{"id":151,"date":"2019-02-16T01:34:49","date_gmt":"2019-02-15T22:34:49","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/94.237.85.66\/?p=151"},"modified":"2019-02-16T01:34:51","modified_gmt":"2019-02-15T22:34:51","slug":"turkiyede-kriz","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/trockist.net\/index.php\/2019\/02\/16\/turkiyede-kriz\/","title":{"rendered":"T\u00fcrkiye\u2019de kriz"},"content":{"rendered":"\n

\u015eefik Sand\u0131k\u00e7\u0131 <\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Kapitalizmin d\u00fcnya \u00e7ap\u0131nda derinle\u015fen krizi T\u00fcrkiye ekonomisini de temellerinden sars\u0131yor. Genelde, sermayenin yatay veya dikey yani b\u00f6lgesel veya teknik anlamda geni\u015flemesinin olanaks\u0131zla\u015ft\u0131\u011f\u0131 bir durum ile kar\u015f\u0131 kar\u015f\u0131yay\u0131z. Kapitalistler k\u00e2r oranlar\u0131ndaki d\u00fc\u015f\u00fc\u015ften, stoklar\u0131n\u0131 eritememekten yak\u0131n\u0131rken i\u015fsizlik ve yoksulluk her ge\u00e7en g\u00fcn biraz daha art\u0131yor. Kendilerine olan g\u00fcvenleri sars\u0131lan egemen s\u0131n\u0131flar krizin sorumlulu\u011funu \u00fczerlerinden atmak i\u00e7in d\u00fcn s\u00f6ylediklerini bug\u00fcn hat\u0131rlamak bile istemiyorlar, kitleleri yan\u0131ltmak i\u00e7in her t\u00fcrl\u00fc yalan\u0131 s\u00f6ylemekten \u00e7ekinmiyorlar. Ancak endi\u015fe dolu \u00e7abalar\u0131 rejimi bir arada tutan ideolojik s\u00f6ylemlerin y\u0131k\u0131lmas\u0131n\u0131n \u00f6n\u00fcne ge\u00e7emiyor. S\u0131n\u0131f uzla\u015fmazl\u0131klar\u0131 gerek g\u00fcnl\u00fck s\u00f6ylemlerde gerekse fabrika ve at\u00f6lyelerde kendisini a\u00e7\u0131\u011fa vuruyor. Kriz ile birlikte s\u0131n\u0131flar\u0131n yeniden mevzilenmesi, s\u0131n\u0131flar aras\u0131 bir kutupla\u015fma ve burjuvazinin s\u00f6ylemlerinin birer birer ge\u00e7erlili\u011fini yitirmesi g\u00fcndeme geliyor. Bu ba\u011flamda, s\u0131n\u0131f m\u00fccadelesinin \u00f6n sa ar\u0131nda yerlerini alan devrimci sosyalistlerin ya\u015fad\u0131\u011f\u0131m\u0131z krizin nedenlerini ve olas\u0131l\u0131klar\u0131 analiz etmesi acil bir g\u00f6rev olarak \u00f6n\u00fcm\u00fczde duruyor. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

G\u00fcn\u00fcm\u00fczde T\u00fcrkiye\u2019de kriz ne anlama geliyor? Ne gibi yap\u0131sal de\u011fi\u015fiklikler ve d\u00fczenlemeler T\u00fcrk kapitalizmini i\u00e7inde bulundu\u011fu krizden \u00e7\u0131karabilir? \u00dcretimin yeniden yap\u0131lanmas\u0131 ya da yeni bir kalk\u0131nma modeli s\u00f6z konusu mu? Krizin faturas\u0131n\u0131 kim \u00f6deyecek, sistemin \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcm aray\u0131\u015flar\u0131 sonu\u00e7 vermezse ne gibi bir durum ile kar\u015f\u0131la\u015faca\u011f\u0131z, d\u00fcnyada ve T\u00fcrkiye\u2019de b\u00fcy\u00fck toplumsal alt\u00fcst olu\u015flar m\u00fcmk\u00fcn m\u00fc sorular\u0131na yan\u0131tlar ararken s\u0131n\u0131f m\u00fccadelesinin g\u00fcncel dinamiklerini kavrayarak, m\u00fccadele i\u00e7inde daha verimli bir rol oynayaca\u011f\u0131m\u0131z a\u00e7\u0131kt\u0131r. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

Verece\u011fimiz yan\u0131t ayr\u0131ca rejimin s\u00f6ylemlerinin bo\u015f i\u00e7eri\u011fini g\u00f6stermemiz anlam\u0131na gelir: Yayg\u0131n medya taraf\u0131ndan ekonominin magazinle\u015ftirilmesi ve karma\u015f\u0131kla\u015ft\u0131r\u0131lmas\u0131 t\u00fcm d\u00fcnyada g\u00f6zleyebildi\u011fimiz bir olgudur. Bug\u00fcn her gazetenin bir ekonomi sayfas\u0131, her \u00fcniversitenin birka\u00e7 televizyon hocas\u0131 var. \u015eartlar b\u00f6yle olunca elbette kriz tart\u0131\u015fmas\u0131n\u0131n; dibi g\u00f6rmek veya g\u00f6rmemek, te\u011fet ge\u00e7mek veya ge\u00e7memek, krizin psikolojik olmas\u0131 veya olmamas\u0131 ve hatta Marx\u2019\u0131n hakl\u0131 veya haks\u0131z olmas\u0131 gibi lafazanl\u0131klardan kurtulmamas\u0131na \u015fa\u015fmak da yersiz. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

T\u00fcrkiye\u2019de kriz \u00fczerine mevcut arg\u00fcmanlar\u0131 \u00fc\u00e7 kategori olarak ele alabiliriz. Bunlardan birincisi elbette burjuva entelekt\u00fceller taraf\u0131ndan teorize edilen s\u00f6ylemler b\u00fct\u00fcn\u00fc olacakt\u0131r. \u0130lgin\u00e7 bir \u015fekilde belirli sermaye gruplar\u0131n\u0131n \u00e7\u0131karlar\u0131yla \u00e7ak\u0131\u015ft\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 g\u00f6rd\u00fc\u011f\u00fcm\u00fcz bu tahliller ve \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcm \u00f6nerileri, genel olarak 2008 krizinin Amerika\u2019da fazla fazla verilen konut kredilerinden do\u011fdu\u011fu ve neoliberal politikalar\u0131 daha iyi uygulaman\u0131n krizi f\u0131rsata \u00e7evirmeye yetece\u011fi anlay\u0131\u015f\u0131nda birle\u015fir. Ard\u0131ndan ihracat\u00e7\u0131lar\u0131n k\u00e2rlar\u0131n\u0131 korumak i\u00e7in bir re\u00e7ete veya i\u015fsizlik fonunun kullan\u0131m\u0131 i\u00e7in yarat\u0131c\u0131 \u00f6neriler v.s. gelecektir. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

Bir di\u011feri ise, tahlili neredeyse tamamen Marksist kavramlara dayanan, ancak krize kar\u015f\u0131 sistem d\u0131\u015f\u0131 alternatiflerin varl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 yads\u0131yan stat\u00fckocu anlay\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Buna g\u00f6re kriz d\u00fcnya kapitalizminin zorunlu bir a\u015f\u0131r\u0131 \u00fcretim krizidir. Neoliberalizm insanl\u0131\u011f\u0131 geriye g\u00f6t\u00fcrmektedir. \u00c7\u00f6z\u00fcm ise milli kalk\u0131nmac\u0131 ekonomik modellerde bulunur. G\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc bir milli burjuvazi ve ondan beslenen ayr\u0131cal\u0131kl\u0131 b\u00fcrokrasi bu anlay\u0131\u015f\u0131n hede edi\u011fi \u201cilerici\u201d toplumun temel ta\u015flar\u0131n\u0131 olu\u015fturacakt\u0131r. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

