{"id":187,"date":"2019-02-04T21:27:48","date_gmt":"2019-02-04T18:27:48","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/94.237.85.66\/?p=187"},"modified":"2019-03-22T13:35:27","modified_gmt":"2019-03-22T10:35:27","slug":"8-mart-ve-kadinin-kurtulusu-uzerine","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/trockist.net\/index.php\/2019\/02\/04\/8-mart-ve-kadinin-kurtulusu-uzerine\/","title":{"rendered":"8 Mart ve kad\u0131n\u0131n kurtulu\u015fu \u00fczerine"},"content":{"rendered":"\n

Dicle Nadin – Canan Y\u0131lmaz<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

8 Mart; kimi feminist \u00e7evrelerce \u00f6ne \u00e7\u0131kar\u0131lan Newyorklu tekstil i\u015f\u00e7isi kad\u0131n<\/em>lar\u0131n kurtulu\u015f m\u00fccadelesinin \u00fcr\u00fcn\u00fc olan Uluslararas\u0131 Kad\u0131nlar G\u00fcn\u00fc, kimi sosyalist \u00e7evrelerce ise New Yorklu kad\u0131n tekstil i\u015f\u00e7i<\/em>lerinin s\u0131n\u0131fsal m\u00fccadelesiyle kazan\u0131lm\u0131\u015f D\u00fcnya Emek\u00e7i Kad\u0131nlar G\u00fcn\u00fc. En yayg\u0131n\u0131 da BM\u2019nin 1977 y\u0131l\u0131nda ilan etti\u011fi haliyle; burjuvazinin kitle ileti\u015fim ara\u00e7lar\u0131yla i\u015fbirli\u011fi i\u00e7inde y\u00fcr\u00fctt\u00fc\u011f\u00fc anneler g\u00fcn\u00fc, sevgililer g\u00fcn\u00fc haline getirilmeyele\u015ftirilmeye \u00e7al\u0131\u015f\u0131lan bir 8 Mart: \u2018E\u015finize g\u00fcl al\u0131n sevgili baylar ve onlara ait y\u0131lda bir g\u00fcn olan 8 Mart\u2019ta onlar\u0131 mutlu edin!\u2019  <\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ku\u015fkusuz bug\u00fcn 8 Mart\u2019\u0131n ifade ettikleri, taraflar\u0131n kad\u0131n sorununu nas\u0131l tan\u0131mlad\u0131klar\u0131 ve bu soruna dair hangi talep ve m\u00fccadele y\u00f6ntemlerini benimsedikleriyle \u00e7ok ilgili bir durum. Benzer \u015fekilde Uluslararas\u0131 Kad\u0131nlar G\u00fcn\u00fc\u2019n\u00fcn tarihsel referanslar\u0131n\u0131n yayg\u0131n olarak eksik ya da yanl\u0131\u015f biliniyor olmas\u0131 ve dola\u015fan mitlerin olay\u0131n asl\u0131n\u0131n yerine ge\u00e7mesi de; zaten ba\u015f\u0131ndan belirli olan m\u00fccadele y\u00f6ntemlerine uydurulmaya \u00e7al\u0131\u015f\u0131lan pragmatik bir belle\u011fin \u00fcr\u00fcn\u00fc. Bu yaz\u0131n\u0131n ilk b\u00f6l\u00fcm\u00fcnde, \u00f6ncelikle 8 Mart\u2019\u0131n ger\u00e7ek tarihsel referans\u0131n\u0131 vererek; bu g\u00fcne vesile olan kad\u0131n hareketlerini ve bu hareketlerin toplumsal kurtulu\u015f m\u00fccadelesiyle b\u00fct\u00fcnle\u015fti\u011fi bir s\u0131\u00e7rama an\u0131 olarak Bol\u015fevik Devrimi\u2019ne kadar olan s\u00fcreci inceleyece\u011fiz. Bu d\u00f6nemin derslerinin, bug\u00fcn kad\u0131n sorununu tan\u0131mlamak ve kad\u0131n \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck m\u00fccadelesinin y\u00f6ntemlerinin belirlemek a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan yol g\u00f6sterici oldu\u011funu d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnd\u00fc\u011f\u00fcm\u00fczden, yaz\u0131n\u0131n son b\u00f6l\u00fcm\u00fcnde de, bu deneyimlerden \u00e7\u0131kard\u0131\u011f\u0131m\u0131z derslerle bug\u00fcn kad\u0131n kurtulu\u015f m\u00fccadelesinin niteli\u011fini ve \u00f6rg\u00fctlenme sorunlar\u0131n\u0131 irdelemeye \u00e7al\u0131\u015faca\u011f\u0131z.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

8 Mart\u2019\u0131n Tarihsel Referanslar\u0131: Kay\u0131p Bellek Pe\u015finde<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

8 Mart\u2019\u0131n k\u00f6kenlerine dair asl\u0131nda hepimizin bildi\u011fi bir ezber mevcut: 8 Mart 1857\u2019de Chicagolu kad\u0131nlar daha iyi i\u015f ko\u015fullar\u0131 i\u00e7in m\u00fccadele etmeye ba\u015flarlar. G\u00fcnde 15- 16 saat \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmaya kar\u015f\u0131 talepler, 10 saatlik i\u015f g\u00fcn\u00fc, daha iyi i\u015f ko\u015fullar\u0131 ve daha iyi \u00fccret olur. On binlerce kad\u0131n y\u00fcr\u00fcy\u00fc\u015fe ge\u00e7er, b\u00fcy\u00fck kitlesel grevler ba\u015flar, \u00e7\u0131kan olaylarda bir\u00e7ok kad\u0131n \u00f6ld\u00fcr\u00fcl\u00fcr, y\u00fczlercesi tutuklan\u0131r. New York\u2019ta kad\u0131nlar\u0131n i\u015fgal etti\u011fi bir fabrikaya polis sald\u0131r\u0131r, \u00e7\u0131kan yang\u0131nda 129 i\u015f\u00e7i can verir. Clara Zetkin bu olay ve ard\u0131ndan devam eden m\u00fccadelede \u00f6ld\u00fcr\u00fclen kad\u0131nlar\u0131n an\u0131s\u0131na 1910 y\u0131l\u0131nda Kopenhag\u2019daki Kad\u0131n Konferans\u0131\u2019nda 8 Mart\u2019\u0131n \u201cD\u00fcnya Emek\u00e7i Kad\u0131nlar G\u00fcn\u00fc\u201d olarak kabul edilmesini 2. Enternasyonal\u2019e \u00f6nerir. \u0130kinci bir s\u00f6ylenti ise, Clara Zetkin\u2019in bu \u00f6neriyi \u201cD\u00fcnya Kad\u0131nlar G\u00fcn\u00fc\u201d \u015feklinde yapt\u0131\u011f\u0131 y\u00f6n\u00fcnde. Bu iddialar\u0131n savunucular\u0131n\u0131n ortak yan\u0131 ise nedense 1857\u2019den 1910\u2019a kadar olan k\u0131s\u0131mdan pek bahsetmemeleri. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

