{"id":2093,"date":"2021-01-22T11:40:01","date_gmt":"2021-01-22T08:40:01","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/trockist.net\/?p=2093"},"modified":"2021-01-22T11:40:02","modified_gmt":"2021-01-22T08:40:02","slug":"antonio-gramsci-devrimci-degil-reformist-bir-miras","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/trockist.net\/index.php\/2021\/01\/22\/antonio-gramsci-devrimci-degil-reformist-bir-miras\/","title":{"rendered":"Antonio Gramsci: Devrimci de\u011fil, reformist bir miras"},"content":{"rendered":"\n

\u00c7eviri: <\/strong>Sena Ayd\u0131n<\/p>\n\n\n\n

A\u015fa\u011f\u0131da okuyucular\u0131m\u0131zla, \u0130talyan kom\u00fcnizminin kurucular\u0131ndan Antonio Gramsci\u2019nin do\u011fumunun 130. y\u0131ld\u00f6n\u00fcm\u00fc vesilesiyle Sosyalist (El Socialista) gazetesinin Nisan 2017 tarihli 347. say\u0131s\u0131nda yay\u0131mlanan bir yaz\u0131y\u0131 payla\u015f\u0131yoruz. Bu yaz\u0131 ayn\u0131 zamanda, yay\u0131m\u0131n\u0131 s\u00fcrd\u00fcrd\u00fc\u011f\u00fcm\u00fcz \u201cPandemi ve kriz kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131nda sosyalist strateji\u201d dosyam\u0131z kapsam\u0131nda da okunmal\u0131d\u0131r zira Gramsci\u2019nin \u201chegemonyay\u0131\u201d merkeze koyan reformist stratejisi, bug\u00fcn k\u00fcresel \u00e7apta hala \u00f6nc\u00fc sekt\u00f6rlerin kafas\u0131n\u0131 kar\u0131\u015ft\u0131rmay\u0131 s\u00fcrd\u00fcrmektedir.<\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n

***<\/strong><\/h4>\n\n\n\n

\u0130talyan devrimci Gramsci, 27 Nisan 1937\u2019de 46 ya\u015f\u0131ndayken hayat\u0131n\u0131 kaybetti. Erken \u00f6l\u00fcm\u00fc, Mussolini\u2019nin hapishanelerinde y\u0131llarca maruz kald\u0131\u011f\u0131 k\u00f6t\u00fc muamelenin bir sonucuydu. Gramsci 1926\u2019dan itibaren (neredeyse \u00f6l\u00fcm\u00fcne kadar) hapisteydi. 1921\u2019de, eski sosyalist kanattan ayr\u0131ld\u0131ktan sonra \u0130talyan Kom\u00fcnist Partisi\u2019nin (PCI) kurulu\u015funda yer ald\u0131. Hapishane Defterleri<\/em> Gramsci\u2019nin en \u00f6nemli \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmalar\u0131ndan biriydi. Marksizme yapt\u0131\u011f\u0131 katk\u0131lar, Marksizmi yorumlara bi\u00e7imleri nedeniyle d\u00fcnya solu i\u00e7erisinde bir tart\u0131\u015fma konusu oldu.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Hapishane Defterleri<\/em>, yaz\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131 orijinal dilde bile i\u00e7erdi\u011fi belirsizlikler ve \u00e7eli\u015fkilerle dolu oldu\u011fundan hep \u00e7e\u015fitli \u015fekillerde yorumland\u0131. Sava\u015f sonras\u0131 y\u0131llarda, bu metinler g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc \u0130talyan Kom\u00fcnist Partisi\u2019nin ve di\u011fer Avrupal\u0131 \u200b\u200bkom\u00fcnistlerin \u00e7o\u011funun ideolojik temellerini olu\u015fturuyordu. Bu \u00f6rg\u00fctlerin hepsi son derece reformistlerdi ve hepsi de Stalin\u2019in ve Sovyetler Birli\u011fi\u2019ni y\u00f6neten b\u00fcrokrasinin uydular\u0131yd\u0131. Hapishane Defterleri,<\/em> Arjantin\u2019de ilk kez 1950\u2019li y\u0131llarda H\u00e9ctor Agosti \u00f6nderli\u011findeki Kom\u00fcnist Parti\u2019ye ba\u011fl\u0131 bir grup entelekt\u00fcel taraf\u0131ndan \u0130spanyolca \u00e7evrilerek yay\u0131mland\u0131.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

