{"id":1699,"date":"2020-04-29T21:11:15","date_gmt":"2020-04-29T18:11:15","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/trockist.net\/?p=1699"},"modified":"2020-04-29T22:38:38","modified_gmt":"2020-04-29T19:38:38","slug":"culhaogluna-cevap-bir-kere-daha-sanayi-proletaryasinin-rolu-uzerine","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/trockist.net\/index.php\/2020\/04\/29\/culhaogluna-cevap-bir-kere-daha-sanayi-proletaryasinin-rolu-uzerine\/","title":{"rendered":"\u00c7ulhao\u011flu\u2019na cevap: Bir kere daha sanayi proletaryas\u0131n\u0131n rol\u00fc \u00fczerine"},"content":{"rendered":"\n

Metin \u00c7ulhao\u011flu 18 Nisan 2020 tarihinde \u0130leri Haber<\/em>\u2019de \u201cBir i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 yaz\u0131s\u0131\u201d ba\u015fl\u0131\u011f\u0131 alt\u0131nda bir metin kaleme ald\u0131 (1)<\/strong>. \u00c7ulhao\u011flu yaz\u0131s\u0131nda sanayi proletaryas\u0131n\u0131n, ona Ortodoks Marksizm taraf\u0131ndan \u201catfedilmi\u015f\u201d \u00f6nc\u00fcl\u00fck rol\u00fcn\u00fc yitirdi\u011fini ve bir \u201cfeti\u015f mekan\u0131\u201d olarak fabrikan\u0131n \u00f6neminin azald\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 s\u00f6yl\u00fcyor. \u00c7ulhao\u011flu\u2019na g\u00f6re \u201ci\u015f\u00e7inin \u00e7al\u0131\u015ft\u0131\u011f\u0131 sekt\u00f6r\u00fcn, i\u015fkolunun, \u00fcretim s\u00fcrecinde bilfiil yer al\u0131p almamas\u0131n\u0131n ve benzer fakt\u00f6rlerin\u201d, o i\u015f\u00e7inin eylem kapasitesiyle zorunlu bir ili\u015fkisinin olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131 ortaya \u00e7\u0131km\u0131\u015f durumda. Yine \u00c7ulhao\u011flu\u2019na g\u00f6re \u201cemek en y\u00fcce de\u011ferdir\u201d benzeri \u201cideolojik motif niyetine kullan\u0131labilecek\u201d s\u00f6zler, art\u0131k i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131nda bir \u00f6zg\u00fcven yaratmamaktad\u0131r. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

Burada \u00c7ulhao\u011flu bir \u00f6rnek veriyor: 1970\u2019li y\u0131llarda Cem Karaca\u2019n\u0131n konserlerinde i\u015f\u00e7iler Tamirci \u00c7\u0131ra\u011f\u0131<\/em> \u015fark\u0131s\u0131nda aya\u011fa kalk\u0131p yumruklar\u0131n\u0131 sall\u0131yormu\u015f, \u201cen i\u00e7ten bi\u00e7imde\u201d \u015fark\u0131ya e\u015flik ediyormu\u015f. Bu, \u00f6zg\u00fcven sahibi bir i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n \u00f6rne\u011fiymi\u015f. \u201cBug\u00fcn\u201d, diyor \u00c7ulhao\u011flu, \u201ci\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 yeniden \u00f6zg\u00fcven kazanmal\u0131.” Ancak birtak\u0131m “‘\u00f6zg\u00fcven etmenlerinin’ yeniden ortaya \u00e7\u0131kmas\u0131 hi\u00e7 m\u00fcmk\u00fcn g\u00f6r\u00fcnm\u00fcyor\u201d diye de ekliyor sonra. Mesela, sendikalar\u0131n g\u00fc\u00e7lenmesi ve sanayi proletaryas\u0131n\u0131n i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131na \u00f6nc\u00fcl\u00fck etmesi, kendisine g\u00f6re, bu yeniden ortaya \u00e7\u0131kmas\u0131 m\u00fcmk\u00fcn olmayan \u00f6zg\u00fcven etmenleri aras\u0131nda. \u00c7ulhao\u011flu\u2019nun tezi \u201ctoplumsal proletaryan\u0131n\u201d \u00f6ne \u00e7\u0131kan bir kesiminin olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131, sanayi proletaryas\u0131 gibi \u201ce\u015fitler aras\u0131nda birinci\u201d olabilecek bir sekt\u00f6r\u00fcn var olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131 ama toplumun \u201cen dipteki tortusunun\u201d sosyolojik bir fakt\u00f6r olarak ara\u015ft\u0131r\u0131lmas\u0131 gerekti\u011fi yolunda.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Biz \u00c7ulhao\u011flu\u2019nun metninin birtak\u0131m yanl\u0131\u015flar, \u00f6nyarg\u0131lar, temelsiz varsay\u0131mlar bar\u0131nd\u0131rd\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131, metodolojik olarak Marksizm\u2019in s\u0131n\u0131rlar\u0131 i\u00e7inde tart\u0131\u015fmad\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 ve sanayi i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n devrimci ve \u00f6nc\u00fc rol\u00fcne sald\u0131r\u0131larda ortakla\u015fan Yeni Sol\u2019un toplumsal hareket\u00e7i ve k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck burjuva teorilerinin d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnsel bir devam\u0131 oldu\u011funu d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fcyoruz. Kendisinin metnine itirazlar\u0131m\u0131z\u0131 birka\u00e7 maddede \u00f6zetlemeyi uygun bulduk:<\/p>\n\n\n\n