Son olarak elbette Marksist analiz vard\u0131r. \u0130\u00e7inde bulundu\u011fumuz kriz s\u00fcrecini bir a\u015f\u0131r\u0131 \u00fcretim krizi olarak ele alan, finans piyasas\u0131ndaki \u015fi\u015fmenin, azalan k\u00e2r oranlar\u0131n\u0131n yat\u0131r\u0131mlarda do\u011furaca\u011f\u0131 gerilemeyi erteleyen bir t\u0131pa g\u00f6revi g\u00f6rd\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn\u00fc ve patlaman\u0131n \u015fiddetini artt\u0131rd\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 ifade eden ve bir b\u00fct\u00fcn olarak krize giren d\u00fcnya ekonomisinin, sermaye a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan yeni yay\u0131lmalara olanak vermeyece\u011finden hareketle tekrar dengelenmesinin uzun bir s\u00fcre i\u00e7in imk\u00e2ns\u0131z g\u00f6r\u00fcnd\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn\u00fc g\u00f6steren Marksizm\u2019dir. Bu \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmada yapmak istedi\u011fimiz, d\u00fcnya krizinin Marksist tahlilini verili kabul ederek, ayn\u0131 y\u00f6ntemle bu tahlili T\u00fcrkiye yereline ta\u015f\u0131mak ve kriz \u00f6ncesi ko\u015fullar\u0131n ana hatlar\u0131 \u00fczerinden T\u00fcrkiye\u2019de krizin etkilerini ve muhtemel sonu\u00e7lar\u0131n\u0131 tart\u0131\u015fmak olacakt\u0131r. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

  1. T\u00fcrkiye Ekonomisine Genel Bak\u0131\u015f
    \n
    \n24 Ocak Kararlar\u0131 ve 12 Eyl\u00fcl Darbesi <\/strong><\/li><\/ol>\n\n\n\n

    2008\u20132009 krizinin T\u00fcrkiye\u2019ye etkilerini analiz edebilmek i\u00e7in, uygulanan ekonomik modelin bir kriti\u011fi g\u00fcn\u00fcm\u00fcz\u00fcn ko\u015fullar\u0131n\u0131 tan\u0131mlamak a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan gereklidir. Bu ba\u011flamda vurgulanmas\u0131 gereken kilit geli\u015fme, 24 Ocak 1980 Kararlar\u0131 ve bunu izleyen 12 Eyl\u00fcl Darbesi\u2019dir. Bu iki geli\u015fme T\u00fcrkiye\u2019de uygulanan neoliberal ekonomik modelin \u015fafa\u011f\u0131n\u0131 temsil eder. Hi\u00e7 \u015f\u00fcphesiz 2008 krizi ise, neoliberal ekonomik modelin g\u00fcnbat\u0131m\u0131n\u0131 temsil etmektedir. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

    Kapitalizmin h\u0131zla geli\u015fti\u011fi \u0130kinci D\u00fcnya Sava\u015f\u0131 sonras\u0131 y\u0131llar, yerini 1973 y\u0131l\u0131nda ba\u015flayarak bir durgunluk ve birbiri ard\u0131s\u0131ra gelen krizlere b\u0131rakt\u0131. 1973 y\u0131l\u0131nda ba\u015flayan resesyon, 1950\u2019li y\u0131llardan beri s\u00fcregelen kapitalizmin alt\u0131n d\u00f6neminin kapand\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 haber veriyordu. Metropol merkezlerde 1973\u20131975 y\u0131l\u0131nda borsalar\u0131n \u00e7\u00f6k\u00fc\u015f\u00fc, 1974 y\u0131l\u0131 petrol ambargosu ve petrol fiyatlar\u0131ndaki art\u0131\u015f sonucu \u00f6zellikle Latin Amerika ve T\u00fcrkiye d\u00e2hil bir dizi \u00fclkenin \u00f6demeler dengesinin bozulmas\u0131 ve d\u0131\u015f bor\u00e7lanma krizleri, 1980\u2019li y\u0131llarda uygulanmaya ba\u015flayan neoliberal d\u00f6nemin arka plan\u0131nda yer ald\u0131. Ayn\u0131 d\u00f6nemde gerek metropoller gerekse de \u00e7evre \u00fclkelerde y\u00fckselen anti-s\u00f6m\u00fcrgeci, anti-kapitalist bir dalga vard\u0131. T\u00fcrkiye ekonomisinin bug\u00fcnk\u00fc \u00e7ehresini kazanmas\u0131ndaki d\u00f6n\u00fcm noktas\u0131n\u0131n da \u201880 Darbesi oldu\u011funu s\u00f6ylemi\u015ftik. Burada ilgi \u00e7eken, bir\u00e7ok \u00fclkede neoliberal politika ve tedbirler tedricen y\u00fcr\u00fcrl\u00fc\u011fe sokulurken T\u00fcrkiye\u2019de ayn\u0131 s\u00fcrecin Latin Amerika\u2019ya benzer bir \u015fekilde askeri cuntan\u0131n m\u00fcdahalesiyle uygulanm\u0131\u015f olmas\u0131d\u0131r. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

    \u201880 Askeri Darbesi ve etkilerini anlamak i\u00e7in T\u00fcrkiye\u2019de gelir da\u011f\u0131l\u0131m\u0131ndaki de\u011fi\u015fmelere bakmak gereklidir. Burjuva medyan\u0131n bug\u00fcn dahi s\u0131k\u00e7a ve korkuyla tekrarlad\u0131\u011f\u0131 gibi, \u201880 \u00f6ncesine d\u00f6nelim. A\u015fa\u011f\u0131da T\u00dc\u0130K istatistik g\u00f6stergeler yay\u0131n\u0131ndan derledi\u011fimiz tablo, T\u00fcrkiye\u2019de nominal olarak, \u00fccretler ve sanayi katma de\u011feri rakamlar\u0131n\u0131 ve bunlar\u0131n aras\u0131ndaki oran\u0131n de\u011fi\u015fimini g\u00f6stermektedir. Asl\u0131nda b\u00fct\u00fcn s\u00fcre\u00e7, bu basit tablodan izlenebilir. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

    A\u00e7\u0131k\u00e7a g\u00f6r\u00fcld\u00fc\u011f\u00fc gibi, bir an i\u00e7in politik atmosferi g\u00f6z ard\u0131 etsek dahi, katma de\u011fer ve \u00fccret ili\u015fkisinden (art\u0131k de\u011fer s\u00f6m\u00fcr\u00fcs\u00fc) s\u0131n\u0131flar\u0131n ekonomik sava\u015f\u0131m\u0131n\u0131n izledi\u011fi yol \u00e7\u0131kar\u0131labilmektedir. 1980\u2019e kadar, i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131, sermaye kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131nda kazan\u0131mlar\u0131n\u0131 art\u0131rm\u0131\u015f ve katma de\u011fer i\u00e7indeki \u00fccret oran\u0131n\u0131 y\u00fczde 38\u2019e kadar \u00e7\u0131karm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Darbenin ard\u0131ndan ger\u00e7ekle\u015fen en \u00f6nemli de\u011fi\u015fim de bu orandaki b\u00fcy\u00fck d\u00fc\u015f\u00fc\u015f olmu\u015ftur. 12 Eyl\u00fcl\u2019\u00fcn en belirleyici nedeni hi\u00e7 ku\u015fkusuz buradad\u0131r. 24 Ocak Kararlar\u0131 ile in\u015fas\u0131na giri\u015filen IMF modeli neoliberal ekonomi \u201880 Askeri Darbesi olmaks\u0131z\u0131n uygulanamazd\u0131. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