1989\u2019da Berlin Duvar\u0131\u2019n\u0131n y\u0131k\u0131lmas\u0131ndan, SSCB ve Stalinist ayg\u0131t\u0131n da\u011f\u0131lmas\u0131ndan sonra, Gramsci\u2019nin metinlerinin \u00e7o\u011fu \u201cMarksizmi yeniden yorumlama\u201d aray\u0131\u015f\u0131 i\u00e7erisindeki solun \u00e7e\u015fitli kesimleri taraf\u0131ndan \u201ckurtar\u0131ld\u0131.\u201d Gramsci bu \u015fekilde, neo-reformizmin, Chavizmin, Castroculu\u011fun t\u00fcm varyantlar\u0131, otonomistler ve hatta Tro\u00e7kizmin belirli kesimleri (\u00f6zellikle Ernest Mandel) taraf\u0131ndan sahiplenildi. Ve t\u00fcm bunlar\u0131n sonucu olarak da \u00fcniversitelerde ve \u00fcniversitelerin d\u0131\u015f\u0131nda \u201cfarkl\u0131\u201d ve \u201ca\u00e7\u0131k\u201d bir Marksizm olarak yeni bir referans ve tart\u0131\u015fma kayna\u011f\u0131 haline geldi.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Gramsci ger\u00e7ekte kimdi ve \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmalar\u0131n\u0131 nas\u0131l yorumlamak gerekiyor?<\/strong><\/h4>\n\n\n\n

