\n\n 19. y\u00fczy\u0131l sonlar\u0131 ve 20. y\u00fczy\u0131l ba\u015flar\u0131nda, da\u011f\u0131lmakta olan Osmanl\u0131 imparatorlu\u011funun (\u0130slam d\u00fcnyas\u0131 de\u011fil) ayakta tutulabilmesine y\u00f6nelik farkl\u0131 tezler ileri s\u00fcr\u00fcl\u00fcyordu. Bunlardan birisi, d\u00fcnyaya yay\u0131lm\u0131\u015f T\u00fcrk k\u00f6kenli halklar\u0131 bir araya getirecek bir Turan \u00fclkesi fikriydi; yenilgilerin ard\u0131 ard\u0131na geldi\u011fi bir d\u00f6nemde ger\u00e7ekle\u015ftirilmesi olanaks\u0131z bir ideal. Bir ba\u015fka ideal ise, J\u00f6n T\u00fcrkler\u2019in, ard\u0131ndan \u0130ttihat ve Terakki\u2019nin savundu\u011fu Osmanl\u0131l\u0131k anlay\u0131\u015f\u0131yd\u0131. \u0130mparatorlu\u011fu olu\u015fturan t\u00fcm farkl\u0131 etnik ve dinsel gruplar\u0131 Osmanl\u0131 vatanda\u015fl\u0131\u011f\u0131 alt\u0131nda toplay\u0131p birle\u015ftirmeyi hedefleyen bu siyasi proje de, imparatorluk i\u00e7indeki de\u011fi\u015fik ulusal gruplar\u0131n (Ermeniler, Rumlar, S\u0131rplar, Bulgarlar, Makedonlar, Araplar, vb.) milliyet\u00e7i bir uyan\u0131\u015fla Osmanl\u0131\u2019dan kopma m\u00fccadelelerine giri\u015fti\u011fi bir s\u00fcre\u00e7te i\u015flemez hale gelecekti. Nitekim \u0130ttihat\u00e7\u0131lar daha sonra bu tezi bir kenara b\u0131rak\u0131p \u201cT\u00fcrk\u201d as\u0131ll\u0131 olarak tan\u0131mlad\u0131klar\u0131 halk kesimlerine dayal\u0131 bir devlet anlay\u0131\u015f\u0131na s\u00fcr\u00fckleneceklerdi.<\/p>\n\n\n\n \u0130\u015fte bu ortamda Abd\u00fclhamid\u2019in politikas\u0131, imparatorlu\u011fu M\u00fcsl\u00fcman halklar \u00e7evresinde peki\u015ftirmek amac\u0131na y\u00f6nelik oldu. Balkanlar\u2019daki Ortodoks ve Katolik halklar zaten ulusal ayaklanmalarla Osmanl\u0131\u2019dan kopuyorlard\u0131. Bu geli\u015fmelere o b\u00f6lgelerde m\u00fccadeleyi dini bir \u00e7er\u00e7evede \u00f6rg\u00fctleyerek belki direnilebilinirdi. Gene ayn\u0131 \u015fey Anadolu\u2019da Ermenilere kar\u015f\u0131 yap\u0131labilir, Arap ulus\u00e7ulu\u011fu ise M\u00fcsl\u00fcmanl\u0131k temelinde durdurulup bu halklar\u0131n \u0130stanbul\u2019daki Hilafetin \u00e7evresinde kalmas\u0131 sa\u011flanabilirdi. Felaketlerle sonu\u00e7lanan bir politika: K\u00fcrtlerden olu\u015fturulan Hamidiye alaylar\u0131yla Ermeni halk \u00fczerinde yap\u0131lan katliamlar, Trablus\u2019tan Filistin\u2019e kadar \u00f6l\u00fcme yollanan halk evlatlar\u0131, Balkanlar\u2019da sebep olunan M\u00fcsl\u00fcman k\u0131y\u0131mlar\u0131\u2026 ve durdurulamayan toprak kay\u0131plar\u0131.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Asl\u0131nda \u0130slam birli\u011fi hayali Abd\u00fclhamid\u2019in bir \u201cideolojik\u201d se\u00e7iminin de\u011fil, gene izlemeye \u00e7al\u0131\u015ft\u0131\u011f\u0131 denge politikas\u0131n\u0131n bir \u00fcr\u00fcn\u00fcyd\u00fc. 19. y\u00fczy\u0131l\u0131n sonlar\u0131na do\u011fru, o d\u00f6neme de\u011fin Osmanl\u0131\u2019n\u0131n klasik g\u00fc\u00e7 dengeleri i\u00e7inde \u00f6nemli a\u011f\u0131rl\u0131\u011fa sahip olan \u0130ngiltere ve Fransa\u2019n\u0131n \u0130stanbul\u2019u Rusya ve Balkan ve Arap uluslar\u0131 kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131nda \u201cyaln\u0131z\u201d b\u0131rakt\u0131klar\u0131 ve imparatorlu\u011fun hangi temellerde payla\u015f\u0131laca\u011f\u0131 g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015fmeleri yapt\u0131klar\u0131 a\u00e7\u0131\u011fa \u00e7\u0131kt\u0131\u011f\u0131nda, denge politikas\u0131nda \u201cdayan\u0131lacak\u201d yeni bir g\u00fc\u00e7 ortaya \u00e7\u0131km\u0131\u015ft\u0131: Almanya. Sultan\u0131n \u00e7a\u011f\u0131r\u0131s\u0131 \u00fczerine \u0130stanbul\u2019a Osmanl\u0131 ordular\u0131n\u0131n komutas\u0131n\u0131 ve yeniden d\u00fczenlenmesini \u00fcstlenecek pa\u015falar yollayan, gene bu ama\u00e7la Anadolu\u2019da Ba\u011fdat\u2019a kadar uzanacak demiryollar\u0131 d\u00f6\u015femeye koyulan Almanya, ayn\u0131 zamanda sultana onun \u0130slam d\u00fcnyas\u0131n\u0131n halifesi oldu\u011funu hat\u0131rlatacak, giri\u015fti\u011fi ve giri\u015fece\u011fi sava\u015flar\u0131 bu ideolojik ve politik kimlikle ve cihat \u00e7a\u011f\u0131r\u0131s\u0131yla s\u00fcrd\u00fcrmesini sal\u0131k verecekti. Ama bu da Osmanl\u0131\u2019n\u0131n sonunu haz\u0131rlayan tarihsel ak\u0131\u015f\u0131 durduramayacakt\u0131.