    \u0130kinci olarak vurgulanmas\u0131 gereken, h\u00e2kim s\u0131n\u0131flar\u0131n neoliberal projeyi hayata ge\u00e7irme konusundaki gayretleridir. Bir \u00f6nceki d\u00f6nemin iktisadi politikas\u0131na bakt\u0131\u011f\u0131m\u0131zda g\u00f6rd\u00fc\u011f\u00fcm\u00fcz \u201cuygulanamam\u0131\u015f\u201d korumac\u0131 sanayile\u015fme stratejisinin, tam da bu uygulanamam\u0131\u015fl\u0131k y\u00f6n\u00fcnden 1970\u2019lerin iktisadi ko\u015fullar\u0131na etkileri ilgi \u00e7ekicidir. \u00d6ncelikle \u00f6zel sanayinin bi\u00e7imlenmesi, do\u011frudan K\u0130T\u2019lerin \u00fcstlendi\u011fi ara mal \u00fcretimi g\u00f6revi ve ihracatta devlet te\u015fviklerinden etkilenmi\u015f, bu s\u00fcrecin sonunda, genelde yayg\u0131n t\u00fcketim \u00fcr\u00fcnlerini \u00fcreten, devletin belirledi\u011fi ucuz ara mal fiyatlar\u0131ndan nemalanan ve ko\u015fullar\u0131n g\u00f6sterdi\u011fi gibi b\u00fcrokrasiyle ili\u015fkilerini s\u00f6m\u00fcrme al\u0131\u015fkanl\u0131\u011f\u0131nda bir sanayi burjuvazisi olu\u015fmu\u015ftur. Korumac\u0131 \u00f6nlemler sayesinde elde etti\u011fi tekelci avantajla i\u00e7 pazar\u0131 s\u00f6m\u00fcrme yoluna giden ve b\u00fcy\u00fck k\u00e2rlar elde eden bu z\u00fcmre, bug\u00fcn\u00fcn T\u00fcrkiye\u2019sinin b\u00fcy\u00fck sanayicilerini olu\u015fturmaktad\u0131r. 70\u2019lerin sonlar\u0131na gelindi\u011fine ise, bu ko\u015fullar\u0131 t\u00fcketen burjuvazi mevcut kanallardan elde etti\u011fi k\u00e2r\u0131 yat\u0131r\u0131ma d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcrmekte zorlanmaya ba\u015flam\u0131\u015f ve d\u0131\u015fa a\u00e7\u0131lman\u0131n yollar\u0131n\u0131 aramaya ba\u015flam\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. 24 Ocak Kararlar\u0131\u2019nda da ifadesini bulan bu anlay\u0131\u015f, burjuvazinin neoliberal ekonomiye y\u00f6nelik e\u011filiminde en \u00f6nemli itkilerden biri olacakt\u0131r. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

    De\u011finilmesi gereken bir nokta da, bu d\u00f6nemde, T\u00fcrkiye\u2019nin giderek artan d\u0131\u015f bor\u00e7lanma sorunudur. Gerek kamu harcamalar\u0131, altyap\u0131 yat\u0131r\u0131mlar\u0131 gerekse de yukar\u0131da bahsetti\u011fimiz \u00f6zel sanayiyi kollaman\u0131n artan maliyeti d\u0131\u015f bor\u00e7lanman\u0131n h\u0131zlanmas\u0131 ile sonu\u00e7lanm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Bu d\u00f6nemde h\u0131zl\u0131 bor\u00e7lanma ve bor\u00e7lar\u0131n servisi, d\u00f6viz rezervlerinin yetersizli\u011fi gibi sorunlar yaln\u0131zca T\u00fcrkiye\u2019ye \u00f6zg\u00fc de\u011fildi. 1970\u2019li y\u0131llarda ya\u015fanan petrol krizinin de etkisiyle, geli\u015fmekte olan bir dizi \u00fclkede \u00f6zellikle Latin Amerika\u2019da ba\u015flayan d\u0131\u015f bor\u00e7 servislerinin yap\u0131lamamas\u0131 sorunu, h\u0131zla yayg\u0131nla\u015farak 1980\u2019li y\u0131llarda uluslararas\u0131 bir d\u0131\u015f bor\u00e7lar krizi haline geldi. Azgeli\u015fmi\u015f \u00fclkelerin ba\u011f\u0131ml\u0131l\u0131k ili\u015fkileri i\u00e7inde \u015fekillenen ekonomik yap\u0131lar\u0131 ve ayn\u0131 zamanda hem OPEC hem de sanayile\u015fmi\u015f \u00fclkelerden kaynaklanan y\u00fcksek fiyatlar\u0131n yol a\u00e7t\u0131\u011f\u0131 artan giderler, T\u00fcrkiye dahil \u00e7ok say\u0131da \u00fclkenin giderek artan bir \u015fekilde daha fazla c\u00e2ri i\u015flemler a\u00e7\u0131\u011f\u0131 vermesine neden oldu. Bu \u00fclkeler borcu bor\u00e7la kapatmaya y\u00f6nelmeleri ve y\u00fcksek faiz oranlar\u0131 nedeniyle d\u0131\u015f bor\u00e7 \u00e7\u0131kmaz\u0131n\u0131n i\u00e7ine itilmi\u015flerdir. \u00d6rne\u011fin, 1970\u2019li y\u0131llar\u0131n sonlar\u0131nda, T\u00fcrkiye \u00fc\u00e7 ayr\u0131 d\u0131\u015f bor\u00e7 erteleme anla\u015fmas\u0131 yaparak 5,5 milyar dolarl\u0131k bor\u00e7 ertelemesine gitmi\u015ftir. Bu d\u00f6nemde h\u0131zla k\u00f6t\u00fcye giden d\u0131\u015f \u00f6demeler dengenin d\u00fczeltilmesi amac\u0131yla 1979 y\u0131l\u0131nda 16 OECD \u00fclkesi taraf\u0131ndan T\u00fcrkiye\u2019ye 962 milyon dolarl\u0131k yard\u0131m taahh\u00fcd\u00fcnde bulunularak, 1 milyar dolarl\u0131k d\u0131\u015f bor\u00e7 ertelemesi ger\u00e7ekle\u015ftirilmi\u015ftir. 1980 y\u0131l\u0131na gelindi\u011finde, son on y\u0131lda d\u0131\u015f bor\u00e7 stokunun art\u0131\u015f h\u0131z\u0131n\u0131n y\u00fczde 10\u2019dan y\u00fczde 45\u2019e kadar y\u00fckseldi\u011fini g\u00f6r\u00fcyoruz. Bir bor\u00e7 krizinin ilk i\u015faretlerinin belirdi\u011fi 1970\u2019li y\u0131llar\u0131n sonlar\u0131nda ve 1980\u2019de, bor\u00e7 sa\u011flayanlar d\u0131\u015f bor\u00e7 \u00f6demelerini garanti alt\u0131na almak i\u00e7in bir yandan de\u011fi\u015fken faiz oran\u0131 uygulanmas\u0131 gibi tedbirler al\u0131rken, di\u011fer yandan da azgeli\u015fmi\u015flik \u00e7emberi i\u00e7ine s\u0131k\u0131\u015ft\u0131r\u0131lan \u00fclkeleri d\u0131\u015f bor\u00e7 \u00f6demelerini garanti alt\u0131na almak i\u00e7in, uluslararas\u0131 bir alacakl\u0131lar kartelinin temsilcileri olan IMF ve D\u00fcnya Bankas\u0131 arac\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131yla ekonomilerini yeniden yap\u0131land\u0131rmaya zorlam\u0131\u015flard\u0131r. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