Her \u015feyden \u00f6nce s\u00f6ylenmesi gereken Gramsci\u2019nin d\u00fcr\u00fcst bir devrimci ve anti-fa\u015fist bir kom\u00fcnist oldu\u011fu ve sosyalizm m\u00fccadelesinin ufkunu kaybetmeksizin k\u00f6t\u00fc hapishane ko\u015fullar\u0131na dayand\u0131\u011f\u0131d\u0131r. Ancak bu, onun siyasi ve teorik kafa kar\u0131\u015f\u0131kl\u0131klar\u0131n\u0131 ve hatalar\u0131n\u0131 ink\u00e2r etmemiz gerekir anlam\u0131na gelmez.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Gramsci\u2019nin, Lenin’in \u00f6l\u00fcm\u00fcnden sonra, Tro\u00e7ki\u2019nin \u00f6nderli\u011findeki muhalefetin ald\u0131\u011f\u0131 pozisyona kar\u015f\u0131 Stalin ile \u00dc\u00e7\u00fcnc\u00fc Enternasyonal\u2019in \u00e7o\u011funlu\u011fu taraf\u0131ndan 1924\u2019ten itibaren benimsenen anti-Marksist \u201ctek \u00fclkede sosyalizm\u201d anlay\u0131\u015f\u0131na ba\u011fl\u0131 kald\u0131\u011f\u0131 g\u00f6z ard\u0131 edilemez. Bu hem politik hem de teorik olarak yanl\u0131\u015f bir tutumdu. Ancak Gramsci, Stalin\u2019in ve onun kli\u011finin b\u00fcrokratizmini ve su\u00e7 y\u00f6ntemlerini destekleme anlam\u0131nda asla bir Stalinist olmad\u0131. Sol Muhalefet liderlerine yap\u0131lan k\u00f6t\u00fc muamelelerin tehlikeleri konusunda Moskova\u2019ya bir mektup g\u00f6nderdi\u011fi de biliniyor. Gramsci, ayn\u0131 zamanda savundu\u011fu fa\u015fizme kar\u015f\u0131 birle\u015fik savunma cephesini onaylamayan ve Stalin taraf\u0131ndan 1928-1933 y\u0131llar\u0131 aras\u0131nda y\u00fckseltilen s\u00f6zde \u201c\u00fc\u00e7\u00fcnc\u00fc d\u00f6nem\u201d sekterizmine de kar\u015f\u0131 durdu. 1935\u2019te hatal\u0131 bir \u015fekilde \u201chalk cephelerini,\u201d yani iktidara gelmek ad\u0131na Stalinizmin sosyalist reformistler ve \u201cdemokratik\u201d burjuvaziyle siyasi i\u015fbirli\u011fine y\u00f6nelmesini destekledi. Gramsci sekiz y\u0131l\u0131n\u0131 hapiste ge\u00e7irdi; 1934\u2019te zaten olduk\u00e7a hastayken ev hapsine ge\u00e7irildi. Yani Sovyet ayg\u0131t\u0131n\u0131n b\u00fcrokratikle\u015fme s\u00fcrecine ve kar\u015f\u0131devrimci d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015f\u00fcm\u00fcne yak\u0131ndan tan\u0131k olamad\u0131.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ancak t\u00fcm bunlar, Gramsci\u2019nin fikirlerinde yanl\u0131\u015f oldu\u011funu d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnd\u00fc\u011f\u00fcm\u00fcz olgulara i\u015faret etmeyi b\u0131rakmam\u0131z gerekti\u011fi anlam\u0131na gelmiyor. Gramsci\u2019nin \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmalar\u0131n\u0131n analizinde yeterince titiz olmak