1.) \u0130lk olarak \u00c7ulhao\u011flu\u2019nun bu g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015flerini bug\u00fcn ileri s\u00fcrm\u00fc\u015f olmas\u0131, bir tesad\u00fcf olarak nitelendirilebilmekten olduk\u00e7a uzakt\u0131r. COVID-19 pandemisi uluslararas\u0131 \u00e7apta bir kere patlak verdi\u011finde ve bu pandemiye kar\u015f\u0131 uluslararas\u0131 mali oligar\u015fi i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131na kar\u015f\u0131 s\u00fcrd\u00fcrd\u00fc\u011f\u00fc hem biyolojik hem ekonomik hem de politik s\u0131n\u0131f sava\u015f\u0131n\u0131 daha da derinle\u015ftirmeye karar verdi\u011finde, hem viral bir olgu olarak pandeminin durdurulabilmesi i\u00e7in, hem de d\u00fcnya kapitalizminin sald\u0131rgan y\u00f6nelimine set \u00e7ekebilmek i\u00e7in derhal olmak \u00fczere harekete ge\u00e7en ilk i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 b\u00f6l\u00fc\u011f\u00fc, sanayi proletaryas\u0131 oldu. Sanayi proletaryas\u0131 bu alanda ilk olmakla kalmad\u0131, uzun haftalar s\u00fcrecince ayn\u0131 zamanda bu alandaki tek s\u0131n\u0131fsal sekt\u00f6r olmay\u0131 da s\u00fcrd\u00fcrd\u00fc. Onlarca \u00fclkenin y\u00fczlerce otomotiv, metal ve benzeri fabrikalar\u0131nda \u00e7al\u0131\u015fan on binlerce sanayi i\u015f\u00e7isi, pandeminin durdurulmas\u0131 i\u00e7in gerekli \u00f6nlemlerin al\u0131nmas\u0131 ve sosyal ve demokratik haklarda kesintilere gidilmemesi talebiyle seferber oldu. Bir\u00e7ok fabrikada binlerce end\u00fcstri i\u015f\u00e7isi fabrikalar\u0131n\u0131n, \u015fu an i\u00e7in gerekli olmayan otomotiv par\u00e7alar\u0131n\u0131n veya bir ba\u015fka mamul \u00fcr\u00fcn\u00fcn \u00fcretimini b\u0131rakarak, solunum cihaz\u0131 \u00fcretmesini talep etti. Bu, kapitalizmin kar\u015f\u0131la\u015ft\u0131\u011f\u0131 kapsaml\u0131 bir krize kar\u015f\u0131 rasyonel ve bilimsel \u00f6l\u00e7\u00fctler \u00fczerinden toplumun ihtiya\u00e7lar\u0131 odak al\u0131narak planlanm\u0131\u015f merkez\u00ee bir sosyalist ekonominin \u00f6rg\u00fctlenmesi ihtiyac\u0131n\u0131 hisseden ilk s\u0131n\u0131fsal sekt\u00f6r\u00fcn sanayi proletaryas\u0131 olmay\u0131 s\u00fcrd\u00fcrd\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn\u00fc a\u00e7\u0131k\u00e7a kan\u0131tl\u0131yor. O halde diyebiliriz ki, \u00c7ulhao\u011flu sanayi proletaryas\u0131n\u0131n art\u0131k \u00f6nc\u00fc olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 iddia etti\u011fi metnini kaleme al\u0131rken dahi, uluslararas\u0131 i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 hareketinin end\u00fcstriyel sekt\u00f6rlerini olu\u015fturan kesimleri, bir felakete yol a\u00e7m\u0131\u015f olan pandemi ile kapitalist rejimlerin yo\u011funla\u015fan s\u00f6m\u00fcr\u00fc politikalar\u0131na kar\u015f\u0131 eyleme ge\u00e7mi\u015f durumdayd\u0131 ve bu ba\u011flamda, eyleme ge\u00e7en de ilk toplumsal kesimdi.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