    24 Ocak 1980\u2019de ilan edilen ve yap\u0131sal d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015f\u00fcmleri i\u00e7eren program, IMF taraf\u0131ndan haz\u0131rlanm\u0131\u015f ve S\u00fcleyman Demirel, Turgut \u00d6zal ikilisi taraf\u0131ndan y\u00fcr\u00fcl\u00fc\u011fe sokulmu\u015ftu. 24 Ocak 1980 kararlar\u0131 ile y\u00fczde 32,7 oran\u0131nda deval\u00fcasyon yap\u0131larak g\u00fcnl\u00fck kur ilan\u0131 uygulamas\u0131na gidilmi\u015f, devletin ekonomideki pay\u0131n\u0131 k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fclten \u00f6nlemler al\u0131nm\u0131\u015f, K\u0130T\u2019lerdeki uygulamaya paralel olarak tar\u0131m \u00fcr\u00fcnleri destekleme al\u0131mlar\u0131 s\u0131n\u0131rland\u0131r\u0131lm\u0131\u015f, g\u00fcbre, enerji ve ula\u015ft\u0131rma d\u0131\u015f\u0131nda s\u00fcbvansiyonlar kald\u0131r\u0131lm\u0131\u015f, d\u0131\u015f ticaret serbestle\u015ftirilmi\u015f, yabanc\u0131 sermaye yat\u0131r\u0131mlar\u0131 te\u015fvik edilmi\u015f, k\u00e2r transferlerine kolayl\u0131k sa\u011flanm\u0131\u015f, yurtd\u0131\u015f\u0131 m\u00fcteahhitlik hizmetleri desteklenerek, ithalat kademeli olarak libere edilmi\u015f, ihracat; vergi iadesi, d\u00fc\u015f\u00fck faizli kredi, imalat\u00e7\u0131 ihracat\u00e7\u0131lara ithal girdide g\u00fcmr\u00fck muafiyeti, sekt\u00f6rlere g\u00f6re farkl\u0131la\u015fan te\u015fvik sistemi ile te\u015fvik edilmi\u015ftir. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

    S\u00f6z konusu kararlar, esasen, IMF\u2019nin yeni kredi dilimleri \u00e7\u0131karmak i\u00e7in al\u0131nmas\u0131n\u0131 ko\u015ful olarak s\u00fcrd\u00fc\u011f\u00fc \u00f6nlemlerden yola \u00e7\u0131karak al\u0131nm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Al\u0131nan tedbirlerle devletin piyasaya m\u00fcdahale olanaklar\u0131n\u0131n ortadan kald\u0131r\u0131lmas\u0131, kur serbestisi, K\u0130T\u2019lerin \u00f6zelle\u015ftirilmesi, te\u015fviklerin bitirilmesi ve yabanc\u0131 sermaye dola\u015f\u0131m\u0131n\u0131n \u00f6n\u00fcndeki engellerin kald\u0131r\u0131lmas\u0131 \u00f6ng\u00f6r\u00fcl\u00fcyordu. Kararlar\u0131n genel amac\u0131, cari a\u00e7\u0131\u011f\u0131 ihracat\u0131 art\u0131rma yoluyla kapatma olarak ifade edilse de, ger\u00e7ekte, ihracat i\u00e7in avantaj sa\u011flamak ad\u0131na yap\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131 s\u00f6ylenen deval\u00fcasyonlar ile \u00fccretlere y\u00f6nelik bir sald\u0131r\u0131 olmu\u015ftur. \u0130lan edilen ihracata dayal\u0131 kalk\u0131nma stratejisi, d\u00fc\u015f\u00fck \u00fccretlere dayal\u0131 ihracat stratejisi olarak da okunabilir. \u00dccretleri koruma g\u00f6revini \u00fcstlenecek emek \u00f6rg\u00fctlerinin 12 Eyl\u00fcl rejimiyle yok edilmesiyle birlikte, sermayenin emek kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131nda b\u00fcy\u00fck avantaj elde etti\u011fi bir s\u00fcrece girilmi\u015ftir. Burada not edilmesi gereken di\u011fer bir geli\u015fme de, s\u00f6z\u00fc edilen y\u0131llarda zorunlu olarak faiz oranlar\u0131n\u0131n artmas\u0131yla, anti-enflasyonist tedbirler de g\u00fcndeme gelmi\u015f, deval\u00fcasyonlar ger\u00e7ekle\u015ftirilmi\u015ftir. B\u00f6yle bir ortamda \u00fccretlerin korunabilmi\u015f olmas\u0131, d\u00f6nemin sendikal ve politik m\u00fccadelesinin kapasitesini anlamak a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan da \u00f6\u011freticidir. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

    Ba\u011f\u0131ml\u0131l\u0131k Modeli <\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

    Gerek 12 Eyl\u00fcl 1980 gerekse de \u00f6ncesinde izlenen ekonomik modellere bakt\u0131\u011f\u0131m\u0131zda, bu modellerin ortak yan\u0131n\u0131n ba\u011f\u0131ml\u0131l\u0131k ili\u015fkileri ve azgeli\u015fmi\u015fli\u011fin geli\u015fmesi oldu\u011funu g\u00f6r\u00fcyoruz. Ancak burjuva iktisad\u0131 i\u00e7inde azgeli\u015fmi\u015flik olgusuna bakt\u0131\u011f\u0131m\u0131z zaman bu ger\u00e7ekli\u011fin ters y\u00fcz edildi\u011fi bir a\u00e7\u0131klama ile kar\u015f\u0131la\u015f\u0131yoruz: \u0130kinci D\u00fcnya Sava\u015f\u0131 sonras\u0131 ekonomik paradigmas\u0131n\u0131n bir par\u00e7as\u0131 olarak geli\u015ftirilen azgeli\u015fmi\u015flik kavram\u0131 ve bunun \u00fczerin kurulan kalk\u0131nma iktisad\u0131, esasen t\u00fcm\u00fcyle bilimsel olmayan ideolojik bir yap\u0131ya sahiptir. Bu tan\u0131ma g\u00f6re kapitalist sanayile\u015fme a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan ge\u00e7 kalm\u0131\u015f \u00fclkeler, sosyo-ekonomik olanaklar\u0131n\u0131 verimli olarak kullanamamaktad\u0131rlar. Burada geli\u015fmi\u015f \u00fclkeler devreye girer ve bu olanaklar\u0131n verimli kullan\u0131lmas\u0131na katk\u0131da bulunurlar. Sonu\u00e7ta her iki taraf da kazan\u00e7l\u0131 \u00e7\u0131kar. Burjuvazinin ba\u011f\u0131ml\u0131l\u0131k ve s\u00f6m\u00fcr\u00fc ili\u015fkilerini mant\u0131k kaidelerine ayk\u0131r\u0131 d\u00fc\u015fer bir \u015fekilde geli\u015fme olarak sunmas\u0131na ilk kez burada rastlam\u0131yoruz. Elbette azgeli\u015fmi\u015flik ve kalk\u0131nma kavramlar\u0131, neoliberal s\u00f6ylemlerin T\u00fcrkiye\u2019nin sorunlar\u0131na \u00e7are olarak sunulmas\u0131 \u00f6rne\u011finde g\u00f6r\u00fcld\u00fc\u011f\u00fc gibi emperyalist \u00e7\u0131karlar\u0131 gizlemek i\u00e7in kullan\u0131lmaktad\u0131r. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