i\u00e7in \u00f6nce \u015fu soruyu cevaplamam\u0131z gerekiyor: Gramsci\u2019nin \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmalar\u0131 esasen do\u011fru muydu yoksa hatal\u0131 analizler mi i\u00e7eriyordu? Bizim a\u00e7\u0131m\u0131zdan Gramsci\u2019nin fikirleri esasen hatal\u0131d\u0131r ve reformist pozisyonlar i\u00e7ermektedir. \u00c7al\u0131\u015fmalar\u0131n\u0131n i\u00e7erdi\u011fi belirsizlikler, sava\u015f sonras\u0131n\u0131n Stalinizmine ve Duvar\u2019\u0131n y\u0131k\u0131l\u0131\u015f\u0131 sonras\u0131n\u0131n neo-reformistlerine hizmet etmi\u015ftir. Bu hatal\u0131 tutumlar, Gramsci\u2019nin hapishane d\u00f6neminin \u00f6ncesinde kaleme ald\u0131\u011f\u0131 metinlerde de mevcuttur.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Gramsci\u2019nin ba\u015fl\u0131ca hatalar\u0131ndan biri, belki de fa\u015fizmin zaferinin bask\u0131s\u0131 nedeniyle, Rus devrimi \u00f6rne\u011finin Orta ve Bat\u0131 Avrupa \u00fclkelerine uygulanamayaca\u011f\u0131 \u015feklindeki yorumudur. “Rusya\u2019da devrime yap\u0131lan sald\u0131r\u0131lar kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131nda g\u00f6sterilen do\u011frudan ve kitleleri soka\u011fa d\u00f6ken kararl\u0131l\u0131k, Orta ve Bat\u0131 Avrupa\u2019da, kapitalizmin \u00fcst\u00fcn geli\u015fiminin yaratt\u0131\u011f\u0131 t\u00fcm siyasi \u00fcstyap\u0131lar nedeniyle \u00e7ok daha karma\u015f\u0131kla\u015f\u0131yor ve kitlelerin eylemini daha yava\u015f ve daha ihtiyatl\u0131 hale getiriyor. Dolay\u0131s\u0131yla bu durum, devrimci bir partinin Bol\u015feviklerin ihtiya\u00e7 duydu\u011fundan \u00e7ok daha karma\u015f\u0131k ve \u00e7ok daha cesaret verici bir taktik izlemesini gerektiriyor.\u201d (1)<\/strong> Bu tan\u0131m Gramsci i\u00e7in temel olacakt\u0131. Burada Bol\u015feviklerinkinden farkl\u0131 ba\u015fka bir \u201cstratejiden\u201d s\u00f6z ediyordu. Zaten bu y\u00fczden Tro\u00e7ki ve \u201cs\u00fcrekli devrim\u201d teorisiyle \u00e7ok sert bir \u015fekilde tart\u0131\u015fmaktayd\u0131. Bu \u00e7at\u0131\u015fmalardan yola \u00e7\u0131karak, \u201chareket sava\u015f\u0131\u201d (1917 Rus devrimi) ile \u201cmevzi sava\u015f\u0131\u201d (\u0130talya ve Bat\u0131\u2019da) aras\u0131ndaki \u00fcnl\u00fc askeri kar\u015f\u0131la\u015ft\u0131rmas\u0131n\u0131 geli\u015ftirecekti. Ve bu \u015fekilde daha \u00e7ok entelekt\u00fcel ve daha az s\u0131n\u0131f\u00e7\u0131 konumlara ve perspektiflere do\u011fru kaymaya ba\u015flayacakt\u0131.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Fa\u015fizmin zaferine kar\u015f\u0131 iki farkl\u0131 bilan\u00e7o<\/strong><\/h4>\n\n\n\n