Kimi \u00e7evreler ise, bu bo\u015flu\u011fu biraz atlayarak da olsa doldururlar: 1857\u2019deki m\u00fccadelelerin ard\u0131ndan 8 Mart 1886\u2019da tekstil i\u015f\u00e7isi kad\u0131nlar\u0131n \u201cE\u015fit \u0130\u015fe, E\u015fit \u00dccret\u201d, sendikala\u015fma ve oy hakk\u0131 i\u00e7in ba\u015flatt\u0131klar\u0131 m\u00fccadeleler yine polis taraf\u0131ndan kana bo\u011fulur. 8 Mart 1908\u2019de Chicago\u2019da m\u00fccadeleler alevlenir. 50 y\u0131l \u00f6nceki taleplere yenileri de eklenir; 8 saatlik i\u015f g\u00fcn\u00fc, oy hakk\u0131 ve \u00e7ocuk eme\u011finin yasaklanmas\u0131… Direni\u015f bir kez daha kanla bast\u0131r\u0131l\u0131r, 140 kad\u0131n \u00f6ld\u00fcr\u00fcl\u00fcr, bir \u00e7o\u011fu tutuklan\u0131r.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Bu pragmatik kronoloji bilgisinin b\u0131rakt\u0131\u011f\u0131 kay\u0131p halkalar\u0131, Ren\u00e9e Cot\u00e9\u2019nin 1984 y\u0131l\u0131nda Kanada\u2019da ara\u015ft\u0131rmalar\u0131n\u0131 yay\u0131nlad\u0131\u011f\u0131 kitab\u0131 b\u00fcy\u00fck \u00f6l\u00e7\u00fcde tamaml\u0131yor.(1)<\/strong> Ren\u00e9e Cot\u00e9 \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmas\u0131nda, \u00f6ncelikle Uluslararas\u0131 Kad\u0131nlar G\u00fcn\u00fc\u2019n\u00fcn dolay\u0131s\u0131yla da 8 Mart\u2019\u0131n \u00e7\u0131k\u0131\u015f\u0131na ili\u015fkin olarak d\u00f6nemin kaynaklar\u0131n\u0131n herhangi birinde -\u00f6zellikle gazeteler ve sosyalist bas\u0131nda- Amerikal\u0131 i\u015f\u00e7i kad\u0131nlar\u0131n grevine ya da herhangi bir kad\u0131n eylemine rastlanmad\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131, yani kad\u0131n g\u00fcn\u00fcne y\u00f6nelik bir referans\u0131n olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 ispatl\u0131yor. Benzer \u015fekilde, 19. y\u00fczy\u0131l sonundan 1908 y\u0131l\u0131na kadar olan d\u00f6nemdeki grevlerin ve i\u015f\u00e7ilere y\u00f6nelik bask\u0131n\u0131n hi\u00e7birinin, New York\u2019taki kad\u0131nlar\u0131n \u00f6ld\u00fcr\u00fclmesiyle do\u011frudan bir ili\u015fkisinin olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 da ayd\u0131nlat\u0131yor. Cot\u00e9\u2019un bu ara\u015ft\u0131rmadan \u00e7\u0131kard\u0131\u011f\u0131 sonu\u00e7, 1857 ya da 1908 y\u0131l\u0131nda g\u00f6rkemli bir grevin olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131, ancak Amerikal\u0131 kad\u0131n i\u015f\u00e7iler aras\u0131nda g\u00fc\u00e7lenen oy hakk\u0131 m\u00fccadelesinin varl\u0131\u011f\u0131d\u0131r.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Bilinenler, ilk kez 3 May\u0131s 1908 tarihinde Chicago\u2019da ayl\u0131k gazete \u201cSosyalist Kad\u0131n\u201d\u0131n kad\u0131nlar g\u00fcn\u00fcn\u00fc kutlad\u0131\u011f\u0131. \u201cKad\u0131n i\u015f\u00e7ilerin davas\u0131na adanm\u0131\u015f g\u00fcnde kad\u0131nlar\u0131n ekonomik ve politik e\u015fitli\u011fi taleplerini alk\u0131\u015flayan\u201d 1500 kad\u0131n\u0131n kat\u0131l\u0131m\u0131yla Garrick Tiyatrosu\u2019nda yap\u0131lmas\u0131 ve bug\u00fcn\u00fcn, kad\u0131nlar\u0131n s\u00f6m\u00fcr\u00fclmesini ve ezilmesini k\u0131nayan, ayn\u0131 zamanda kad\u0131nlar\u0131n oy hakk\u0131n\u0131 ilkesel olarak savunan kad\u0131n i\u015f\u00e7ilere adanm\u0131\u015f oldu\u011fudur.(2)<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Kad\u0131nlar g\u00fcn\u00fcn\u00fcn 8 Mart tarihinde kutlanmas\u0131na ili\u015fkin olaraksa, Ren\u00e9e Cot\u00e9, 1921 Uluslararas\u0131 Kom\u00fcnist Kad\u0131nlar Konferans\u0131\u2019n\u0131n \u201cBulgar bir yolda\u015f Rus kad\u0131nlar\u0131n inisiyatifinin an\u0131s\u0131na 8 Mart\u2019\u0131 Uluslararas\u0131 Kad\u0131nlar G\u00fcn\u00fc i\u00e7in resmi bir tarih olarak \u00f6neriyor\u201d yazan belgeleri d\u0131\u015f\u0131nda bir kay\u0131ta rastlam\u0131yor. Dahas\u0131, 1911 y\u0131l\u0131nda Alman kad\u0131nlar taraf\u0131ndan 19 Mart\u2019ta ve \u0130sve\u00e7li kad\u0131nlar taraf\u0131ndan 1 May\u0131sla birlikte kutland\u0131\u011f\u0131 bilenenler aras\u0131nda. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u015e\u00fcphesiz 19. y\u00fczy\u0131l sonundan 20.yy ba\u015flar\u0131na dek grevlerin ve i\u015f\u00e7ilere y\u00f6nelik bask\u0131lar\u0131n oldu\u011fu, bu d\u00f6nemde kad\u0131nlar\u0131n gerek ekonomik gerek politik taleplerle m\u00fccadele ettikleri ve bu m\u00fccadelelerin de gelecekte alevlenen bir \u00e7ok m\u00fccadeleye deneyim olu\u015fturdu\u011fu da ger\u00e7ek. Kad\u0131nlar g\u00fcn\u00fcn\u00fcn bug\u00fcn 100. y\u0131l\u0131nda halen co\u015fkuyla sahiplenilmesinde Amerika\u2019da kad\u0131nlar\u0131n oy hakk\u0131 i\u00e7in verdikleri m\u00fccadele gibi 1917 8 Mart\u2019\u0131nda tekstil i\u015f\u00e7isi kad\u0131nlar\u0131n kitlesel grevleri de etkilidir. Ancak Ren\u00e9e Cot\u00e9\u2019nin ara\u015ft\u0131rmalar\u0131 bize, \u00f6zellikle 1857-1908 aras\u0131 d\u00f6nemdeki m\u00fccadelelerin san\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131 gibi Uluslararas\u0131 Kad\u0131nlar G\u00fcn\u00fc\u2019n\u00fcne do\u011frudan bir referans olu\u015fturamayaca\u011f\u0131 y\u00f6n\u00fcnde \u0131\u015f\u0131k tutuyor. Bu da Uluslararas\u0131 Kad\u0131nlar G\u00fcn\u00fc\u2019n\u00fcn \u2018Direnen kad\u0131nlar g\u00fcn\u00fc\u2019 ya da \u2018Emek\u00e7i kad\u0131nlar g\u00fcn\u00fc\u2019 diye an\u0131lmas\u0131n\u0131n pragmatik belleklerin \u00fcr\u00fcn\u00fc oldu\u011funu g\u00f6steriyor. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

En kesin olan noktaysa, d\u00fcnden bug\u00fcne 8 Mart Uluslararas\u0131 Kad\u0131nlar G\u00fcn\u00fc\u2019n\u00fcn, kad\u0131nlar\u0131n kendi hayatlar\u0131n\u0131 ve toplumu de\u011fi\u015ftirme m\u00fccadelesine aktif kat\u0131l\u0131m\u0131n\u0131n sembol\u00fc olan bir g\u00fcn olmas\u0131. Clara Zetkin\u2019e bu \u00f6nerisini yapt\u0131ran d\u00f6neme bakt\u0131\u011f\u0131m\u0131zda, belirgin olarak, 1857-1910 aras\u0131nda verilen oy hakk\u0131 m\u00fccadelesi ve kad\u0131n\u0131n\u0131n s\u0131n\u0131fl\u0131 toplumla i\u00e7i\u00e7e ge\u00e7mi\u015f ezilmi\u015fli\u011finin \u2018kad\u0131n sorunu\u2019 olarak ilk kez tan\u0131mlan\u0131\u015f\u0131na ili\u015fkin tart\u0131\u015fmalar kar\u015f\u0131m\u0131za \u00e7\u0131k\u0131yor. 19. yy sonlar\u0131ndan 20.yy ba\u015flar\u0131nda parlayan bu kitle hareketlerinin toplumsal sebeplerini anlayabilmek a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan, kapitalist sistemin \u00fcretim s\u00fcrecinde yaratt\u0131\u011f\u0131 devasa de\u011fi\u015fmelerle, bu de\u011fi\u015fmelerin kad\u0131n\u0131n toplumsal konumuna etkilerini incelemek \u00f6nem kazan\u0131yor.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Geli\u015fen Kapitalizm, B\u00fcy\u00fcyen Kad\u0131n M\u00fccadeleleri <\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Makinele\u015fmenin kas g\u00fcc\u00fcne olan ihtiyac\u0131 azaltmas\u0131 ve paralel olarak kapitalist sistemin ucuz ve vas\u0131fs\u0131z eme\u011fe ihtiya\u00e7 duymas\u0131 o g\u00fcne kadar evlerinde \u00e7al\u0131\u015fan kad\u0131nlar\u0131n y\u0131\u011f\u0131nlar halinde emek pazar\u0131na kat\u0131lmas\u0131na neden olmu\u015ftur. Kad\u0131nlar\u0131n \u2018ev i\u015flerini aksatmas\u0131 yetmezmi\u015f gibi erkek i\u015f\u00e7ilerin i\u015flerini ellerinden almalar\u0131\u2019, erkekler a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan sorun haline gelmi\u015ftir. Bu noktada kad\u0131nlar\u0131n \u201ce\u015fit i\u015fe e\u015fit \u00fccret\u201d gibi taleplerle, \u00e7al\u0131\u015fma haklar\u0131n\u0131 savunmalar\u0131 patronlar\u0131n\u0131n oldu\u011fu kadar kocalar\u0131n\u0131n da tepkisine yol a\u00e7ar.Zira, d\u00f6nemin parti ve sendikalar\u0131nda kad\u0131n\u0131n evinde oturmas\u0131 ve \u00fccretli i\u015flerde \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmamas\u0131 gerekti\u011fi tutumu hakimdir. Bu cinsiyet\u00e7i tutumun direngenli\u011fi kad\u0131n\u0131n uzun bir s\u00fcre daha politik bir \u00f6zne olabilmesine engel olacakt\u0131r. Nitekim 1900\u2019lerde Alman Sosyal Demokrat Partisi \u00fcyesi Karl Kautsky\u2019nin s\u00f6zleri de bu tutumun en yal\u0131n ifadesidir:<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Bug\u00fcn kad\u0131n\u0131n sanayi alan\u0131ndaki etkinli\u011fi… omuzlar\u0131ndaki y\u00fck\u00fcn yeni bir y\u00fckle artmas\u0131 anlam\u0131na gelir. Ama insan iki efendiye birden hizmet edemez. \u00c7al\u0131\u015fan erke\u011fin kar\u0131s\u0131 ne zaman g\u00fcnl\u00fck ekmek paras\u0131n\u0131 kazanmaya yard\u0131m etse, bunun ac\u0131s\u0131n\u0131 hane \u00e7eker.<\/em>(3)<\/em><\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