    Ger\u00e7ekte, T\u00fcrkiye gibi azgeli\u015fmi\u015f ya da geli\u015fmekte olarak tan\u0131mlanan \u00fclkelerin sorunu, metropol \u00fclkelerin \u201cgerisinde\u201d olmak ve onlar\u0131n refah d\u00fczeylerine yeti\u015fme sorunu de\u011fildir. Bu \u00fclkelerin fakirliklerinin nedeni, Bat\u0131 \u00fclkelerinde oldu\u011fu gibi sanayi devrimlerini yapamamak de\u011fildir. Sorun, azgeli\u015fmi\u015f \u00fclkelerin d\u00fcnya kapitalist sistemine g\u00fc\u00e7 kullan\u0131larak ham madde \u00fcreticileri, ucuz i\u015fg\u00fcc\u00fc kaynaklar\u0131 olarak entegre edilmeleri ve \u00fcr\u00fcnlerini metropol emperyalist \u00fclkeler ile e\u015fit olmayan ko\u015fullar i\u00e7inde satmaya zorlanmalar\u0131d\u0131r. Bu nedenle, tarihsel olarak bakt\u0131\u011f\u0131m\u0131zda kalk\u0131nma ad\u0131 alt\u0131nda azgeli\u015fmi\u015fli\u011fin geli\u015fmesi gibi bir olgu ile kar\u015f\u0131la\u015f\u0131yoruz. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

    Emperyalizm, hem azgeli\u015fmi\u015f di\u011fer bir deyi\u015fle s\u00f6m\u00fcrge ve yar\u0131 s\u00f6m\u00fcrge \u00fclkelerin geli\u015fimindeki e\u015fitsizli\u011fi, hem de mevcut ba\u011f\u0131ml\u0131l\u0131k ili\u015fkilerini yeniden \u00fcretmektedir. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

    Bu ba\u011f\u0131ml\u0131l\u0131k ili\u015fkisi, g\u00fcn\u00fcm\u00fczde genel olarak sermaye ihrac\u0131, d\u0131\u015f ticaret avantaj\u0131 ve \u00fcretim tekni\u011findeki farklar \u00fczerinden kurulur. Burada emperyalist \u00fclkelerin var olma ko\u015fulunun azgeli\u015fmi\u015f \u00fclkelerin varl\u0131\u011f\u0131 ya da azgeli\u015fmi\u015flik \u00e7emberi i\u00e7inde s\u0131k\u0131\u015ft\u0131r\u0131lmalar\u0131 olan, ad\u0131na k\u00fcreselle\u015fme denilen bir kapitalist d\u00fcnya ekonomisi vard\u0131r. Emperyalizm azgeli\u015fmi\u015f \u00fclkelerin ne ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131z bir kapitalist geli\u015fim ger\u00e7ekle\u015ftirmelerine, ne de emek\u00e7i kitleler ve yoksullar\u0131n ihtiya\u00e7lar\u0131 do\u011frultusunda \u00fcretim ger\u00e7ekle\u015ftirmelerine izin vermez. G\u00fcn\u00fcm\u00fczde \u201cd\u0131\u015fa ba\u011f\u0131ml\u0131\u201d olmayan bir b\u00fcy\u00fcmeden bahsetmek prensip olarak m\u00fcmk\u00fcn olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131 halde, bu ba\u011f\u0131ml\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131n derecesi ve niteli\u011fi yine de b\u00fcy\u00fck \u00f6nem arz eder. T\u00fcrkiye\u2019nin kapitalist d\u00fcnya sistemi i\u00e7indeki yeri ve ba\u011f\u0131ml\u0131l\u0131k ili\u015fkisini esas alarak sistemin yaratt\u0131\u011f\u0131 krizleri, sermaye ihra\u00e7lar\u0131n\u0131, politik kurumlar\u0131 ve ideolojiyi incelemek m\u00fcmk\u00fcnd\u00fcr. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

    T\u00fcrkiye a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan bak\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131nda bu ba\u011f\u0131ml\u0131l\u0131k ili\u015fkisinin merkezinde 1980 \u00f6ncesinde d\u0131\u015f bor\u00e7lanma \u00e7\u0131kmaz\u0131 ile sonu\u00e7lanan ekonomik politikalar\u0131n, sonras\u0131nda ise ihracata y\u00f6nelik bir model in\u015fas\u0131 ad\u0131 alt\u0131nda T\u00fcrkiye ekonomisinin emperyalizmin ihtiya\u00e7lar\u0131 do\u011frultusunda yeniden \u015fekillendirilmesi olgular\u0131n\u0131n bulundu\u011funu g\u00f6r\u00fcr\u00fcz. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

    T\u00fcrkiye\u2019nin 1980 sonras\u0131 b\u00fcy\u00fcme dinami\u011fini \u015femala\u015ft\u0131racak olursak, birinci fazda T\u00fcrkiye sanayisinin temel itkisinin, d\u0131\u015f pazara y\u00f6nelik genellikle fason \u00fcretim yapan burjuvazi oldu\u011funu, bu sekt\u00f6r\u00fcn d\u00fc\u015f\u00fck katma de\u011feri sonucu, tutarl\u0131 bir birikimin ger\u00e7ekle\u015fmesi i\u00e7in gerekli k\u00e2r oranlar\u0131n\u0131n \u00fccretlerin d\u00fc\u015f\u00fckl\u00fc\u011f\u00fc \u00fczerinden sa\u011fland\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131, ikinci fazda, sanayi \u00fcretiminin ara mal ve yat\u0131r\u0131m mal\u0131 ihtiyac\u0131n\u0131 ithalat yoluyla kar\u015f\u0131lamas\u0131ndan dolay\u0131 artan ihracattan elde edilen birikimin zincirleme bir \u015fekilde artan ithalata yol a\u00e7t\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 ve \u00fc\u00e7\u00fcnc\u00fc fazda bu sistemin yaratt\u0131\u011f\u0131 cari a\u00e7\u0131\u011f\u0131n finansman zorunlulu\u011funun ba\u015fta daha fazla yabanc\u0131 yat\u0131r\u0131m \u00e7ekme gereksinimi olmak \u00fczere daha fazla \u00f6zelle\u015ftirme, daha fazla b\u00fct\u00e7e a\u00e7\u0131\u011f\u0131, daha adaletsiz vergiler gibi sonu\u00e7lara vard\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 s\u00f6yleyebiliriz. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

    Ya\u015fanan krizlerin bize \u00f6\u011fretti\u011fi, T\u00fcrkiye ekonomisinin \u00e7evrimsel olarak mali krizler \u00fcretti\u011fi ve bu krizlerin g\u00f6sterildikleri gibi yanl\u0131\u015f ekonomi politikas\u0131 yahut \u00e7e\u015fitli sansasyonlarla a\u00e7\u0131klanmas\u0131n\u0131n yanl\u0131\u015fl\u0131\u011f\u0131 olacakt\u0131r. Bunun yan\u0131nda, bahis konusu mali krizlerle daha \u00f6nce de\u011findi\u011fimiz ba\u011f\u0131ml\u0131l\u0131k konusunu ili\u015fkilendirdi\u011fimizde, rahatl\u0131kla uluslararas\u0131 a\u015f\u0131r\u0131 \u00fcretimin bu s\u00fcre\u00e7teki rol\u00fcn\u00fc g\u00f6rmek m\u00fcmk\u00fcnd\u00fcr. D\u00fcnya krizinin tahlilinin \u00f6nemli bir par\u00e7as\u0131, d\u00fc\u015fen k\u00e2r oranlar\u0131n\u0131n yaratt\u0131\u011f\u0131 kriz e\u011filiminin \u00e7e\u015fitli \u015fekillerde ertelenmesidir. Bu erteleme, yani art\u0131k \u00fcr\u00fcn\u00fcn yeniden dola\u015f\u0131ma sokulmas\u0131, emperyalizm \u00e7a\u011f\u0131nda sermaye ihrac\u0131yla ger\u00e7ekle\u015fir. Sermaye giri\u015flerinin yap\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131 T\u00fcrkiye ve benzer karakterde \u00fclkelerde ger\u00e7ekle\u015fen \u00e7evrimsel krizler de, uluslararas\u0131 bunal\u0131m\u0131 ertelemenin ara\u00e7lar\u0131na d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015f\u00fcrler. Ba\u015fka bir deyi\u015fle, T\u00fcrkiye ekonomisi d\u00fcnya sermayesinin emniyet supaplar\u0131ndan biri i\u015flevini \u00fcstlenmekte ve bu durum mali krizleri beraberinde getirmektedir. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