<\/p>\n\n\n\n B\u00fct\u00fcn bunlar \u015fimdi de Erdo\u011fan i\u00e7in ideolojik ve politik bir ke\u015fmeke\u015f, bir \u00e7\u0131k\u0131\u015fs\u0131z labirent olu\u015fturuyor. Durumu Abd\u00fclhamid\u2019inkinden farkl\u0131 de\u011fil. Bir yandan \u00fclkenin bekas\u0131ndan, b\u00fct\u00fcnl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn\u00fcn tehlikede oldu\u011fundan s\u00f6z ediyor, bu korkuyu k\u0131\u015fk\u0131rt\u0131yor, bir yandan da \u201cg\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc devlete\u201d \u00f6zg\u00fc yay\u0131lmac\u0131 hayallerini Afrika\u2019n\u0131n i\u00e7lerine kadar geni\u015fletiyor. Bir yandan Osmanl\u0131c\u0131l\u0131k oynay\u0131p eski imparatorluk g\u00fcnlerine d\u00f6nme tutkular\u0131 olu\u015fturuyor, di\u011fer yandan b\u0131rak\u0131n Balkan uluslar\u0131n\u0131, Arap d\u00fcnyas\u0131ndaki ulusal devletlerin tepkisini \u00e7ekiyor. M\u00fcsl\u00fcmanlar\u0131n birli\u011fi diyor, \u0130slam d\u00fcnyas\u0131n\u0131n \u00f6nde gelen devletleriyle neredeyse kanl\u0131 b\u0131\u00e7akl\u0131 oluyor. T\u00fcrk\u00e7\u00fcl\u00fck oynay\u0131p MHP\u2019nin misyonunu \u00fcstlenme planlar\u0131 yap\u0131yor, ama sadece kendi \u00fclkesindeki farkl\u0131 etnik kimlikler \u00fczerinde b\u00f6l\u00fcc\u00fcl\u00fck yapmakla kalm\u0131yor, pek \u00e7ok T\u00fcrki devletin egemenlik gururunu k\u0131r\u0131yor, bu arada baz\u0131 T\u00fcrki olu\u015fumlar\u0131 ba\u011fr\u0131nda ta\u015f\u0131yan devletlerin tepkisini \u00fczerine \u00e7ekiyor.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Erdo\u011fan \u201cmon\u015ferleri\u201d \u00e7evresinde tutabilseydi acaba onlar nas\u0131l \u00e7\u00f6zerlerdi bu durumu ya da acaba \u00e7\u00f6zebilirler miydi? Bilmiyoruz. Ama e\u011fer koca bir sultan 33 y\u0131ll\u0131k tek adam istibdad\u0131 alt\u0131nda bu tarihi d\u00fc\u011f\u00fcm\u00fc \u00e7\u00f6zememi\u015fse, onun m\u00fcritleri nas\u0131l \u00e7\u00f6zebilecek ki? Sonu\u00e7: Yeni ve s\u00fcrekli bir 1908 gerekiyor.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":" Tayyip Erdo\u011fan, \u00f6l\u00fcm\u00fcn\u00fcn 100. y\u0131l d\u00f6n\u00fcm\u00fcnde II. Abd\u00fclhamid\u2019i anma toplant\u0131s\u0131nda, onlarca y\u0131ll\u0131k kanl\u0131 bir istibdat d\u00f6neminden sonra J\u00f6n T\u00fcrk devrimiyle taht\u0131ndan indirilen despot sultan\u0131 \u201cT\u00fcrk d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnce hayat\u0131n\u0131 esir alan kat\u0131 ideolojik kutupla\u015fman\u0131n en b\u00fcy\u00fck kurbanlar\u0131ndan biridir\u201d diye tan\u0131mlayarak mazlum ilan etti. T\u00fcrkiye tarihinde, kanl\u0131 bask\u0131 ve k\u0131y\u0131m uygulamalar\u0131 sorumlular\u0131n\u0131n kahraman olarak an\u0131lmas\u0131na yabanc\u0131 de\u011filiz, ama […]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":3,"featured_media":236,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"_exactmetrics_skip_tracking":false,"_exactmetrics_sitenote_active":false,"_exactmetrics_sitenote_note":"","_exactmetrics_sitenote_category":0,"footnotes":""},"categories":[648],"tags":[225,299,300,61,301],"class_list":["post-235","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-osmanli-devletinde-sinif-mucadelesi","tag-cok","tag-erdogan","tag-ii-abdulhamidi","tag-neden","tag-seviyor"],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/trockist.net\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/235","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/trockist.net\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/trockist.net\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/trockist.net\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/3"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/trockist.net\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=235"}],"version-history":[{"count":1,"href":"https:\/\/trockist.net\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/235\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":237,"href":"https:\/\/trockist.net\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/235\/revisions\/237"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/trockist.net\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/236"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/trockist.net\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=235"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/trockist.net\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=235"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/trockist.net\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=235"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}