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ABD’nin iki kentinde eylem yapan Amerika \u0130leti\u015fim \u0130\u015f\u00e7ileri Sendikas\u0131 (CWA) \u00fcyesi i\u015f\u00e7iler, jet motoru \u00fcreten General Electric fabrikalar\u0131n\u0131n \u00fclkenin solunum cihaz\u0131 a\u00e7\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 kapatmak i\u00e7in \u00fcretime ge\u00e7mesini istedi.<\/figcaption><\/figure><\/div>\n\n\n\n

2.) \u00c7ulhao\u011flu fabrikalar\u0131n bir \u201cfeti\u015f mekan\u0131\u201d olarak \u00f6nemini yitirdi\u011fini yazarken, uluslararas\u0131 d\u00fczlemde i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 ile burjuvazi aras\u0131nda da pandemi ko\u015fullar\u0131 alt\u0131nda fabrikada kal\u0131n\u0131p kal\u0131nmayaca\u011f\u0131 kavgas\u0131 veriliyordu. Onlarca \u00fclkede fabrika i\u015f\u00e7ileri, gerekli sa\u011fl\u0131k ve g\u00fcvenlik \u00f6nlemlerinin al\u0131nmad\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 ileri s\u00fcrerek fabrikalarda \u00fcretimin durdurulmas\u0131n\u0131 ve \u00fccretli izin talep etti. Binlerce fabrikada i\u015f\u00e7iler i\u015fba\u015f\u0131 yapmay\u0131 reddetti, fabrikan\u0131n i\u00e7ine girmedi ve \u00fcretimi durdurdu. Ancak uluslararas\u0131 burjuva koalisyon i\u00e7in fabrikalar h\u00e2l\u00e2 bir \u201cfeti\u015f mekan\u0131\u201d olacak ki, fabrika sahipleri kendilerinin \u00e7\u0131karlar\u0131n\u0131n savunulmas\u0131 i\u00e7in \u00f6rg\u00fctlenmi\u015f bulunan devletlerin kolluk kuvvetleriyle, polis ayg\u0131t\u0131yla, asker\u00ee operasyonlarla ve bazen de anayasa kitap\u00e7\u0131klar\u0131yla i\u015f\u00e7ileri fabrikalara sokabilmek i\u00e7in \u00f6l\u00fcm\u00fcne bir sava\u015f verdi. Bir \u201cfeti\u015f mekan\u0131\u201d olarak \u00f6nemini yitiren fabrikalar\u0131n, i\u015f\u00e7iler taraf\u0131ndan i\u015fler halde tutulabilmesi i\u00e7in neden bunca \u00e7aba harcand\u0131 ve masrafa girildi, anlamas\u0131 ger\u00e7ekten zor\u2026 Ancak belki de fabrikalar -kapitalistlerin tela\u015f\u0131ndan anlayabilece\u011fimiz \u00fczere- \u00f6nemlerini asl\u0131nda hi\u00e7 de yitirmemi\u015f olabilirler; belki de yitirilmekte olan fabrikalar\u0131n \u00f6nemi de\u011fil, sosyalistlerin fabrikalara girebilme kapasiteleridir.  <\/p>\n\n\n\n