    Vurgulanmas\u0131 gereken di\u011fer bir konu da, ABD\u2019nin dolar\u0131n uluslararas\u0131 bir para birimi olmas\u0131ndan faydalanarak faiz oranlar\u0131nda yapt\u0131\u011f\u0131 oynamalarla krizlerini \u00e7evre \u00fclkelere ihra\u00e7 etmesi ve ya s\u00f6zde serbest ticaret ad\u0131 alt\u0131nda, metropol \u00fclkelerin pazarlar\u0131na giri\u015flerde k\u0131s\u0131tlamalar ve bor\u00e7lanma gibi ara\u00e7lar\u0131 kullanarak kendi krizlerini IMF ve D\u00fcnya Bankas\u0131 arac\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131yla \u00e7evre \u00fclkelere yaymas\u0131d\u0131r. Bir\u00e7ok \u00f6rnekte, \u00f6rne\u011fin 1998 Asya krizi ve 2001 T\u00fcrkiye krizinde g\u00f6r\u00fcld\u00fc\u011f\u00fc gibi IMF\u2019nin kriz ile ba\u015fa \u00e7\u0131kmak i\u00e7in sundu\u011fu program ve tedbirler yaln\u0131zca krizi daha da derinle\u015ftirmekle kalmam\u0131\u015f, uluslararas\u0131 sermayenin k\u0131s\u0131tlamalara tabi tutulmaks\u0131z\u0131n \u00e7evre \u00fclkelere girerek gerek finans gerekse de sanayi sekt\u00f6rlerini ele ge\u00e7irmesine neden olmu\u015ftur. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

    Sermaye \u0130hrac\u0131 <\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

    T\u00fcrkiye\u2019nin d\u00fcnya kapitalizmi i\u00e7indeki yerini ve ba\u011f\u0131ml\u0131l\u0131k ili\u015fkilerini tart\u0131\u015f\u0131rken, sermaye ihrac\u0131n\u0131n \u00f6neminden bahsettik. Bu konuya daha ayr\u0131nt\u0131l\u0131 olarak bakmak gerekir. Sanayinin yap\u0131lanmas\u0131ndan dolay\u0131 olu\u015fan a\u00e7\u0131klar\u0131n finansman\u0131n\u0131n \u00f6nemli par\u00e7alar\u0131ndan biri, T\u00fcrkiye\u2019ye yap\u0131lan yabanc\u0131 sermaye yat\u0131r\u0131mlar\u0131 olmaktad\u0131r. Ayr\u0131ca \u00e7o\u011fu ba\u011f\u0131ml\u0131l\u0131k ekol\u00fc mensubuna g\u00f6re ba\u011f\u0131ml\u0131 \u00fclkeyi tan\u0131mlarken ihracata dayal\u0131 \u00fcretim ve yabanc\u0131 sermaye yat\u0131r\u0131mlar\u0131n\u0131n en \u00f6nemli ba\u015fl\u0131klar oldu\u011funu da g\u00f6z \u00f6n\u00fcnde bulundurmakta fayda var. Son d\u00f6nemde yabanc\u0131 sermaye yat\u0131r\u0131mlar\u0131n\u0131n ne \u00f6l\u00e7\u00fcde artt\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 Hazine M\u00fcste\u015farl\u0131\u011f\u0131 kaynakl\u0131 tabloda g\u00f6rmek m\u00fcmk\u00fcn; <\/p>\n\n\n\n

    2005 y\u0131l\u0131nda \u00e7\u0131kan do\u011frudan yabanc\u0131 yat\u0131r\u0131mlar mevzuat\u0131n\u0131n yaratt\u0131\u011f\u0131 alan\u0131n, 2001 krizi sonras\u0131 ger\u00e7ekle\u015fen \u00e7\u0131k\u0131\u015flar\u0131n ard\u0131ndan ya\u015fanan geri d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015flerde ve uluslararas\u0131 konjonkt\u00fcr\u00fcn etkisiyle yabanc\u0131 sermaye yat\u0131r\u0131mlar\u0131nda dikkat \u00e7ekici bir art\u0131\u015fla kar\u015f\u0131la\u015f\u0131yoruz. Bu art\u0131\u015f, AKP iktidar\u0131 d\u00f6neminde daha \u00f6nce inceledi\u011fimiz t\u00fcrden bir krizin ger\u00e7ekle\u015fmeyi\u015finin en \u00f6nemli nedeni olmu\u015ftur. Buna ra\u011fmen uygulanan politikalar\u0131n \u00f6ncekilerden farkl\u0131 karakterde olmay\u0131\u015f\u0131 ve neoliberal projeyi daha da yo\u011fun \u015fekilde s\u00fcrd\u00fcrmeyi ama\u00e7lamas\u0131, AKP d\u00f6neminde de bir mali krizin ger\u00e7ekle\u015fme e\u011filimini ara\u015ft\u0131rmay\u0131 gerekli k\u0131lmaktad\u0131r. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

    Vurgulanmas\u0131 gereken di\u011fer \u00f6nemli bir konu da, spek\u00fclatif sermaye hareketlerinin reel ve finansal kesimde sebep oldu\u011fu k\u0131r\u0131lganl\u0131k ve istikrars\u0131zl\u0131kt\u0131r. T\u00fcrkiye\u2019de sermaye hareketlerinin liberalle\u015ftirilmesi \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmalar\u0131 1980\u2019lerde y\u00fcr\u00fct\u00fclen neoliberal reformlar\u0131n bir par\u00e7as\u0131 olarak ba\u015flat\u0131lm\u0131\u015f ve 1989 y\u0131l\u0131nda tamamlanm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Ancak, spek\u00fclatif sermaye dahil yabanc\u0131 sermayenin \u00f6n\u00fcndeki k\u0131s\u0131tlamalar\u0131n kald\u0131r\u0131lmas\u0131ndan sonra, ekonomik yap\u0131n\u0131n \u00e7ok daha k\u0131r\u0131lgan ve oynak h\u00e2le gelmesi sonucu \u00fcst \u00fcste krizler ya\u015fanmaya ba\u015flanm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Neoliberal reformlar krizleri \u00e7\u00f6zmeyi vaat ederken, ger\u00e7ekte ya\u015fanan krizlerin nedenlerinden biri haline gelmi\u015f ya da krizlerin daha s\u0131k ve daha sert \u015fekilde ya\u015fanmas\u0131na yol a\u00e7m\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. \u0130stikrars\u0131z faiz oranlar\u0131 ve d\u00f6viz kurlar\u0131 ile birlikte ya\u015fanan ekonomideki ini\u015f \u00e7\u0131k\u0131\u015flar, bir yandan herhangi bir kalk\u0131nma stratejisinden s\u00f6z edilmesini imk\u00e2ns\u0131z k\u0131larken, di\u011fer yandan da ekonomik faaliyetin a\u011f\u0131rl\u0131kl\u0131 olarak yurt d\u0131\u015f\u0131ndan sa\u011flanan, daha \u00e7ok k\u0131sa vadeli sermayeye ba\u011fl\u0131 olmas\u0131na yol a\u00e7m\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. K\u0131sa vadeli sermayeyi \u00e7eken y\u00fcksek faiz oranlar\u0131, \u00fcretici sekt\u00f6rlere yap\u0131lan yat\u0131r\u0131mlar\u0131 olumsuz etkileyerek finansal kurulu\u015f ve \u00fcr\u00fcnlere yap\u0131lan yat\u0131r\u0131mlar\u0131 fiziksel yat\u0131r\u0131mlardan daha cazip h\u00e2le gelmi\u015ftir. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