Gramsci, \u0130talya’da fa\u015fizmin zaferine dair Lenin ve Tro\u00e7ki \u00f6nderli\u011findeki \u00dc\u00e7\u00fcnc\u00fc Enternasyonal\u2019inkinden farkl\u0131 bir bilan\u00e7o \u00f6ne s\u00fcrd\u00fc. Bu bilan\u00e7o, eserlerinin takip\u00e7ileri taraf\u0131ndan \u00e7ok az dikkate al\u0131nmaktad\u0131r.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u00dc\u00e7\u00fcnc\u00fc Enternasyonal\u2019in 1922\u2019deki IV. Kongresi \u015f\u00f6yle diyordu: <\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u201cMuzaffer bir devrim i\u00e7in nesnel ko\u015fullar sa\u011flanm\u0131\u015ft\u0131. Yaln\u0131zca \u00f6znel fakt\u00f6r, yani devrimci bir parti eksikti [\u2026] Eski Sosyalist Parti [\u2026] kendisini her ad\u0131mda fel\u00e7 eden reformist unsurlar\u0131 bar\u0131nd\u0131r\u0131yordu. [\u2026] \u0130\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131na ihanet etmemek ad\u0131na hi\u00e7bir yol \u00f6ne s\u00fcr\u00fclmedi\u201d (\u0130talyan sorunu \u00fczerine karar<\/em>, 1922).<\/p><\/blockquote>\n\n\n\n

Gramsci\u2019nin ise tam tersi bir tan\u0131m\u0131 vard\u0131. Onunki politik de\u011fil, akademik bir tan\u0131md\u0131, \u00e7\u00fcnk\u00fc ona g\u00f6re yenilgi PSI\u2019nin (\u0130talyan Sosyalist Partisi) \u201ctek bir kitap bile yazmam\u0131\u015f\u201d olmas\u0131ndan kaynaklan\u0131yordu: \u201cM\u00fccadele s\u00fcrd\u00fcrd\u00fckleri alan\u0131 tan\u0131m\u0131yorlard\u0131 [\u2026] Sosyalist Parti, otuz y\u0131l\u0131 a\u015fk\u0131n bir s\u00fcredir \u0130talya\u2019n\u0131n sosyo-ekonomik yap\u0131s\u0131n\u0131 inceleyen tek bir kitap bile yazmad\u0131.\u201d (2)<\/strong>\u00a0<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Tro\u00e7ki\u2019yle farkl\u0131l\u0131klar\u0131\u00a0<\/strong><\/h4>\n\n\n\n