3.) Oslo \u00dcniversitesi\u2019nde Siyaset Bilimi b\u00f6l\u00fcm\u00fcnde akademisyen olarak \u00e7al\u0131\u015fan Sirianne Dahlum, Carl Henrik Knutsen ve Tore Wig\u2019in ger\u00e7ekle\u015ftirdikleri ve sanayi i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n uzak ve yak\u0131n tarihteki rol\u00fcne ili\u015fkin veriler sunan ilgin\u00e7 bir ara\u015ft\u0131rma, 2019\u2019un A\u011fustos ay\u0131nda yay\u0131mland\u0131 (2)<\/strong>. Bu iki akademisyen 100 y\u0131ll\u0131k bir zaman diliminde 150 \u00fclkedeki toplumsal hareketleri inceliyorlar. \u0130nceledikleri hareketlerin aras\u0131nda 2011 Arap devrimleri, 20. y\u00fczy\u0131l ba\u015f\u0131nda oy hakk\u0131 i\u00e7in seferber olan kad\u0131n hareketi, son y\u0131llarda artan Hong Kong protestolar\u0131, 20. y\u00fczy\u0131l\u0131n m\u00fclks\u00fczle\u015ftirmelerle sonu\u00e7lanm\u0131\u015f b\u00fcy\u00fck devrimleri, 2009 \u0130ran Ye\u015fil Hareketi ve benzerleri var. Okuyucunun iznini isteyerek ara\u015ft\u0131rmac\u0131lar\u0131n kendisinden bir aktar\u0131m yapmak istiyorum:<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u201c1900\u2019den g\u00fcn\u00fcm\u00fcze dek b\u00fct\u00fcn b\u00fcy\u00fck rejim kar\u015f\u0131t\u0131 protesto hareketlerinin k\u00fcresel bir kar\u015f\u0131la\u015ft\u0131rmas\u0131na dayanan yeni \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmam\u0131zda \u015funu bulduk ki, protesto hareketlerinin demokratikle\u015fmeye yol a\u00e7\u0131p a\u00e7mad\u0131\u011f\u0131 protestoyu kimin ger\u00e7ekle\u015ftirdi\u011fine ba\u011fl\u0131. Daha spesifik olarak, protestocular\u0131n toplumsal arka planlar\u0131na ba\u011fl\u0131. Protestocular kentsel orta s\u0131n\u0131flardan m\u0131, yoksa onlar sanayi i\u015f\u00e7ileri, devlet memurlar\u0131 veya k\u00f6yl\u00fcler mi? (\u2026) 1900 ile 2006 aras\u0131ndaki d\u00fcnyadaki b\u00fct\u00fcn b\u00fcy\u00fck kitle protesto hareketlerini inceledik ve her harekette kim egemen oldu, bunu kaydettik: sanayi i\u015f\u00e7ileri, kentsel orta s\u0131n\u0131flar, k\u0131r emek\u00e7ileri, etnik gruplar, dindar gruplar, vs. \u00c7al\u0131\u015fmam\u0131zdaki en g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc bulgu, sanayi i\u015f\u00e7ilerinin egemen oldu\u011fu protesto hareketlerinin demokrasiyi getirmek i\u00e7in di\u011fer t\u00fcm protesto kampanyalar\u0131ndan daha iyi performans g\u00f6stermesidir. Ayn\u0131 zamanda sanayi i\u015f\u00e7ileri kampanyalar\u0131, kitlesel protesto kampanyalar\u0131n\u0131n olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131 durumlardan da a\u00e7\u0131k\u00e7a daha iyi performans g\u00f6steriyor. Kentsel orta s\u0131n\u0131f hareketlerinin demokratikle\u015fme ile ili\u015fkili oldu\u011funa dair baz\u0131 kan\u0131tlar var ancak bunlar sanayi i\u015f\u00e7ilerinin \u00f6neminden \u00e7ok daha zay\u0131f. (\u2026) Ara\u015ft\u0131rmam\u0131z demokrasinin tarihsel geli\u015fimi i\u00e7in sanayi i\u015f\u00e7ilerinin ya\u015famsal oldu\u011funu ortaya koyuyor.\u201d (3)<\/strong><\/p><\/blockquote>\n\n\n\n