    1994, 1998 ve 2001 Mali Krizleri ve Sonu\u00e7lar\u0131 <\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

    1980\u2019den itibaren T\u00fcrkiye ekonomisi, biri g\u00f6rece ha f olmak \u00fczere \u00fc\u00e7 mali kriz ge\u00e7irmi\u015ftir. Bunlar s\u0131ras\u0131yla, 1994, 1998 ve 2001 mali krizleridir. Sermaye hareketlerinin serbestle\u015ftirildi\u011fi bir ortamda 1994 ve 2001 krizlerinin ortak \u00f6zelli\u011fi, kriz \u00f6ncesi y\u0131lda b\u00fcy\u00fck miktarda k\u0131sa vadeli sermaye giri\u015finin olmas\u0131 ve kriz y\u0131l\u0131nda da b\u00fcy\u00fck \u00f6l\u00e7ekli sermaye ka\u00e7\u0131\u015f\u0131n\u0131n ekonominin k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fclmesiyle sonu\u00e7lanmas\u0131d\u0131r. Spek\u00fclatif sermayenin temsilcileri olan d\u0131\u015f ve i\u00e7 mali yat\u0131r\u0131mc\u0131lar, d\u00fcnya piyasalar\u0131nda belirsizli\u011fin artt\u0131\u011f\u0131 bir ortamda, T\u00fcrkiye\u2019de deval\u00fcasyon bekleyi\u015fleri y\u00fckselince, tedirgin olup mali sermayelerini aniden d\u0131\u015far\u0131ya transfer etmi\u015flerdir. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

    1994 krizinden \u00f6nceki d\u00f6nemde, kamu kesimi faiz-d\u0131\u015f\u0131 dengesi b\u00fcy\u00fck \u00f6l\u00e7\u00fcde a\u00e7\u0131k vermi\u015f, reel kur fazla de\u011ferlenmi\u015f ve Merkez Bankas\u0131 rezervleri d\u00fc\u015f\u00fck d\u00fczeyde kalm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Krizle birlikte ekonomi daralm\u0131\u015f ve bankac\u0131l\u0131k sistemi bu krizden olumsuz etkilenerek k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fclm\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcr: 1994 y\u0131l\u0131nda bankac\u0131l\u0131k sisteminin toplam aktifleri 68,6 milyar dolardan 51,6 milyar dolara, \u00f6z kaynaklar\u0131 ise 6,6 milyar dolardan 4,3 milyar dolara inmi\u015ftir. Bankac\u0131l\u0131k sekt\u00f6r\u00fcndeki bunal\u0131m, tasarruf mevduat\u0131na g\u00fcvence getirilerek a\u015f\u0131lm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. 1995 y\u0131l\u0131ndan itibaren yeniden geli\u015fmeye ba\u015flayan bankac\u0131l\u0131k sekt\u00f6r\u00fc ekonomik istikrar\u0131n tam olarak sa\u011flanamamas\u0131, siyasi istikrars\u0131zl\u0131k, Asya\u2019da ba\u015flayan ekonomik kriz ve K\u00f6rfez Sava\u015f\u0131 ve Rusya\u2019da ya\u015fanan ekonomik kriz gibi nedenler sebebiyle yeniden istikrars\u0131z bir ortama girmi\u015ftir. 1994 y\u0131l\u0131nda, Marmarabank, Impexbank ve TYT Bank tas ye edilmi\u015f, 1997 y\u0131l\u0131nda T\u00fcrk Ticaret Bankas\u0131, 1998 y\u0131l\u0131nda Bank Expres, 1999 y\u0131l\u0131nda Interbank, Esbank, Egebank, Yurtbank, Ya\u015farbank, S\u00fcmerbank, Bank Kapital ve Etibank\u2019a el konularak, TMSF\u2019ye devredilmi\u015ftir. K\u0131br\u0131s Kredi Bankas\u0131 ile Park Yat\u0131r\u0131m Bankas\u0131n\u0131n faaliyet izinleri iptal edilmi\u015ftir. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

    \u201894 krizine ilk bakt\u0131\u011f\u0131m\u0131zda, de\u011findi\u011fimiz gibi, b\u00fcy\u00fcyen kamu a\u00e7\u0131klar\u0131 ve bunlar\u0131n finansman\u0131 i\u00e7in al\u0131nan y\u00fcksek faizli bor\u00e7lar\u0131n yaratt\u0131\u011f\u0131 gerilim sonucu, h\u00fck\u00fcmetin bir hamlesinin (yurtd\u0131\u015f\u0131ndan d\u00fc\u015f\u00fck faizli bor\u00e7lanma \u00fczerine) sonras\u0131nda ya\u015fanan patlamay\u0131 g\u00f6r\u00fcr\u00fcz. Buradan \u00e7izdi\u011fimiz \u015femaya yap\u0131lacak bir itiraz krizin bizim ifade etti\u011fimiz gibi yabanc\u0131 sermaye ile ili\u015fki \u00fczerinden tetiklenmedi\u011fi, i\u00e7 bor\u00e7lanma ile ilgili bir politika hatas\u0131 oldu\u011fu y\u00f6n\u00fcnde olabilir. Nitekim, burjuva iktisat\u00e7\u0131lar\u0131n\u0131n yayg\u0131n tezi de budur. Burada \u00f6nem arz eden nokta, s\u00f6z konusu i\u00e7 bor\u00e7lanma gereksiniminin, belirtti\u011fimiz gibi esasen \u00fcretimdeki ba\u011f\u0131ml\u0131l\u0131k ili\u015fkisinin yaratt\u0131\u011f\u0131 d\u0131\u015f a\u00e7\u0131\u011f\u0131 kar\u015f\u0131lamak zorunlulu\u011fundan do\u011fmu\u015f olmas\u0131d\u0131r. Bunun yan\u0131nda s\u00f6z konusu kriz d\u00f6neminde ger\u00e7ekle\u015fen, negatif yabanc\u0131 k\u00f6kenli sermaye hareketinin milli gelirin y\u00fczde 11\u2019ine ula\u015fmas\u0131ndan da \u00f6nemli sonu\u00e7lar \u00e7\u0131kar\u0131labilir. \u00dclkeye giri\u015f yapan yabanc\u0131 sermayenin yaratt\u0131\u011f\u0131 talep b\u00fcy\u00fcmesinin de cari a\u00e7\u0131\u011f\u0131n art\u0131\u015f\u0131na katk\u0131s\u0131 d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fcld\u00fc\u011f\u00fcnde tablo netle\u015fecektir. Sonu\u00e7ta \u201894 krizi, T\u00fcrkiye ekonomisinin d\u00fcnya sermayesine entegrasyonunun a\u015famalar\u0131ndan biri olarak anla\u015f\u0131labilir. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