19. y\u00fczy\u0131l\u0131n sonlar\u0131nda, kad\u0131n\u0131n ikincil konumuna dair arg\u00fcmanlar geli\u015ftirmeye ba\u015flayanlar ilk olarak \u00fctopyac\u0131 sosyalistlerdir. Charles Fourier, Flora Tristan ve Saint Simoncular\u0131n aralar\u0131nda bulundu\u011fu bu kuramc\u0131larda ortak vurgu; kad\u0131n\u0131n s\u00f6m\u00fcr\u00fc ve bask\u0131n\u0131n nesnesi olmas\u0131; toplumun ilerlemesinde kad\u0131n\u0131n durumunun turnusol i\u015flevi g\u00f6rmesidir.(4)<\/strong>  \u00d6zellikle de Flora Tristan\u2019\u0131n 1843\u2019te kaleme ald\u0131\u011f\u0131 \u0130\u015f\u00e7i Birli\u011fi program\u0131ndaki \u015fu s\u00f6zleri bak\u0131\u015f a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131n\u0131 \u00f6zetlemesi a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan anlaml\u0131d\u0131r:<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u0130\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131 sa\u011flam ve b\u00f6l\u00fcnmez bir birlik i\u00e7inde birle\u015ftirmek, kad\u0131n-erkek herkes i\u00e7in \u00e7al\u0131\u015fma hakk\u0131 talep etmek, halk s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131ndan kad\u0131nlara ahlaki, d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnsel ve mesleki e\u011fitim vermek ve insani birli\u011fi sa\u011flaman\u0131n tek yolu kad\u0131n erkek e\u015fitli\u011fini, sa\u011flamakt\u0131r.<\/em>(5)<\/em><\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Genel olarak, ilk sosyalistler kad\u0131n\u0131n ezilmesi durumunun nedenlerini incelemi\u015fler, buna sebep olan kilise, aile gibi d\u00fczen kurumlar\u0131n\u0131 ele\u015ftirmi\u015flerdir. Kurulu d\u00fczenin kad\u0131nlar\u0131n \u00e7\u0131kar\u0131na olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131, erkeklerin zorbal\u0131\u011f\u0131 ve haks\u0131zl\u0131klara kar\u015f\u0131 kad\u0131n\u0131n m\u00fccadele etmesi gerekti\u011fini savunmu\u015flard\u0131r. Var olan d\u00fczeni ele\u015ftirdiklerinden i\u015f\u00e7i hareketinin yan\u0131nda olup, sosyalist bir d\u00fcnyan\u0131n gereklili\u011fini savunmu\u015flar; fakat d\u00fczen konusunda sistemik bir tahlilleri olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131ndan \u00f6zg\u00fcrle\u015fme sorunsal\u0131na \u00fctopik cevaplar \u00fcretmeye \u00e7al\u0131\u015fm\u0131\u015flard\u0131r.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Teorik tart\u0131\u015fmalar s\u00fcrerken, 1848\u2019de toplanan Elisabeth Cady Stanton ve Lucrecia Falls Konvansiyon\u2019u Amerikal\u0131 kad\u0131nlar\u0131n oy hakk\u0131 i\u00e7in verdikleri m\u00fccadelenin ba\u015flamas\u0131nda \u00f6nemli bir rol oynam\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Burada 1888\u2019de Washington\u2019da oy hakk\u0131 m\u00fccadelelerini b\u00fcy\u00fcten Uluslararas\u0131 Kad\u0131n Konseyi\u2019nin kurulu\u015f toplant\u0131s\u0131na de\u011finmekte fayda var. Bu toplant\u0131da kad\u0131n m\u00fccadelesine ili\u015fkin bir eylem plan\u0131n\u0131 \u00e7\u0131kar\u0131l\u0131r ve daha \u00f6nce Flora Tristan\u2019\u0131n savundu\u011fu tez, burada Frans\u0131z feminist Sainte Croix taraf\u0131ndan dile getirilir: Kad\u0131nlar\u0131n kurtulu\u015funun erkeklerin de kurtulu\u015fu olu\u015fu. Bu kurulu\u015f toplant\u0131s\u0131n\u0131n devam\u0131 olarak da 1899\u2019da Londra\u2019da 5 bin kad\u0131n\u0131n kat\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131 kitlesel bir toplant\u0131 d\u00fczenlenir ve bu toplant\u0131da e\u011fitim, \u00e7al\u0131\u015fma sosyal ve siyasal haklar g\u00fcndeme al\u0131n\u0131r. Ayn\u0131 y\u0131l, konseyin Bar\u0131\u015f ve Uluslar aras\u0131 \u0130li\u015fkiler Komitesi sava\u015f s\u0131ras\u0131nda Lahey\u2019de bir konferans d\u00fczenler ve Alman, \u0130ngiliz, \u0130talyan kad\u0131nlar sava\u015f y\u00fcz\u00fcnden ya\u015fad\u0131klar\u0131 ac\u0131lar\u0131 ve bask\u0131lar\u0131 g\u00fcndeme ta\u015f\u0131mak i\u00e7in bir araya gelirler. New Yorklu tekstil i\u015f\u00e7isi kad\u0131nlar\u0131n \u00e7al\u0131\u015fma ko\u015fullar\u0131na kar\u015f\u0131 kitle g\u00f6sterileri ve grevleri s\u0131ras\u0131nda 129 ki\u015finin \u00f6l\u00fcm\u00fcne sebep olan yang\u0131n, bu iki toplant\u0131 aras\u0131na denk gelmektedir.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

19. y\u00fczy\u0131l\u0131n son \u00e7eyre\u011finde, Avrupa\u2019da kad\u0131nlar\u0131n y\u00fckselen politik hak aramalar\u0131nda, i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n m\u00fccadelesinin \u00fcr\u00fcn\u00fc olan Uluslararas\u0131 \u0130\u015f\u00e7i Birli\u011fi\u2019nin (U\u0130B\/1864-1871) de etkisi \u00f6nemlidir. U\u0130B\u2019in i\u00e7erisinde kad\u0131n\u0131n yerinin evi oldu\u011fu ve ancak sosyalizmin, erke\u011fe b\u00fct\u00fcn aileye yetecek kadar gelir getirmesini sa\u011flayaca\u011f\u0131n\u0131, sosyalizmde kad\u0131n eme\u011fine gerek kalmayaca\u011f\u0131n\u0131 iddia eden Ferdinand Lassalle taraftarlar\u0131n\u0131n aksine, Marks, Flora Tristan\u2019\u0131n tezlerine paralel olarak, kad\u0131n\u0131n ekonomik \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn\u00fc ve siyasi temsilini savunmu\u015f ve Uluslararas\u0131 \u0130\u015f\u00e7i Birli\u011fi\u2019nin Genel Konseyi\u2019ne bir kad\u0131n i\u015f\u00e7inin se\u00e7ilmesine \u00f6nc\u00fcl\u00fck etmi\u015ftir. Bu olay sonras\u0131nda Marks\u2019a birli\u011fe \u00fcye olmak isteyen y\u00fczlerce kad\u0131ndan mektuplar geldi\u011fi bilinmektedir. \u0130lerleyen s\u00fcre\u00e7te Genel Konsey, kad\u0131n i\u015f\u00e7ilerin fabrika ve sanayi b\u00f6lgelerinde \u00f6rg\u00fctlenmesinde \u00f6zel kad\u0131n seksiyonlar\u0131n\u0131n olu\u015fturulmas\u0131na karar vermi\u015fti.(6)<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

20.y\u00fczy\u0131l\u0131n ilk \u00e7eyre\u011finde Amerika\u2019da kad\u0131n m\u00fccadelelerine bakt\u0131\u011f\u0131m\u0131zda, ba\u015f\u0131n\u0131 kad\u0131n dokuma i\u015f\u00e7ilerinin \u00e7ekti\u011fi, sadece kar\u0131nlar\u0131n\u0131 doyurmak de\u011fil, hayat\u0131n t\u00fcm g\u00fczelliklerini de istediklerini duyurduklar\u0131 \u201cEkmek ve G\u00fcl\u201d ad\u0131yla anaca\u011f\u0131m\u0131z grev ve g\u00f6steriler damgas\u0131n\u0131 vurmu\u015ftur. 1909 Kas\u0131m\u2019\u0131ndan 1910 \u015eubat\u2019\u0131na kadar s\u00fcren New Yorklu terzilerin uzun grevi ve grevcilerin y\u00fczde 80\u2019inin kad\u0131nlardan olu\u015ftu\u011fu kay\u0131tlarda vard\u0131r.(7)<\/strong> Bu grev, kad\u0131nlar\u0131n \u00e7al\u0131\u015fma ve ya\u015fam ko\u015fullar\u0131n\u0131 k\u0131nayan ve kitle deste\u011fi kazanan bu terzilerin cesaretini g\u00f6steren b\u00fcy\u00fck \u00e7apl\u0131 ilk kad\u0131n grevi olarak tarihe ge\u00e7mi\u015ftir ve i\u015f\u00e7ilerin \u00e7o\u011fu Kad\u0131nlar G\u00fcn\u00fc\u2019ne kat\u0131l\u0131r ve bu, oy hakk\u0131 m\u00fccadelesini b\u00fcy\u00fct\u00fcr. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ayn\u0131 d\u00f6nemde Avrupa\u2019da, II. Enternasyonal\u2019de (1889-1916) m\u00fccadele eden Rosa Luxemburg ve Clara Zetkin\u2019in aktif \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmalar\u0131yla \u201cAmerikal\u0131 k\u0131z karde\u015flerin izinden\u201d \u2018oy hakk\u0131\u2019, \u2018erkeklerle e\u015fit politik haklar\u2019, \u2018ayr\u0131mc\u0131l\u0131\u011fa sebep olan b\u00fct\u00fcn yasalar\u0131n kald\u0131r\u0131lmas\u0131\u2019 gibi talepler y\u00fckseltilmi\u015f; kitlesel y\u00fcr\u00fcy\u00fc\u015fler, g\u00f6steriler, a\u00e7l\u0131k grevleriyle bu talepler savunulmu\u015ftur. 1896\u2019da Zetkin\u2019in \u00f6nerisiyle, kad\u0131nlar aras\u0131nda geni\u015f politik faaliyetler y\u00fcr\u00fctebilmek ad\u0131na Alman Sosyal Demokrat Partisi i\u00e7inde \u00f6zel komiteler kurulmu\u015ftur. Bu komiteler, partinin en temel hedeflerinden ayr\u0131 olarak, kad\u0131nlar\u0131n siyasi e\u015fitli\u011fi, politik e\u011fitimleri ve \u00e7al\u0131\u015fan kad\u0131nlar ve anneler i\u00e7in, koruyucu yasalar d\u00fczenlenmesine odaklanm\u0131\u015flard\u0131r. Bu m\u00fccadelelerin \u00fcr\u00fcn\u00fc olarak kad\u0131nlar 1908\u2019den sonra siyasi partilere yasal olarak kat\u0131lma hakk\u0131 elde etmi\u015ftir, dolay\u0131s\u0131yla parti i\u00e7inde komiteler kurabilmi\u015fler ve 1912\u2019ye dek Clara Zetkin \u00f6nderli\u011finde haz\u0131rlanan ve bas\u0131m\u0131 100 bini a\u015fan gazetelerini \u00e7\u0131karmaya devam etmi\u015flerdir.(8)<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