O halde, yaln\u0131zca teorik ve politik bir konumdan de\u011fil, ancak art\u0131k ampirik bir konumdan da s\u00f6ylenebilir ki, sanayi proletaryas\u0131n\u0131n i\u00e7ine kat\u0131lmad\u0131\u011f\u0131, dahil olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131, apolitik ve hareketsiz kald\u0131\u011f\u0131 hi\u00e7bir kitlesel seferberlik, kendi nihai ama\u00e7lar\u0131na ula\u015famaz. Bir i\u015f\u00e7i devleti kurulmas\u0131ndan, aristokratik temeller \u00fczerine oturtulmu\u015f i\u015flevsiz bir parlamentoda en ufak bir reformun ge\u00e7irilmesine kadar, sosyalist hareketin kendi program\u0131n\u0131 veya onun \u00e7e\u015fitli taraflar\u0131n\u0131 somutlayabilmesinin ko\u015fulu, derin ve sars\u0131lmaz bir bi\u00e7imde h\u00e2l\u00e2 sanayi proletaryas\u0131n\u0131n bu programatik hedefler etraf\u0131nda seferber edilebilmesine ba\u011fl\u0131d\u0131r. \u00d6yle san\u0131yoruz ki sanayi proletaryas\u0131n\u0131n \u00f6nc\u00fcl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn\u00fcn daha keskin bir ispat\u0131 olamazd\u0131. Bu durumda sanayi proletaryas\u0131n\u0131n \u00f6nc\u00fcl\u00fck konumunu yitirmi\u015f oldu\u011funu ileri s\u00fcrmek, yaln\u0131zca Marksizm\u2019in kapitalist toplumun i\u015fleyi\u015f yasalar\u0131n\u0131n ilga edilmesine dair ortaya koydu\u011fu eylem program\u0131n\u0131n bir revizyonu de\u011fildir, a\u00e7\u0131k ve se\u00e7ik bir bi\u00e7imde bilimsel olarak kay\u0131t alt\u0131na al\u0131nm\u0131\u015f istatiksel verilere de kar\u015f\u0131d\u0131r. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