Gramsci, Rus Devrimi ile Avrupa\u2019daki devrimler aras\u0131ndaki kar\u015f\u0131tl\u0131\u011f\u0131 savunan pozisyonundan Tro\u00e7ki\u2019yi ve onun s\u00fcrekli devrim teorisini sorgulad\u0131; yani, \u201ca\u015famal\u0131\u201d devrimi ve burjuva kesimlerle h\u00fck\u00fcmet kurmay\u0131 reddeden teoriyi.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u201cTro\u00e7ki\u2019nin hareketin s\u00fcrekli karakterine ili\u015fkin \u00fcnl\u00fc teorisinin, ulusal ya\u015fam\u0131n yap\u0131lar\u0131n\u0131n embriyonik ve gev\u015fek oldu\u011fu ve birer \u2018siper\u2019 veya \u2018kaleye\u2019 d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015femedi\u011fi bir \u00fclkedeki genel ekonomik-k\u00fclt\u00fcrel-sosyal ko\u015fullar\u0131n politik bir yans\u0131mas\u0131 olup olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 g\u00f6rece\u011fiz.\u201d (3)<\/strong><\/p><\/blockquote>\n\n\n\n

Gramsci, ba\u015fka bir yerde de \u015f\u00f6yle diyordu: <\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u201cEski mekanizman\u0131n bu modern bi\u00e7iminin teorik zay\u0131fl\u0131klar\u0131, dogma olarak sunulan genel ge\u00e7er bir tahminden ba\u015fka bir \u015fey olmayan ve ger\u00e7ekler kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131nda bile kendi kendini \u00e7\u00fcr\u00fcten s\u00fcrekli devrim teorisi alt\u0131nda k\u0131l\u0131k de\u011fi\u015ftirmi\u015f olarak ortaya \u00e7\u0131km\u0131\u015ft\u0131r.\u201d (4)<\/strong><\/p><\/blockquote>\n\n\n\n

Hatal\u0131 kategoriler<\/strong><\/h4>\n\n\n\n

Bu noktadan itibaren, Hapishane Defterleri<\/em>\u2019nde de Marksizm ve onun sosyal s\u0131n\u0131flara ili\u015fkin a\u00e7\u0131k tan\u0131mlar\u0131 a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan hatal\u0131 kategoriler geli\u015ftirdi. \u00d6rne\u011fin, \u201cdevlet-sivil toplum\u201d ili\u015fkisinin a\u011f\u0131rl\u0131\u011f\u0131; farkl\u0131 s\u0131n\u0131flar\u0131n rol\u00fcn\u00fc belirtmeksizin \u201ctarihsel bir blok\u201d ve \u201chegemonya in\u015fa etme\u201d ihtiyac\u0131 gibi. \u201cPozisyon sava\u015f\u0131\u201d ve \u201cuzun vadeli k\u00fclt\u00fcrel de\u011fi\u015fim\u201d hakk\u0131ndaki g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015flerinden hatal\u0131 bir \u201cpasif devrim\u201d kavram\u0131 t\u00fcretti. Gramsci \u015f\u00f6yle diyordu: \u201cPasif devrim kavram\u0131 bana sadece \u0130talya\u2019ya de\u011fil, ayn\u0131 zamanda bir dizi reform veya ulusal sava\u015flarla, Jakoben tipi radikal bir politik devrim yapmaks\u0131z\u0131n devleti modernle\u015ftiren di\u011fer \u00fclkelere de tam olarak uyuyor gibi g\u00f6r\u00fcn\u00fcyor.\u201d (5)<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Radikal bir de\u011fi\u015fim olmaks\u0131z\u0131n, Rusya\u2019daki Ekim deneyiminden ve s\u0131n\u0131fsal bir yakla\u015f\u0131mdan yoksun bir devrim olas\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 \u00f6ne s\u00fcrd\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn\u00fc d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fcrsek, Gramsci\u2019de reformist bir vizyon oldu\u011fu olduk\u00e7a a\u00e7\u0131k olarak g\u00f6r\u00fcl\u00fcyor. B\u00fct\u00fcn bunlardan yola \u00e7\u0131karak  Gramsci neoreformizme kay\u0131yor; i\u015f\u00e7i ve halk iktidar\u0131 i\u00e7in verilen m\u00fccadeleyi ink\u00e2r ederek onun yerine \u201ctabandan iktidar in\u015fa etmeyi\u201d koyuyor; bunu yaparken i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131 \u201csivil toplum\u201d ile ikame ediyor ve \u201ctarihsel blo\u011fu\u201d da, \u201chegemonyay\u0131\u201d ele ge\u00e7irmek i\u00e7in burjuvazi ile payla\u015f\u0131lan \u00e7ok s\u0131n\u0131fl\u0131 siyasi birlikler, halk cepheleri ve \u201csol\u201d h\u00fck\u00fcmetler olarak tan\u0131ml\u0131yor. Gramsci\u2019nin yaz\u0131lar\u0131ndaki t\u00fcm bu mu\u011flakl\u0131klardan, 20. y\u00fczy\u0131lda eski kom\u00fcnist partiler yararland\u0131 ve ayn\u0131 mu\u011flakl\u0131klar \u015fimdi 21. y\u00fczy\u0131lda neo-reformistler taraf\u0131ndan kullan\u0131l\u0131yorlar.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Dipnotlar:<\/strong><\/h4>\n\n\n\n