I. Emperyalist payla\u015f\u0131m sava\u015f\u0131 \u00f6ncesinde ise, burjuvalar aras\u0131nda kampla\u015fmalar ba\u015flayacak, II. Enternasyonal \u00f6nderli\u011fi; ulusal burjuvaziyi destekleme y\u00f6n\u00fcndeki kararlar\u0131yla, yaln\u0131zca i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131na ihanet etmekle kalmayacak, \u201cB\u00fct\u00fcn \u00fclkelerin i\u015f\u00e7ileri, bar\u0131\u015fta birle\u015fin, sava\u015fta ise birbirinizi bo\u011fazlay\u0131n\u201d anlay\u0131\u015f\u0131na kar\u015f\u0131 \u00e7\u0131kan Rosa Luxemburg gibi \u00f6nderlerin katledilmesine de sebep olacaklard\u0131. Ulusal burjuvazinin saflar\u0131na kat\u0131lan \u2018sosyal demokratlar\u2019 sava\u015f y\u0131llar\u0131nda Uluslararas\u0131 Kad\u0131nlar G\u00fcn\u00fc\u2019ne de ilgi g\u00f6stermemi\u015flerdi. Avrupa\u2019da bu bo\u011fazla\u015fma ya\u015fan\u0131rken, sava\u015f\u0131n y\u0131k\u0131mlar\u0131n\u0131n, k\u0131tl\u0131k ve \u00e7arl\u0131\u011f\u0131n bask\u0131s\u0131 ile birle\u015fti\u011fi Rus topraklar\u0131nda ise karde\u015fle\u015fme ba\u015flayacakt\u0131.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

1917 Ekim Devrimi\u2019ne Do\u011fru Rusya\u2019da Kad\u0131n M\u00fccadeleleri<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u00dclke i\u00e7inde veya d\u0131\u015f\u0131nda sava\u015ftan beslenen t\u00fcm egemen s\u0131n\u0131flara kar\u015f\u0131 direni\u015fler; Rus topraklar\u0131nda her yerden daha fazla ba\u015f g\u00f6stermi\u015fti. Avrupa\u2019da egemen s\u0131n\u0131flar i\u015f\u00e7i aristokrasileri yaratarak direni\u015fleri ve s\u0131n\u0131f birli\u011fini b\u00f6lebilir durumdayken, Rusya\u2019da a\u00e7l\u0131k, k\u0131tl\u0131k y\u0131\u011f\u0131nlara \u201czincirlerinden ba\u015fka kaybedecek bir \u015feyleri olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131\u201d kan\u0131tl\u0131yor, bu da direni\u015flerin birle\u015ftirilmesini sa\u011fl\u0131yordu. Bu a\u00e7\u0131dan 8 Mart\u2019\u0131n k\u00f6kenlerine i\u015faret eden bir referans\u0131n da, Rus kad\u0131n i\u015f\u00e7ilerin 1917 Bol\u015fevik Devrimi\u2019ne yol a\u00e7an eylemlere aktif kat\u0131l\u0131m\u0131 ile bu tarih aras\u0131ndaki ba\u011f olmas\u0131 olduk\u00e7a anlaml\u0131. Tarihlerin tesad\u00fcfi ya da zorunlu denkli\u011finden daha \u00f6nemlisi, bug\u00fcne dek s\u00fcrd\u00fcr\u00fclen kad\u0131n \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck m\u00fccadelelerinin; toplumsal kurtulu\u015f m\u00fccadelesiyle b\u00fct\u00fcnle\u015ferek Rus Devrimi\u2019ne zafer kazand\u0131ran devrimci eylemleri ba\u015flatmas\u0131yd\u0131. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

Sosyalist devrimin liderlerinden Alexandra Kolontai, \u015f\u00f6yle yaz\u0131yordu: \u201c8 Mart 1917\u2019de \u0130\u015f\u00e7i Kad\u0131nlar\u0131n G\u00fcn\u00fc, tarihte unutulmaz bir g\u00fcnd\u00fc. \u015eubat devrimi yeni ba\u015flam\u0131\u015ft\u0131.\u201d(9) <\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ekim Devrimi liderlerinden Tro\u00e7ki de, Rus Devrim Tarihi<\/em> adl\u0131 eserinde kad\u0131nlar\u0131n Uluslararas\u0131 Kad\u0131nlar G\u00fcn\u00fc\u2019nde a\u00e7l\u0131\u011fa, sava\u015fa ve \u00e7arl\u0131k rejimine kar\u015f\u0131 korkusuzca Petrograd sokaklar\u0131na \u00e7\u0131karak genel grevi ba\u015flatt\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 \u015fu s\u00f6zleriyle anlat\u0131yordu:<\/p>\n\n\n\n

23 \u015eubat (8 Mart) Uluslararas\u0131 Kad\u0131nlar G\u00fcn\u00fcyd\u00fc, toplant\u0131lar ve eylemler \u00f6ng\u00f6r\u00fcl\u00fcyordu. Ne var ki bu \u2018Kad\u0131nlar G\u00fcn\u00fc\u2019n\u00fcn\u2019 devrimin ba\u015flang\u0131c\u0131 olaca\u011f\u0131n\u0131 hayal etmemi\u015ftik. Devrimci eylemler \u00f6ng\u00f6r\u00fcl\u00fcyordu ancak bir tarih konmam\u0131\u015ft\u0131. Fakat sabah, aksinin emredilmesine ra\u011fmen tekstil i\u015f\u00e7ileri birka\u00e7 fabrikada i\u015f b\u0131rakt\u0131 ve greve destek istemek i\u00e7in delegeler g\u00f6nderdiler\u2026 bu kitlesel greve yol a\u00e7t\u0131… Herkes sokaklara d\u00f6k\u00fcld\u00fc.<\/em>(10)<\/em><\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Rusya\u2019n\u0131n emperyalist payla\u015f\u0131m sava\u015f\u0131na kat\u0131lmas\u0131, Rus kad\u0131nlar\u0131 emek pazar\u0131na daha fazla itmi\u015fti ve sanayi kentlerinden Petrograd\u2019ta i\u015f\u00e7ilerin \u00fc\u00e7te birini kad\u0131nlar olu\u015fturuyordu. Tekstil sekt\u00f6r\u00fcnde ise %50\u2019den fazla kad\u0131nlar \u00e7al\u0131\u015f\u0131yordu. Sava\u015f b\u00fcy\u00fck kitlesel g\u00f6sterilere sebep olurken, \u015eubat Devrimi\u2019ne en fazla destek en \u00e7ok ezilen ve s\u00f6m\u00fcr\u00fclen tekstil i\u015f\u00e7isi kad\u0131nlardan gelmi\u015fti. Kad\u0131n i\u015f\u00e7ilerinin \u00e7o\u011funlukta oldu\u011fu yakla\u015f\u0131k 9000 grevden s\u00f6z ediliyordu. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