4.) \u00c7ulhao\u011flu\u2019nun birbirine kar\u0131\u015ft\u0131rd\u0131\u011f\u0131 iki kategori var: Altyap\u0131 ve \u00fcstyap\u0131. Bir s\u0131n\u0131f olarak i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n sosyal pozisyonu, topluma nesnel d\u00fczlemde h\u00fckmeden ekonomik \u00f6rg\u00fctlenme bi\u00e7imleriyle beraber, altyap\u0131ya aittir. \u0130\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n bilin\u00e7 durumu, \u00f6zg\u00fcveni, eyleme ge\u00e7me iradesi, politik \u00f6nc\u00fcl\u00fc\u011f\u00fc; devlet ayg\u0131t\u0131, ideolojiler, siyasal partiler ve sendikalarla birlikte \u00fcstyap\u0131ya aittir. \u00c7ulhao\u011flu sanayi i\u015f\u00e7ilerinin \u00f6znel \u00fcstyap\u0131daki mevcut geriliklerini (onlar\u0131n h\u00e2l\u00e2 burjuva ideolojik tahakk\u00fcm alt\u0131nda olu\u015funu, onlar\u0131n \u00f6zg\u00fcvenli olmay\u0131\u015f\u0131n\u0131, onlar\u0131n s\u0131n\u0131f bilincine eri\u015fememi\u015f zihinsel durumlar\u0131n\u0131, \u015fimdilik geni\u015f emek\u00e7i y\u0131\u011f\u0131nlara bir devrimci programla \u00f6nc\u00fcl\u00fck etmiyor olmalar\u0131n\u0131), sanayi i\u015f\u00e7ilerinin nesnel altyap\u0131da ta\u015f\u0131d\u0131klar\u0131 karakterlerinin yok say\u0131lmas\u0131 i\u00e7in kullan\u0131yor veya ikisini birbirine indirgiyor. Sanayi proletaryas\u0131na karakterini veren, ekonominin toplumsal \u00f6rg\u00fctlenme bi\u00e7iminde i\u015fgal etti\u011fi konum; yani \u00fcretim s\u00fcrecindeki nesnel yeridir. Bu nesnellik, bir sanayi i\u015f\u00e7isinin Cem Karaca konserinde \u015fark\u0131ya e\u015flik edip etmemesinden ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131zd\u0131r. Sanayi i\u015f\u00e7isi ne gibi gerici siyasal belirlenimlere veya devrimci olmayan \u00f6nyarg\u0131lara sahip olursa olsun, fikirsel d\u00fczlemde sahip oldu\u011fu bu niteliklerden ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131z olarak kapitalist \u00fcretim ili\u015fkileri alt\u0131nda s\u00f6m\u00fcr\u00fclmektedir ve kapitalist \u00fcretimin merkezindedir. Kapitalizm spek\u00fclatif k\u00e2rlar\u0131n\u0131 bankac\u0131l\u0131k ve finans sekt\u00f6r\u00fcnden elde eder; somut k\u00e2rlar\u0131n\u0131 ise s\u0131nai \u00fcretimde el koydu\u011fu art\u0131kde\u011ferden biriktirir. Dolay\u0131s\u0131yla sanayi i\u015f\u00e7isi somut k\u00e2r\u0131n yarat\u0131c\u0131s\u0131d\u0131r; kapitalizmin k\u0131lcal damarlar\u0131nda de\u011fildir, kalbindedir. Bu ili\u015fki bug\u00fcn de\u011fi\u015fmemi\u015ftir, dolay\u0131s\u0131yla sanayi proletaryas\u0131n\u0131n devrimci \u00f6nc\u00fc rol\u00fc de de\u011fi\u015fmemi\u015ftir. Kalp atmay\u0131 durdurmad\u0131k\u00e7a, t\u0131kanan birka\u00e7 k\u0131lcal damar\u0131n hi\u00e7bir \u00f6nemi olmayacakt\u0131r. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"\"
Petersburg’da bulunan Putilov fabrikas\u0131 i\u015f\u00e7ileri temsilcilerini se\u00e7iyorlar.<\/figcaption><\/figure><\/div>\n\n\n\n