(1)<\/strong> Togliatti, Tasca, Terracini ve di\u011ferlerine mektup (Viyana, 2 \u015eubat 1924), Gramsci, Escritos, <\/em>Cilt 2, s.201, ayn\u0131 zamanda Cuadernos de la c\u00e1rcel<\/em>, Cilt 2, s.216.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

(2)<\/strong> Escritos de Gramsci<\/em>, 1923, s.168-169).<\/p>\n\n\n\n

(3)<\/strong> Cuadernos de la c\u00e1rcel<\/em>, Cilt 2, s.865-6. Al\u0131nt\u0131: Perry Anderson, 1978, Las antinomias de Antonio Gramsci<\/em>, s.22-23.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

(4)<\/strong> Cuadernos de la c\u00e1rcel<\/em>, Cilt 5, s.157. Al\u0131nt\u0131: Daniel Campione, 2007, Leer Gramsci, s.103.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

(5)<\/strong> Cuadernos de la c\u00e1rcel<\/em>, Cilt 2, s.216.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

***<\/strong><\/h4>\n\n\n\n

EK<\/strong><\/h2>\n\n\n\n

Gramsci\u2019nin hayat\u0131<\/strong><\/h4>\n\n\n\n

Gramsci, 1891\u2019de Sardunya Adas\u0131\u2019nda do\u011fdu. 1911’de \u0130talyan Sosyalist Partisi\u2019ne (PSI) kat\u0131ld\u0131. Rus Devrimi\u2019nin zaferi ertesinde, 1919 y\u0131l\u0131nda PSI \u00dc\u00e7\u00fcnc\u00fc Enternasyonal\u2019e kat\u0131lmak istedi. Ayn\u0131 y\u0131l fa\u015fist hareket de kuruldu. Rus Devrimi\u2019nin yank\u0131lar\u0131, i\u015f\u00e7i hareketinin devrimci y\u00fckseli\u015fi olarak \u0130talya’ya da yans\u0131d\u0131. 1919-1920, \u00f6zellikle Torino ve Milano\u2019da, otomobil end\u00fcstrisinde \u00e7al\u0131\u015fan i\u015f\u00e7ilerin fabrikalar\u0131 ele ge\u00e7irerek \u201ci\u015f\u00e7i konseyleri\u201d kurma hareketlerine sahne oldu. Gramsci bu s\u00fcrece derinden dahil oldu. 1921\u2019de PSI ile III. Enternasyonal aras\u0131nda farkl\u0131l\u0131klar ortaya \u00e7\u0131kt\u0131 ve bu, reformist \u00e7o\u011funlu\u011fun kopu\u015fuyla sonu\u00e7land\u0131. Bordiga ve Gramsci ba\u015fkanl\u0131\u011f\u0131ndaki devrimci az\u0131nl\u0131k, Ocak 1921\u2019de PCI\u2019yi kurdu. Nisan 1922\u2019de, PSI fa\u015fist hareketle bir \u201cbar\u0131\u015f pakt\u0131\u201d imzalad\u0131. Bu, i\u015f\u00e7i hareketine b\u00fcy\u00fck bir darbe vurdu ve Ekim 1922\u2019de ger\u00e7ekle\u015fen Roma Y\u00fcr\u00fcy\u00fc\u015f\u00fc\u2019nden sonra Benito Mussolini ba\u015fbakanl\u0131\u011fa atand\u0131. 1924 y\u0131l\u0131nda Gramsci, PCI\u2019nin ulusal milletvekili ve genel sekreteri se\u00e7ildi. Ocak 1926\u2019da Fransa\u2019n\u0131n Lyon kentinde d\u00fczenlenen PCI Kongresi\u2019nin temel belgelerini Gramsci yazd\u0131. Kas\u0131m ay\u0131nda, Mussolini h\u00fck\u00fcmeti taraf\u0131ndan \u00f6nce parlamenter dokunulmazl\u0131\u011f\u0131 kald\u0131r\u0131ld\u0131, daha sonra tutukland\u0131. Fa\u015fizm giderek konsolide oldu. Gramsci hapishanedeyken 500\u2019den fazla el yazmas\u0131 mektupla Hapishane Defterleri<\/em>\u2019ni kaleme ald\u0131. 1933\u2019te sa\u011fl\u0131\u011f\u0131 k\u00f6t\u00fcle\u015fti. 1934\u2019te \u015fartl\u0131 tahliye ile bir klini\u011fe yat\u0131r\u0131ld\u0131. 1937\u2019de tam tahliyeyle \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcne kavu\u015ftu\u011funda neredeyse \u00f6lmek \u00fczereydi. Mektuplar\u0131, 1964\u2019ten \u00f6l\u00fcm\u00fcne kadar PCI genel sekreteri olan Palmiro Togliatti taraf\u0131ndan, ilk kez \u0130kinci D\u00fcnya Sava\u015f\u0131\u2019n\u0131n ertesinde 1947 y\u0131l\u0131nda derlenerek bas\u0131ld\u0131.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

\u00c7eviri: Sena Ayd\u0131n A\u015fa\u011f\u0131da okuyucular\u0131m\u0131zla, \u0130talyan kom\u00fcnizminin kurucular\u0131ndan Antonio Gramsci\u2019nin do\u011fumunun 130. y\u0131ld\u00f6n\u00fcm\u00fc vesilesiyle Sosyalist (El Socialista) gazetesinin Nisan 2017 tarihli 347. say\u0131s\u0131nda yay\u0131mlanan bir yaz\u0131y\u0131 payla\u015f\u0131yoruz. Bu yaz\u0131 ayn\u0131 zamanda, yay\u0131m\u0131n\u0131 s\u00fcrd\u00fcrd\u00fc\u011f\u00fcm\u00fcz \u201cPandemi ve kriz kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131nda sosyalist strateji\u201d dosyam\u0131z kapsam\u0131nda da okunmal\u0131d\u0131r zira Gramsci\u2019nin \u201chegemonyay\u0131\u201d merkeze koyan reformist stratejisi, bug\u00fcn k\u00fcresel \u00e7apta hala \u00f6nc\u00fc […]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":16,"featured_media":2094,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"_exactmetrics_skip_tracking":false,"_exactmetrics_sitenote_active":false,"_exactmetrics_sitenote_note":"","_exactmetrics_sitenote_category":0,"footnotes":""},"categories":[705],"tags":[978,979],"class_list":["post-2093","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-tarih","tag-antonio-gramsci","tag-italyan-komunist-partisi"],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/trockist.net\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/2093","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/trockist.net\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/trockist.net\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/trockist.net\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/16"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/trockist.net\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=2093"}],"version-history":[{"count":1,"href":"https:\/\/trockist.net\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/2093\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":2095,"href":"https:\/\/trockist.net\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/2093\/revisions\/2095"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/trockist.net\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/2094"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/trockist.net\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=2093"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/trockist.net\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=2093"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/trockist.net\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=2093"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}