1917\u2019ye gelindi\u011finde Bol\u015fevikler ve Men\u015fevik\u2019lerin de kad\u0131nlar i\u00e7in \u00f6zel yay\u0131nlar\u0131 olu\u015fu, kad\u0131n\u0131n m\u00fccadelelere aktif kat\u0131l\u0131m\u0131n\u0131n bir g\u00f6stergesiydi. O d\u00f6nemde Sosyal Devrimciler ise oy hakk\u0131 ve sivil haklar i\u00e7in m\u00fccadele eden b\u00fct\u00fcn kad\u0131nlar\u0131 demokratik cumhuriyetin bayra\u011f\u0131 alt\u0131nda birle\u015fmeye \u00e7a\u011f\u0131r\u0131yordu. Ancak Bol\u015fevik Parti\u2019nin \u00f6nderli\u011fiyle, i\u015f\u00e7i kad\u0131nlar yaln\u0131zca iktidar\u0131 se\u00e7mek i\u00e7in de\u011fil, ele ge\u00e7irmek i\u00e7in i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n saflar\u0131nda \u00f6rg\u00fctleniyorlard\u0131. Bu \u00f6rg\u00fctl\u00fcl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn zaferi ku\u015fkusuz Ekim Devrimi idi ve bu devrimde kad\u0131nlar\u0131n talepleri iki noktada birle\u015fmi\u015fti: 1) Kad\u0131n\u0131 erke\u011fe g\u00f6re a\u015fa\u011f\u0131 konumland\u0131ran t\u00fcm yasalar\u0131n iptali; 2) Kad\u0131n\u0131n ekonomik, sosyal ve siyasi hayata erkekle e\u015fit olarak kat\u0131l\u0131m\u0131n\u0131 sa\u011flamas\u0131 i\u00e7in onu k\u00f6lele\u015ftiren t\u00fcm angarya i\u015flerden \u00f6zellikle ev eme\u011finden kurtulmas\u0131.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Birinci hedefin ilk \u00fcr\u00fcn\u00fc \u015f\u00fcphesiz, 1918 Temmuz\u2019unda yeni Sovyet Anayasas\u0131\u2019n\u0131n yay\u0131mlanmas\u0131yd\u0131. Bu anayasayla kad\u0131n se\u00e7me ve se\u00e7ilme hakk\u0131 elde etmi\u015f, ayr\u0131mc\u0131l\u0131\u011fa sebep olan t\u00fcm yasalar kald\u0131r\u0131lm\u0131\u015f, \u00f6zellikle bo\u015fanma ve nafaka hakk\u0131, evlilik d\u0131\u015f\u0131 do\u011fan \u00e7ocuklar\u0131n durumu \u00fczerine yasalar de\u011fi\u015ftirilmi\u015fti. Ayr\u0131ca aile ve miras hukukunda erke\u011fe \u00f6zel imtiyazlar sa\u011flayan yasalar kald\u0131r\u0131lm\u0131\u015ft\u0131. Kad\u0131n ve \u00e7ocuk eme\u011fi yasal  olarak koruma alt\u0131na al\u0131nm\u0131\u015f, herkese sosyal g\u00fcvenlik sa\u011flanm\u0131\u015ft\u0131. Devlet hastanelerinde \u00fccretsiz k\u00fcrtaj hakk\u0131n\u0131n tan\u0131nmas\u0131 gibi d\u00fczenlemelerle, kad\u0131nlar kendi bedenleri \u00fczerinde s\u00f6z sahibi olmu\u015flard\u0131. Seks i\u015f\u00e7ili\u011fini yasaklamak ve ona cezai yapt\u0131r\u0131m y\u00fcklemek yerine, kad\u0131nlar\u0131 seks i\u015f\u00e7ili\u011fine iten ko\u015fullar\u0131 ve \u201cburjuva ahlak\u0131n\u0131n kal\u0131nt\u0131lar\u0131n\u0131\u201d ortadan kald\u0131rmak i\u00e7in \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmalar ba\u015flat\u0131lm\u0131\u015ft\u0131. Geni\u015f-\u00f6l\u00e7ekli, kolektif ekonomiye ge\u00e7i\u015f a\u015famas\u0131nda, toplu yemekhaneler, \u00e7ama\u015f\u0131rhaneler ve kre\u015flerin a\u00e7\u0131lmas\u0131 da ikinci amac\u0131n ger\u00e7ekle\u015fmesini i\u00e7in \u00f6nemli ad\u0131mlardand\u0131. Sovyet Rusya, kad\u0131n\u0131n \u00f6zg\u00fcrle\u015fmesi i\u00e7in yap\u0131lan bu d\u00fczenlemelerle daha varl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131n ilk aylar\u0131nda, kapitalist \u00fclkeleri \u00e7ok geride b\u0131rakm\u0131\u015ft\u0131. Ve kad\u0131nlar \u00f6zg\u00fcrle\u015fmelerindeki en temel engelleri kald\u0131rarak \u201ccinslerinin tarihsel yenilgisini\u201d bozguna u\u011frat\u0131yorlard\u0131.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u015e\u00fcphesiz, kad\u0131nlar\u0131n bu i\u015f\u00e7i devletine ihtiyac\u0131 oldu\u011fu kadar i\u015f\u00e7i devletinin de ayakta kalabilmesi i\u00e7in de kad\u0131nlara ihtiyac\u0131 vard\u0131. Zira Sovyet Rusya o y\u0131llarda a\u00e7l\u0131\u011f\u0131n ve sefaletin ya\u015fand\u0131\u011f\u0131 yo\u011fun bir i\u00e7 sava\u015f d\u00f6neminden ge\u00e7iyordu. D\u00fcnya burjuvazisi yaln\u0131zca ekonomik ve askeri de\u011fil, ideolojik sald\u0131r\u0131lar\u0131yla da i\u015f\u00e7i devletini \u00e7\u00f6kertme \u00e7abas\u0131 i\u00e7erisindeydi. Bu y\u00fczden Lenin, III. Enternasyonal\u2019deki baz\u0131 ulusal komitelerin kad\u0131nlar aras\u0131ndaki kom\u00fcnist \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmaya gelince tak\u0131nd\u0131klar\u0131 \u2018bekle-g\u00f6r\u2019 pasif tutumunu yerden yere vuruyordu. III. Kongrede, kad\u0131nlar\u0131n boyunduruklar\u0131na kar\u015f\u0131 ba\u015fkald\u0131r\u0131lar\u0131n\u0131n \u00f6ncelikle kapitalist sisteme kar\u015f\u0131 verilen m\u00fccadelenin bir par\u00e7as\u0131 oldu\u011funu; i\u015f\u00e7i devleti kazan\u0131mlar\u0131n\u0131 koruyabilmeleri i\u00e7in kad\u0131n-erkek aktif \u015fekilde m\u00fccadele vermelerinin \u00f6nemini \u015fu s\u00f6zleriyle vurguluyordu:<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Y\u00fczlerce y\u0131ll\u0131k esaretinizden, her t\u00fcrl\u00fc haktan yoksun b\u0131rak\u0131l\u0131\u015f\u0131n\u0131zdan ve e\u015fitsizlikten kurtulu\u015funuz, yaln\u0131zca kom\u00fcnizmin zaferiyle m\u00fcmk\u00fcnd\u00fcr ve burjuva kad\u0131n hareketi, size kom\u00fcnizmin verece\u011fi bu g\u00fcvenceyi sa\u011flamaktan acizdir. Sermayenin iktidar\u0131 ve \u00f6zel m\u00fclkiyet var oldu\u011fu s\u00fcrece, kad\u0131n\u0131n kocas\u0131na ba\u011f\u0131ml\u0131l\u0131ktan kurtulu\u015fu, onun kendi m\u00fclkiyetini ve \u00fccretini kullanma hakk\u0131ndan ve kendi \u00e7ocu\u011funun gelece\u011fiyle ilgili karar vermede kocas\u0131yla e\u015fit haklara sahip olmaktan bir ad\u0131m daha \u00f6teye ge\u00e7emez.<\/em>(11)<\/em><\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Bu kararl\u0131l\u0131\u011fa ve kazan\u0131mlara ra\u011fmen, geri bir tar\u0131m \u00fclkesi olan Rusya\u2019da devrimin ba\u015fka \u00fclkelere yay\u0131lamamas\u0131, Stalin\u2019le birlikte b\u00fcrokratik bir i\u015f\u00e7i devletine d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015fmesine sebep olmu\u015ftur. Bu d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015f\u00fcm\u00fcn bedellerini kad\u0131nlar a\u011f\u0131r bir \u015fekilde \u00f6demi\u015ftir. 1936 Anayasas\u0131\u2019yla kad\u0131na annelik unvan\u0131n\u0131n iade edilmesi, k\u00fcrtaj\u0131n yeniden yasaklanmas\u0131 (…) kad\u0131n\u0131 bu yeni i\u015f\u00e7i devletine yeni soylar \u00fcretmesi gereken bir konuma yerle\u015ftirirken, emek pazar\u0131ndan d\u0131\u015flam\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. T\u00fcm tahrifat ve tahribatlar, kad\u0131n\u0131n \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck m\u00fccadelesinin s\u0131n\u0131f m\u00fccadelesiyle birle\u015fti\u011fi sosyalist bir devrimle elde edilebilen tarihi kazan\u0131mlar\u0131n \u00f6nemini azaltmam\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Aksine, sosyalist bir devrim sonras\u0131nda da kad\u0131n\u0131n \u00f6zg\u00fcrle\u015fmesi i\u00e7in m\u00fccadele edilmesi gerekti\u011fi \u00fczerine \u00f6nemli veriler sunmaktad\u0131r. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