5.) Sanayi proletaryas\u0131n\u0131n \u00f6nc\u00fcl\u00fck kategorisinin kayna\u011f\u0131, sanayi i\u015f\u00e7ilerinin \u00f6znel deneyimlerinin bir toplam\u0131 de\u011fildir. Bu ba\u011flamda sanayi i\u015f\u00e7ilerinin bu \u00f6znel deneyimlerinin 21. y\u00fczy\u0131lda art\u0131k yeterince militan bir profil sergilememesine i\u015faret ederek ortadan kald\u0131r\u0131labilecek bir \u00f6nc\u00fcl\u00fck tan\u0131m\u0131 zaten yoktur ortada. Dolay\u0131s\u0131yla \u00f6nc\u00fcl\u00fck, bir se\u00e7im meselesi de\u011fildir. \u00d6nc\u00fcl\u00fck \u00e7e\u015fitli toplumsal sekt\u00f6rlerin kendileriyle ilgili kararlar\u0131na terk edilmi\u015f bir politik tercih meselesi de\u011fildir. Toplumsal sekt\u00f6rler \u00f6nc\u00fc olmay\u0131 se\u00e7emez. Toplumsal konumlar\u0131ndan ve karakterlerinden dolay\u0131 \u00f6nc\u00fcd\u00fcrler veya de\u011fillerdir. Sanayi proletaryas\u0131n\u0131n \u00f6nc\u00fcl\u00fck kategorisi, sanayi i\u015f\u00e7ilerinin nesnel konumlan\u0131\u015flar\u0131n\u0131n ta\u015f\u0131d\u0131\u011f\u0131 devrimci potansiyel taraf\u0131ndan ortaya konulmu\u015ftur. Kapitalist \u00fcretim ili\u015fkileri ve sermaye birikimi somut, maddi k\u00e2rlar\u0131n\u0131n kayna\u011f\u0131 olan art\u0131kde\u011feri sanayiden de\u011fil de ba\u015fka bir \u00fcretim formasyonundan edinmeye ba\u015flarsa, o zaman sanayi i\u015f\u00e7ilerinin de \u00f6nc\u00fcl\u00fck rol\u00fc d\u00fc\u015fer. Sanayi proletaryas\u0131 bir kimlik de\u011fildir, s\u0131n\u0131fsal bir b\u00f6l\u00fckt\u00fcr. Sanayi i\u015f\u00e7ilerinin nesnel g\u00f6revleri, sanayi i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131ndan olan bireylerin ya\u015fanm\u0131\u015fl\u0131klar\u0131yla belirlenemez; bu nesnel g\u00f6revler, \u00fcretim ili\u015fkilerinin nesnel ger\u00e7ekli\u011fine dayan\u0131r. Toplumun kendisinin maddi olarak yeniden \u00fcretiminde ve nesnellikte k\u00f6k salm\u0131\u015f bir s\u0131n\u0131fsal b\u00f6l\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn nesnel olarak ta\u015f\u0131d\u0131\u011f\u0131 \u00f6nc\u00fc niteli\u011fi, o s\u0131n\u0131fsal b\u00f6l\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn \u00f6znel olarak benimsedi\u011fi politik inan\u00e7lar g\u00f6sterilerek yok say\u0131lamaz. Sanayi proletaryas\u0131 bir nesnel negatif ortakl\u0131kla birle\u015fir: Bilincinde olsalar da olmasalar da, end\u00fcstrinin \u00fczerinde y\u00fckseldi\u011fi \u00fcretim ili\u015fkileri alt\u0131nda s\u00f6m\u00fcr\u00fclmeleri. Onlar\u0131n bir de \u00f6znel pozitif ortakl\u0131kta birle\u015ftirilmeleri gerekir: Kapitalizmin kalbinde eyleme ge\u00e7erek, kapitalizmi ilga etme perspektifi. \u0130kincisi nesnel de\u011fil, \u00f6znel bir sorundur; yani devrimci \u00f6nderlik sorunu. Sanayi proletaryas\u0131n\u0131n nesnel ve ekonomik d\u00fczlemde sahip oldu\u011fu \u00f6nc\u00fcl\u00fc\u011fe, \u00f6znel ve politik d\u00fczlemde sahip \u00e7\u0131kmas\u0131 sorunu, devrimci \u00f6nderli\u011fin in\u015fas\u0131 sorunudur. Toplumsal \u00f6nc\u00fcn\u00fcn politik \u00f6nc\u00fc olmas\u0131n\u0131n \u015fart\u0131, bu toplumsal \u00f6nc\u00fcy\u00fc politikle\u015ftirmesi gereken devrimci partinin in\u015fa edilmesidir. Lenin Ne Yapmal\u0131?<\/em>\u2019da, Kautsky\u2019den de al\u0131nt\u0131lar yaparak, i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 hareketi ile sosyalist hareketin farkl\u0131 kaynaklardan, ayr\u0131 ayr\u0131 do\u011fdu\u011funu ve sonra birle\u015ftiklerini s\u00f6yl\u00fcyordu. T\u00fcrkiye\u2019de sosyalist hareket, sanayi proletaryas\u0131 hareketiyle bug\u00fcn birle\u015fmi\u015f, dolay\u0131s\u0131yla da onlar\u0131 politik \u00f6nc\u00fcler olarak \u00f6rg\u00fctlemi\u015f de\u011fil. O halde \u00f6rg\u00fcts\u00fcz bir sanayi i\u015f\u00e7ileri toplam\u0131n\u0131, \u00f6rg\u00fctl\u00fc bir \u00f6nc\u00fc \u015feklinde hareket etmedikleri i\u00e7in azarlamak niye? Yeni bir \u00f6nc\u00fc yok, ne kadar aransa da bulunamayacak. Bu nedenle sorun, yeni bir \u00f6nc\u00fcn\u00fcn \u201cen dipteki tortular\u201d e\u015felenerek kurgulanmas\u0131 veya yarat\u0131lmas\u0131 de\u011fil, Bol\u015fevik-Leninist tipte bir partinin in\u015fa edilmesidir. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u00c7ulhao\u011flu yaz\u0131s\u0131nda, cevab\u0131n yine Marx’da aranabilece\u011fini s\u00f6yl\u00fcyordu. Bu g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015fe kat\u0131l\u0131yoruz ve bu sebeple, Marx’\u0131n s\u00f6zlerini hat\u0131rlatman\u0131n yak\u0131c\u0131 oldu\u011funa inan\u0131yoruz:<\/p>\n\n\n\n