Sonu\u00e7 olarak, kad\u0131n m\u00fccadelelerine ili\u015fkin irdeledi\u011fimiz tarihsel seyir ve 8 Mart\u2019a anlam\u0131n\u0131 kazand\u0131ran bu deneyimlerden \u00e7\u0131kar\u0131lacak dersler, kad\u0131n\u0131n ezilmi\u015fli\u011fi sorununu nas\u0131l tan\u0131mlayaca\u011f\u0131m\u0131z hususunda belirleyici nitelikte. Bu derslerle birlikte kad\u0131n sorunun bug\u00fcn ald\u0131\u011f\u0131 bi\u00e7imi yeniden de\u011ferlendirmek, 100 y\u0131lda nelerin de\u011fi\u015fti\u011fini nelerin de\u011fi\u015fmeden kald\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 tespit etmeye \u00e7al\u0131\u015faca\u011f\u0131z.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u00d6zg\u00fcrle\u015fmek Bir \u00dctopya m\u0131, ya da 100. Y\u0131lda De\u011fi\u015fen Ne?<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Kad\u0131nlar\u0131 ikincil olarak konumland\u0131ran bir sistemin varl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131n k\u00f6kenlerini tan\u0131mlama ve bunun kendini yeniden \u00fcretmesini sa\u011flayan mekanizmalar\u0131 saptama; \u00f6ncelikle kad\u0131n\u0131n tarihsel yenilgisinin biyolojik bir kaderin \u00fcr\u00fcn\u00fc olarak m\u0131; yoksa toplumun m\u00fclkiyet ili\u015fkileri ve cinsiyet\u00e7i bir i\u015fb\u00f6l\u00fcm\u00fcyle \u00f6rg\u00fctlenmesi sonucunda m\u0131 belirdi\u011fi meselesinin anla\u015f\u0131lmas\u0131na yarar. Bu belirleme yani var olan sorunu nas\u0131l tan\u0131mlad\u0131\u011f\u0131m\u0131z, nas\u0131l ve neye y\u00f6nelik bir m\u00fccadele sorusunun da anahtar\u0131 olur.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Bug\u00fcn kad\u0131nlar\u0131n eme\u011fi, bedeni ve kimli\u011fi \u00fczerinde s\u00f6z s\u00f6yleme ve denetim sahibi olma ayr\u0131cal\u0131\u011f\u0131na sahip erkek-egemen bir toplumun varl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131, eme\u011fin s\u00f6m\u00fcr\u00fcs\u00fcne dayanan bir sistemde kad\u0131n\u0131n e\u015fitsiz ve d\u00fc\u015f\u00fck \u00fccretlerle \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmas\u0131n\u0131, kad\u0131n\u0131n tarihsel yazg\u0131s\u0131 olan \u201cev k\u00f6leli\u011fi\u201d ni ve toplumsal cinsiyet kal\u0131plar\u0131n\u0131 nas\u0131l a\u00e7\u0131klayabiliriz? Sosyal, psikolojik ve k\u00fclt\u00fcrel etmenler b\u00fct\u00fcn bu tarihsel s\u00fcreci ve bir b\u00fct\u00fcn olarak ataerkil sistemi yorumlamada yeterli bir veri sunabilir mi?<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Cinsiyete dayal\u0131 i\u015f b\u00f6l\u00fcm\u00fc, cinsiyetin toplumsal ili\u015fkilerini belirleyen, tarihsel olarak bi\u00e7imlenmi\u015f toplumsal bir i\u015f b\u00f6l\u00fcm\u00fc \u015feklidir. Erkeklerin \u00fcretim alan\u0131na, kad\u0131nlar\u0131n ise \u00f6ncelikle ev eme\u011fi dolay\u0131m\u0131nda yeniden \u00fcretim alan\u0131na konumlan\u0131\u015f\u0131 \u00f6zel m\u00fclkiyet rejiminin \u00fcretim ili\u015fkilerini belirledi\u011fi, toplumun s\u0131n\u0131flara b\u00f6l\u00fcnd\u00fc\u011f\u00fc bir sistemin \u00e7\u0131k\u0131\u015f\u0131yla i\u00e7 i\u00e7e geli\u015fen bir olgudur. Buna paralel olarak geli\u015fen monogamik aile ve erkek-egemenli\u011fi bundan sonraki t\u00fcm \u00fcretim ili\u015fkilerine eklemlenerek varl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 devam ettirecektir. Bu evrim, bu yaz\u0131n\u0131n konusu de\u011fildir.(12)<\/strong> Fakat bu olgular,  bu ezilmi\u015fli\u011fin sebebinin biyolojik bir kader olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131, dolay\u0131s\u0131yla kad\u0131n\u0131 ikincil k\u0131larak kendini \u00fcreten bir sistemin varl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131n da ebedi bir sonu\u00e7 olamayaca\u011f\u0131n\u0131 kan\u0131tlar.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Bir sonu\u00e7 olarak; ataerkilli\u011fi miras alm\u0131\u015f s\u0131n\u0131fl\u0131 bir toplumun kad\u0131n\u0131 eve hapsetmesinin ve burada harcad\u0131\u011f\u0131 emek arac\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131yla onu denetleme ve bask\u0131 alt\u0131na alma ayr\u0131cal\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 elinde bulundurmas\u0131n\u0131n kad\u0131n\u0131n \u00fccretli eme\u011fini de\u011fersizle\u015ftirdi\u011fi su g\u00f6t\u00fcrmez bir ger\u00e7ek. Bunun bir sonucu olaraksa, kad\u0131n\u0131n \u00e7al\u0131\u015fma hayat\u0131ndaki yeri ge\u00e7ici, \u00fccretli eme\u011fi esnek, ucuz ve uysal niteliklidir. Evdeki eme\u011finin \u00fczerindeki denetim, bedeni ve kimli\u011fi \u00fczerindeki denetime d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015f\u00fcr. Dahas\u0131 bu emek vas\u0131tas\u0131yla sermayeye yeni i\u015f\u00e7i ku\u015faklar\u0131 yeti\u015fir, var olan ku\u015faklar ertesi g\u00fcn i\u015fe gelebilir. Kapitalizm, bu sayede hayati bir masraf\u0131n\u0131 eksiltirken; bir yandan da kad\u0131n\u0131 cinsel olarak objele\u015ftirerek de b\u00fcy\u00fck karlar elde edebilece\u011fi yeni sekt\u00f6rler yaratm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

Kad\u0131nlar bedenleri \u00fczerinde s\u00f6z sahibi olamamalar\u0131na ra\u011fmen, bedenlerinin metala\u015fmas\u0131nda \u201cbilin\u00e7li\u201d bir rol oynarlar. Bu da \u00f6zellikle medya arac\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131yla yarat\u0131lan \u015f\u00f6hretler k\u00fclt\u00fcr\u00fc ve zenginle\u015fme yan\u0131lsamas\u0131, g\u00fczellik alg\u0131lar\u0131, moda olan\u0131n yarat\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131 tekstil pazarlar\u0131 bug\u00fcn milyonlarca kad\u0131n\u0131n hayat\u0131n\u0131 bunlar\u0131n \u00fczerinden ya\u015famaya \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmas\u0131na\/ya\u015famak istemesine yol a\u00e7m\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Kad\u0131nlar beden metalar\u0131yla, bu pazar\u0131n bazen aktif \u00e7al\u0131\u015fanlar\u0131 bazen de izleyici t\u00fcketicileri konumundad\u0131rlar. Kad\u0131nlar\u0131n yaln\u0131zca bu k\u00fclt\u00fcre uyduklar\u0131 takdirde kendilerini \u2018kad\u0131n\u2019 hissetmelerini sa\u011flayan, \u00e7e\u015fitli toplumsal alg\u0131 ve normlar\u0131n belirlendi\u011fi; k\u0131sacas\u0131 sermayenin ve ataerkil ideolojinin yeniden \u00fcretildi\u011fi bir pazard\u0131r bu.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Kad\u0131n \u00fczerindeki denetim; toplumsal cinsiyet rollerinin ve itaat etmenin \u00f6\u011fretildi\u011fi\/\u00f6\u011frenildi\u011fi ailede ba\u015flar. Elbette bu \u00f6\u011frenim, her iki cinsin de i\u00e7inden ge\u00e7ti\u011fi bir s\u00fcre\u00e7tir. Kad\u0131n tabi olmay\u0131, erkek tabi olunmay\u0131 \u00f6\u011frenir. Kad\u0131n\u0131n, bu tabiyete ayk\u0131r\u0131 her davran\u0131\u015f\u0131nda \u015fiddet mekanizmalar\u0131 devreye girer. Kamusal ya\u015fama kat\u0131lmak istemesinden, evdeki g\u00f6revlerini aksatmas\u0131na; istemedi\u011fi biriyle evlenmeyi reddetmesinden, gece vakti sokakta dola\u015fmas\u0131na, cinsel y\u00f6neliminden bu sistemin t\u00fcm ataerkil kurumlar\u0131na kar\u015f\u0131 her ba\u015fkald\u0131r\u0131s\u0131nda, \u015fiddet revad\u0131r. Eme\u011fin s\u00f6m\u00fcr\u00fcs\u00fcne dayanan bir sistemin, ataerkil mekanizmalar\u0131n s\u00fcreklili\u011fini sa\u011flamak i\u00e7in de bask\u0131ya, \u015fiddete ve yeri geldi\u011finde de imhaya ihtiya\u00e7 duymas\u0131 \u201cdo\u011fal\u201dd\u0131r.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ezilmenin her t\u00fcrl\u00fc bi\u00e7imini g\u00f6r\u00fcn\u00fcr k\u0131lmak, en \u00e7ok da kad\u0131n i\u00e7in yak\u0131c\u0131 bir \u00f6nemdedir. \u00c7\u00fcnk\u00fc bast\u0131r\u0131lm\u0131\u015fl\u0131k, var olan durumu i\u00e7selle\u015ftirmeye neden olur ve bu, \u00f6rg\u00fctlenip sesini duyurabilmenin de \u00f6n\u00fcnde engeldir. Elbette \u00f6rg\u00fctlenmenin \u00f6n\u00fcndeki tek engel bu de\u011fildir; kad\u0131n olmak ve onun getirdi\u011fi zorunluluklar\/sorumluluklar m\u00fccadele etmenin \u00f6n\u00fcne set gibi dikilir. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u00d6ncelikle \u015funu netle\u015ftirmek gerekir ki, kad\u0131n olarak g\u00f6rd\u00fc\u011f\u00fcm\u00fcz her t\u00fcrl\u00fc ezilme bi\u00e7imi kapitalizmin ba\u015fta emek s\u00f6m\u00fcr\u00fcs\u00fc olmak \u00fczere b\u00fct\u00fcn sac ayaklar\u0131yla uyum halindedir. Nas\u0131l ki egemen \u00fcretim bi\u00e7imi, egemen d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnce ve k\u00fclt\u00fcr pratiklerini belirliyorsa; bir egemenlik bi\u00e7imi olarak ataerkillik de, s\u0131n\u0131fl\u0131 bir toplumun \u00fcretim ili\u015fkileri ve ona yaslanan t\u00fcm kurumlar\u0131 taraf\u0131ndan yeniden \u00fcretiliir. Bu y\u00fczden de kad\u0131n olarak ya\u015fad\u0131\u011f\u0131m\u0131z t\u00fcm bu pratiklerin yok olmas\u0131n\u0131 istemek, kapitalizmin temelleriyle \u00e7at\u0131\u015f\u0131r. \u00d6rne\u011fin; en basit olarak, b\u00fct\u00fcn kad\u0131nlar i\u00e7in \u00e7al\u0131\u015fma hakk\u0131 istemek bile bu sistemde kar\u015f\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 bulamayacak bir taleptir. E\u015fitsizlikler \u00fczerinden kendini kuran ve  bu e\u015fitsizli\u011fi yeniden-\u00fcreten sistemden, b\u00f6ylesi bir e\u015fitlik beklemek de beyhude bir \u00e7aba olur.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Kad\u0131n Politikalar\u0131 ve \u00d6rg\u00fctlenme<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

B\u00fct\u00fcn bu deneyimlerden \u00e7\u0131kan derslerden hareketle; kad\u0131n\u0131n \u00f6zg\u00fcrle\u015fmesi sorununda nas\u0131l bir m\u00fccadele ve ne tip bir \u00f6rg\u00fctlenme sorusu beliriyor. Kad\u0131nlar\u0131n \u00f6zg\u00fcrle\u015fmesi; maruz kal\u0131nan her t\u00fcrl\u00fc ezilme bi\u00e7imine kar\u015f\u0131 direni\u015f odaklar\u0131 yarat\u0131lmas\u0131ndan m\u0131, yoksa bu sorunun toplumsal kurtulu\u015ftan ayr\u0131 tutulamayaca\u011f\u0131 ve bununla birle\u015fik bir m\u00fccadele mi \u00f6r\u00fclmesinden ge\u00e7iyor? Bu sorunun cevab\u0131n\u0131n, m\u00fccadele ve \u00f6rg\u00fctlenme meselesini de ayd\u0131nlataca\u011f\u0131n\u0131 d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fcyoruz.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u00d6ncelikle, temel olarak kendini s\u0131n\u0131f e\u015fitsizli\u011fi \u00fczerine kuran bir sistemde, kad\u0131nlar\u0131n e\u015fitlik taleplerini sonuna kadar hayk\u0131rmalar\u0131n\u0131n \u00f6neminin b\u00fcy\u00fck oldu\u011funu kavramak gerekiyor. Bug\u00fcn kad\u0131nlar\u0131n i\u015fyerlerinde erkek i\u015f\u00e7ilerle e\u015fit bir \u00fccret, \u201chaks\u0131z tahrik\u201d indirimiyle \u00f6d\u00fcllendirilen katil kocay\u0131 mahkum eden yasalar, kad\u0131n s\u0131\u011f\u0131naklar\u0131n\u0131n \u00e7o\u011falt\u0131lmas\u0131, baba ya da kocaya ba\u011fl\u0131 olmayan sosyal bir g\u00fcvence istemeleri ve bu taleplerin sistemi hedef alan taleplerle birle\u015ftirilmesi, gelecek bir tarihe ertelenemeyecek \u00f6nemde bir g\u00f6revdir. Bu m\u00fccadeleler esnas\u0131nda kazan\u0131lan baz\u0131 haklar\u0131n ise -siyasi temsil gibi- sistem taraf\u0131ndan i\u00e7inin nas\u0131l bo\u015falt\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 g\u00f6stermek ve bunun i\u015flerlik kazanmas\u0131n\u0131 istemek; kad\u0131n olmaktan kaynakl\u0131 taleplerimizle s\u0131n\u0131fsal taleplerimizi birlikte \u00f6rmek gerekiyor. Buna kar\u015f\u0131n b\u00fct\u00fcn bu talepler sistem i\u00e7inde bir noktaya kadar kar\u015f\u0131lanabilmi\u015ftir, baz\u0131lar\u0131 ise -ev k\u00f6leli\u011finin kald\u0131r\u0131lmas\u0131 gibi- sistemin kendi \u00e7\u0131karlar\u0131yla \u00e7eli\u015fir ve bunun \u00f6n\u00fcndeki en b\u00fcy\u00fck engel, kapitalizmin bizzat kendisidir. Dolay\u0131s\u0131yla talep etmek ve direni\u015f odaklar\u0131 yaratmak yetmiyor; bizzat talip olmak ve sistemin d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcr\u00fclmesinde rol almak gerekiyor. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u00d6ncelikle, i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n halen bu sistemi d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcrebilecek yegane etmen oldu\u011funu ve bu sistemin ba\u015fta kad\u0131nlar olmak \u00fczere hi\u00e7bir ezilene \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck getiremeyece\u011fini ortaya koymak gerekir. \u00d6te yandan anti kapitalist bir m\u00fccadelenin ancak s\u0131n\u0131f m\u00fccadeleleri arac\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131yla verilebilece\u011fi ger\u00e7e\u011fi dururken; toplumsal kurtulu\u015f perspektifi olarak sosyalizmi benimsemek; ama g\u00fcndelik m\u00fccadeleyi yaln\u0131zca kad\u0131n olmak \u00fczerinden kurmak ne kadar mu\u011flaksa; daha \u201cinsanc\u0131l\u201d bir kapitalizm istemiyle kad\u0131nlar\u0131n durumunu iyile\u015ftirebilmekse o kadar imkans\u0131zd\u0131r. Bu politik hat, bug\u00fcn kad\u0131n kurtulu\u015f m\u00fccadelesi i\u00e7inde kendisini konumlayan kad\u0131n gruplar\u0131nda kendini somutluyor. Bu duru\u015fun elbette bir \u00e7ok tarihsel etmeni var. Sosyalist harekete damgas\u0131n\u0131 vuran Stalinist b\u00fcrokratizmin etkisi, siyasi gruplar ve meslek \u00f6rg\u00fctlerindeki ataerkil direngenlik, ahlak\u00e7\u0131 uygulamalar ve kad\u0131nlar\u0131n karar alma mekanizmalar\u0131ndan d\u0131\u015flanmas\u0131 gibi etmenler kad\u0131nlar\u0131n m\u00fccadelelerini erkeklerle vermelerinin anlam\u0131n\u0131 yitirmelerine yol a\u00e7m\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. \u00d6zellikle 90\u2019l\u0131 y\u0131llarda SSCB ba\u015fta olmak \u00fczere, b\u00fcrokratik i\u015f\u00e7i devletlerinin \u00e7\u00f6k\u00fc\u015f\u00fc, burjuvazinin bu sistemi d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcrebilecek \u201ci\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 \u00f6lm\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcr!\u201d propagandas\u0131 toplumsal cinsiyet sosuna bulanm\u0131\u015f demokratik gericilik uygulamalar\u0131yla da birle\u015fince bu sistemi d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcrmenin de\u011fil de, direnmenin anlaml\u0131 oldu\u011fu savunusu ortaya \u00e7\u0131km\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Bu savunu kad\u0131n m\u00fccadelesi dahil olmak \u00fczere, bir \u00e7ok hatta politik savrulmaya yol a\u00e7m\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Direnmenin kendisinin y\u00fcceltilmesi ve bunun sadece bireyin kendi kimli\u011fi ve sorunlar\u0131na y\u00f6nelik yapmas\u0131 politikas\u0131 da bu d\u00f6nemde vuku bulmu\u015ftur. Emek hareketlerine verilen destek ve dayan\u0131\u015fmalar\u0131n bir\u00e7o\u011fu, i\u015f\u00e7i kad\u0131nlar\u0131n ezilen bir \u201ckimlik\u201d olarak tan\u0131mlanmas\u0131 \u00fczerinden yap\u0131lm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r.\u00c7o\u011fu zaman akademik ara\u00e7larla politika yapan ve sosyal projeler arac\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131 ile varl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 idame ettiren gruplar ortaya \u00e7\u0131km\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Kad\u0131n hareketlerinde ba\u015fka bir y\u00f6nse, kendisini sosyalist olarak tan\u0131mlayan fakat sosyalizm tan\u0131mlar\u0131n\u0131 s\u0131n\u0131f m\u00fccadelesi ve onun program\u0131yla ifade etmeyen gruplar\u0131n varl\u0131\u011f\u0131 olmu\u015ftur. Sonu\u00e7 olarak t\u00fcm bu s\u00fcre\u00e7, toplumsal kurtulu\u015f perspektifinden uzak ya da s\u0131n\u0131f m\u00fccadelesini temel bir dinamik olarak g\u00f6rmeyen kad\u0131n hareketinin do\u011fmas\u0131na yol a\u00e7m\u0131\u015ft\u0131r.(13)  <\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Peki, s\u0131n\u0131f m\u00fccadelesinden kopuk bir hareketin ba\u015far\u0131lar\u0131 sistem i\u00e7erisinde neye tekab\u00fcl eder? Kad\u0131n hareketlerinin m\u00fccadelelerinin ve bunun sonucunda elde edilen kazan\u0131mlar\u0131n olduk\u00e7a \u00f6nemli oldu\u011funu kabul etmek gerekiyor; \u00e7e\u015fitli yasalar\u0131n d\u00fczenlenmesi ile kad\u0131n cinayetleri davalar\u0131nda emsal kararlar \u00e7\u0131kmas\u0131, s\u0131\u011f\u0131nma evlerine y\u00f6nelik ad\u0131mlar\u0131n at\u0131lmas\u0131, k\u00fcrtaj\u0131n yasalla\u015fmas\u0131 vb hayati \u00f6nemi olan bir dizi kazan\u0131m\u0131n \u00f6nemi yads\u0131namaz. Fakat bu tip m\u00fccadelelerde \u00f6nemli bir zaafsa, evrensel ve her t\u00fcr ba\u011flamdan ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131z bir kad\u0131nl\u0131k kategorisi yarat\u0131lmas\u0131 ve bunun sonucunda geli\u015fen \u00f6zc\u00fc politikalar olmaktad\u0131r. Bu politikalar kendisini, s\u0131n\u0131fsal i\u00e7eri\u011finden yoksun \u2018kad\u0131n kotas\u0131\u2019, \u2018kad\u0131n giri\u015fimcilerin yarat\u0131lmas\u0131\u2019 gibi taleplerde kendisini g\u00f6sterir. \u00d6rne\u011fin kad\u0131n kotas\u0131 \u00f6nemli bir talepken, mecliste burjuvazinin program\u0131n\u0131 temsil eden fakat kad\u0131nl\u0131\u011f\u0131n bir vitrin gibi kullan\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131 kota talebi de salt kad\u0131nl\u0131k \u00fczerine yap\u0131lan bir politikan\u0131n \u00e7arp\u0131c\u0131 bir sonucu olur. \u00d6te yandan K\u00fcrt kad\u0131nlar\u0131n ezilmi\u015fli\u011fini sermaye yoksunlu\u011fu, bilin\u00e7 eksikli\u011fi olarak g\u00f6ren baz\u0131 kad\u0131n \u00f6rg\u00fctleri ise, mikrokrediler vas\u0131tas\u0131yla kad\u0131n giri\u015fimciler (!) yaratma \u00e7abalar\u0131 da yine buna \u00f6rnektir. Yani \u00f6nemli kazan\u0131mlar\u0131n yan\u0131 s\u0131ra hi\u00e7bir \u00e7aba da s\u0131n\u0131fsal \u00f6z\u00fcnden ayr\u0131 de\u011ferlendirilemez. Sonu\u00e7 olarak s\u0131n\u0131f bak\u0131\u015f a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan yoksun olarak \u00fcretilen her politikan\u0131n sisteme kanalize olabilece\u011fi bir ger\u00e7eklikken; kad\u0131nlar\u0131n \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck m\u00fccadelelerinin bu sistemin s\u0131n\u0131rlar\u0131 i\u00e7erisine hapsedilemeyece\u011fini ve bunun toplumsal kurtulu\u015f perspektifinden ve s\u0131n\u0131f m\u00fccadelesinden ayr\u0131 bir dinamik olamayaca\u011f\u0131n\u0131 g\u00f6rmek gerekiyor. Bu, k\u0131smi kazan\u0131mlar\u0131n s\u00fcreklili\u011fi ve daha ileriye g\u00f6t\u00fcr\u00fclebilmesi, k\u0131sacas\u0131 nihai kurtulu\u015f i\u00e7in gerekli bir perspektiftir. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