“Mesele, \u015fu ya da bu proleterin veya t\u00fcm proletaryan\u0131n kendisine hedef olarak \u015fu zamana kadar neyi tasarlad\u0131\u011f\u0131 sorunu de\u011fildir. Mesele, proletaryan\u0131n ne oldu\u011fu ve bu olguya uygun bi\u00e7imde tarihsel olarak neyin yap\u0131lmak zorunda oldu\u011fudur.” (Karl Marx – Friedrich Engels, Kutsal Aile<\/em>)<\/p><\/blockquote>\n\n\n\n

***<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Dipnotlar:<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

1.) Bkz. https:\/\/ilerihaber.org\/yazar\/bir-isci-sinifi-yazisi-111877.html<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

2.) Bkz. https:\/\/www.journals.uchicago.edu\/doi\/abs\/10.1086\/704699?journalCode=jop<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

3.) Bkz. https:\/\/www.washingtonpost.com\/politics\/2019\/10\/24\/we-checked-years-protests-countries-heres-what-we-learned-about-working-class-democracy\/<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

Metin \u00c7ulhao\u011flu 18 Nisan 2020 tarihinde \u0130leri Haber\u2019de \u201cBir i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 yaz\u0131s\u0131\u201d ba\u015fl\u0131\u011f\u0131 alt\u0131nda bir metin kaleme ald\u0131 (1). \u00c7ulhao\u011flu yaz\u0131s\u0131nda sanayi proletaryas\u0131n\u0131n, ona Ortodoks Marksizm taraf\u0131ndan \u201catfedilmi\u015f\u201d \u00f6nc\u00fcl\u00fck rol\u00fcn\u00fc yitirdi\u011fini ve bir \u201cfeti\u015f mekan\u0131\u201d olarak fabrikan\u0131n \u00f6neminin azald\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 s\u00f6yl\u00fcyor. \u00c7ulhao\u011flu\u2019na g\u00f6re \u201ci\u015f\u00e7inin \u00e7al\u0131\u015ft\u0131\u011f\u0131 sekt\u00f6r\u00fcn, i\u015fkolunun, \u00fcretim s\u00fcrecinde bilfiil yer al\u0131p almamas\u0131n\u0131n ve benzer fakt\u00f6rlerin\u201d, […]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":6,"featured_media":1700,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"_exactmetrics_skip_tracking":false,"_exactmetrics_sitenote_active":false,"_exactmetrics_sitenote_note":"","_exactmetrics_sitenote_category":0,"footnotes":""},"categories":[701],"tags":[911,909,914,912,910],"class_list":["post-1699","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-politika","tag-endustri-proletaryasi","tag-metin-culhaoglu","tag-sanayi-isci-sinifi","tag-sanayi-iscileri","tag-sanayi-proletaryasi"],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/trockist.net\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/1699","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/trockist.net\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/trockist.net\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/trockist.net\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/6"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/trockist.net\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=1699"}],"version-history":[{"count":8,"href":"https:\/\/trockist.net\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/1699\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":1712,"href":"https:\/\/trockist.net\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/1699\/revisions\/1712"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/trockist.net\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/1700"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/trockist.net\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=1699"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/trockist.net\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=1699"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/trockist.net\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=1699"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}