Bu y\u00fczden bug\u00fcn en temel sorun, s\u0131n\u0131f m\u00fccadelesini kapitalizmin temel d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcr\u00fcc\u00fcs\u00fc olarak g\u00f6ren ve kad\u0131n m\u00fccadelesini bunun ayr\u0131lmaz bir dinami\u011fi haline getirebilen, g\u00fcndelik politikas\u0131n\u0131 toplumsal cinsiyet duyarl\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131 ile yapan ve kad\u0131nlar\u0131n kendi talep ve sloganlar\u0131yla m\u00fccadeleye y\u00f6n verebildi\u011fi; kad\u0131nlar\u0131n her t\u00fcrl\u00fc ezilme pratiklerini g\u00f6r\u00fcn\u00fcr k\u0131lan, ataerkil ideoloji ve prati\u011fe kar\u015f\u0131 sava\u015f a\u00e7an, burjuvaziden ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131z devrimci bir partiye ihtiya\u00e7 vard\u0131r. Kad\u0131nlar ancak b\u00f6yle bir \u00f6rg\u00fctlenmeyle \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fcklerini elde edebilecekleri m\u00fccadelenin bir par\u00e7as\u0131 ve kendi kurtulu\u015flar\u0131n\u0131n \u00f6znesi olabilirler.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

15 \u015eubat 2010<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Dipnotlar:<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

1.)<\/strong> Cote, Ren\u00e9e (1984) La Journ\u00e9e internationale d\u00eas femmes ou les vrais dates des myst\u00e9rieuses origines du 8 de mars jusqu\u2019ici embrouill\u00e9s, truqu\u00e9es, oubli\u00e9es : la clef d\u00eas \u00e9nigmes .La v\u00e9rit\u00e9 historique. Montr\u00e9al: Les \u00e9ditions du remue m\u00e9nage.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

2.) <\/strong>www.womenandcuba.org\/Documents\/IWDhistory.pdf. (Eri\u015fim: 22.02.2010)<\/p>\n\n\n\n

3.)<\/strong> Kautsky, Karl, The Class Struggle, Ch.III: Dissolution of The Proletarian Family<\/em>. Bak.: http:\/\/www.marxists.org\/archive\/kautsky\/1892\/erfurt\/ch02.htm (Eri\u015fim: 22.02.2010)<\/p>\n\n\n\n

4.)<\/strong> 11. Tez, <\/em>\u201cAr\u015fiv: Marksistler ve Kad\u0131n\u201d say\u0131 9.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

5.) <\/strong>Feminist Politika, \u201cD\u00fcnden Bug\u00fcne 8 Mart\u201d, say\u0131 5.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

6.)<\/strong> Toledo, Cecilia (2006) El Marxismo y el Problema de la Emancipaci\u00f3n de la Mujer,<\/em>\u00a0 Bak.: http:\/\/www.marxists.org\/espanol\/tematica\/mujer\/autores\/toledo\/2006\/feb-b.htm.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

7.)<\/strong> 8th of March International woman\u2019s day: in search for the lost memory, Sempreviva Organiza\u00e7\u00e3o Feminista,<\/em> Bak.: <\/em>www.womenandcuba.org\/Documents\/IWDhistory.pdf; eri\u015fim tarihi: 22.02.10.\u00a0<\/p>\n\n\n\n

8.) <\/strong>Toledo, Cecilia (2006) ayn\u0131 makalesinden.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

9.)<\/strong> Kollontai, Alexandra, Toplumsal Geli\u015fmede Kad\u0131n\u0131n Konumu, (2000).<\/p>\n\n\n\n

10.)<\/strong> Tro\u00e7ki, Rus Devrim Tarihi, Yaz\u0131n Yay.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

11.)<\/strong> Lenin D\u00f6neminde Kom\u00fcnist Enternasyonal, Cilt 2, Maya Kitaplar\u0131, 2002, s. 185.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

12.)<\/strong> Reed, Evelyn, Kad\u0131n\u0131n Evrimi 1, 2 Payel Yay\u0131nlar\u0131 ve Kad\u0131n \u00d6zg\u00fcrle\u015fmesinin Sorunlar\u0131, Yaz\u0131n Yay\u0131nc\u0131l\u0131k<\/p>\n\n\n\n

13.)<\/strong> 2.\u00a0 ve 3. dalga feminist ak\u0131mlar\u0131n savunular\u0131 ve deneyimleri, bu yaz\u0131n\u0131n konusu olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131 i\u00e7in; bu b\u00f6l\u00fcmde \u00f6zellikle bu ak\u0131mlar\u0131n \u00e7\u0131k\u0131\u015f ko\u015fullar\u0131na ve temel arg\u00fcmanlar\u0131na de\u011finiyoruz.\u00a0<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

Dicle Nadin – Canan Y\u0131lmaz 8 Mart; kimi feminist \u00e7evrelerce \u00f6ne \u00e7\u0131kar\u0131lan Newyorklu tekstil i\u015f\u00e7isi kad\u0131nlar\u0131n kurtulu\u015f m\u00fccadelesinin \u00fcr\u00fcn\u00fc olan Uluslararas\u0131 Kad\u0131nlar G\u00fcn\u00fc, kimi sosyalist \u00e7evrelerce ise New Yorklu kad\u0131n tekstil i\u015f\u00e7ilerinin s\u0131n\u0131fsal m\u00fccadelesiyle kazan\u0131lm\u0131\u015f D\u00fcnya Emek\u00e7i Kad\u0131nlar G\u00fcn\u00fc. En yayg\u0131n\u0131 da BM\u2019nin 1977 y\u0131l\u0131nda ilan etti\u011fi haliyle; burjuvazinin kitle ileti\u015fim ara\u00e7lar\u0131yla i\u015fbirli\u011fi i\u00e7inde y\u00fcr\u00fctt\u00fc\u011f\u00fc […]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":22,"featured_media":188,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"_exactmetrics_skip_tracking":false,"_exactmetrics_sitenote_active":false,"_exactmetrics_sitenote_note":"","_exactmetrics_sitenote_category":0,"footnotes":""},"categories":[646],"tags":[238,242,240,241,239,59,47],"class_list":["post-187","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-kadin","tag-238","tag-8-mart","tag-kadinin","tag-kurtulusu","tag-mart","tag-uzerine","tag-ve"],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/trockist.net\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/187","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/trockist.net\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/trockist.net\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/trockist.net\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/22"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/trockist.net\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=187"}],"version-history":[{"count":1,"href":"https:\/\/trockist.net\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/187\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":189,"href":"https:\/\/trockist.net\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/187\/revisions\/189"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/trockist.net\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/188"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/trockist.net\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=187"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/trockist.net\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=187"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/trockist.net\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=187"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}