    1994 krizi sonras\u0131, 1995\u201397 aras\u0131nda, devlet-d\u0131\u015f\u0131 sekt\u00f6rlerin h\u0131zl\u0131 d\u0131\u015f bor\u00e7lanmas\u0131na dayal\u0131 bir b\u00fcy\u00fcme izlenmi\u015f, Merkez Bankas\u0131 rezervleri g\u00fc\u00e7lendirilirken, reel kurda fazla de\u011ferlenmenin \u00f6n\u00fcne ge\u00e7ilmeye \u00e7al\u0131\u015f\u0131lm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Ancak bu d\u00f6nemde kamu i\u00e7 bor\u00e7lar\u0131 artm\u0131\u015f ve enflasyon oran\u0131nda bir art\u0131\u015f g\u00f6r\u00fclm\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcr. 1998\u2019de, 1994 ve 2001 y\u0131llar\u0131nda oldu\u011fu gibi, Asya, Brezilya ve Rusya gibi \u00fclkelerde g\u00f6zlenen finansal krizlerin etkisiyle de\u011fi\u015fen risk alg\u0131lamalar\u0131 sonucu tekrar mali sermaye ka\u00e7\u0131\u015f\u0131 ger\u00e7ekle\u015fmi\u015ftir. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

    T\u00fcrkiye\u2019nin 2001 kriz deneyiminin belirleyici \u00f6zelli\u011fi, krizin IMF destekli bir program\u0131n uygulanma s\u00fcrecinde \u00e7\u0131km\u0131\u015f olmas\u0131d\u0131r. 1998\u2019de IMF ve T\u00fcrkiye aras\u0131nda imzalanan, \u201cyak\u0131n izleme anla\u015fmas\u0131\u201d ard\u0131ndan Aral\u0131k 1999\u2019da d\u00f6viz kuru taahh\u00fctlerine dayal\u0131 bir anti-enflasyon program\u0131, kamusal bor\u00e7lanmay\u0131 da kontrol alt\u0131na almak amac\u0131yla y\u00fcr\u00fcrl\u00fc\u011fe kondu. Ancak, program\u0131n uygulanmas\u0131n\u0131n \u00fczerinden hen\u00fcz bir y\u0131l bile ge\u00e7meden, 2000 Kas\u0131m ay\u0131nda ba\u015flayan mali kriz sonucu geni\u015f \u00e7apl\u0131 yeni bir IMF m\u00fcdahalesi yap\u0131ld\u0131. IMF\u2019nin m\u00fcdahalesi, T\u00fcrk liras\u0131 \u00fczerinde yap\u0131lan spek\u00fclatif hareketleri durduramay\u0131nca d\u0131\u015far\u0131ya sermaye \u00e7\u0131k\u0131\u015f\u0131 h\u0131zland\u0131. Faiz oranlar\u0131 art\u0131r\u0131ld\u0131. Bir kez daha ekonomide y\u00fczde 9,5 oran\u0131nda \u00f6nemli daralma g\u00f6r\u00fcld\u00fc. IMF\u2019n\u0131n tavsiyesi \u00fczerine T\u00fcrk liras\u0131 \u015eubat 2001\u2019de serbest piyasada dalgalanmaya b\u0131rak\u0131ld\u0131. 2001 y\u0131l\u0131 sonlar\u0131na do\u011fru, IMF\u2019nin yeni bir kurtarma operasyonun ard\u0131ndan mali piyasalarda bir istikrar sa\u011fland\u0131. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

    2001 krizinin IMF\u2019ye ait oldu\u011fu bir\u00e7ok g\u00f6zlemci taraf\u0131ndan dile getirilmi\u015ftir. Mali krizlerin sonu\u00e7lar\u0131na bakt\u0131\u011f\u0131m\u0131z zaman, neoliberal IMF programlar\u0131n\u0131n ne anlama geldi\u011fini daha iyi g\u00f6r\u00fcyoruz. \u0130nceledi\u011fimiz krizler ba\u011flam\u0131nda neoliberal modellerin uygulanmas\u0131n\u0131n sonu\u00e7lar\u0131n\u0131 k\u0131saca a\u015fa\u011f\u0131daki gibi \u00f6zetlememiz m\u00fcmk\u00fcnd\u00fcr: <\/p>\n\n\n\n

    1) Neoliberal politikalar\u0131n uyguland\u0131\u011f\u0131 s\u00fcre\u00e7te T\u00fcrkiye\u2019de kalk\u0131nma h\u0131z\u0131 y\u00fczde 6,9\u2019dan, 1998\u20132006 d\u00f6neminde y\u00fczde 3,2 d\u00fczeyine d\u00fc\u015fm\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcr. D\u00fc\u015fen b\u00fcy\u00fcme h\u0131z\u0131 ve 2008 krizinin yol a\u00e7t\u0131\u011f\u0131 ekonomideki daralma sonucu, T\u00fcrkiye\u2019de yoksullu\u011fun giderilmesi ve i\u015f imk\u00e2nlar\u0131n\u0131n yarat\u0131lmas\u0131 ancak burjuva partilerin programlar\u0131nda vaatler olarak kalmaktad\u0131r. Resmi rakamlara g\u00f6re, bir yandan n\u00fcfusun en yoksul y\u00fczde yirmisi ile en zengin y\u00fczde yirmisi aras\u0131ndaki gelir fark\u0131 17 kat artarken di\u011fer yandan Forbes dergisinde yay\u0131nlanan d\u00fcnyan\u0131n en zenginleri listesinde 13 T\u00fcrk\u00fcn ismi yay\u0131nlanm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. T\u00fcrkiye\u2019de vergi sisteminin yap\u0131s\u0131 ve ekonomide kara para miktar\u0131n\u0131n vard\u0131\u011f\u0131 boyutlar g\u00f6z \u00f6n\u00fcne al\u0131nd\u0131\u011f\u0131nda, ger\u00e7ek durumun istatistiklere yans\u0131yandan \u00e7ok daha k\u00f6t\u00fc oldu\u011fu a\u00e7\u0131kt\u0131r. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

    Kamu mal varl\u0131klar\u0131n\u0131n \u00f6zelle\u015ftirilmesi, bankac\u0131l\u0131k sisteminin kurtar\u0131lmas\u0131 ve ihracat\u0131n desteklenmesi ad\u0131 alt\u0131nda uygulamaya konulan bir dizi uygulama ile burjuva s\u0131n\u0131flar\u0131n servetlerine servet katmalar\u0131 sa\u011flan\u0131rken, kamu harcamalar\u0131ndaki k\u0131s\u0131tlamalarla gelir da\u011f\u0131l\u0131m\u0131ndaki dengesizlik daha da art\u0131r\u0131lm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Emek\u00e7ilerin art\u0131k de\u011ferden ald\u0131\u011f\u0131 pay; g\u00fcnl\u00fck fiyat art\u0131\u015flar\u0131, d\u00fc\u015fen \u00fccretler, i\u015fsizlik, esnek i\u015f yasalar\u0131 ve vergi aflar\u0131 vas\u0131tas\u0131yla daha da azalmaktad\u0131r. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

    2) T\u00fcrkiye\u2019nin Avrupa Birli\u011fi\u2019ne kat\u0131laca\u011f\u0131 vaat edilirken, ger\u00e7ekte T\u00fcrkiye ile emperyalist metropol aras\u0131ndaki ba\u011f\u0131ml\u0131l\u0131k ili\u015fkisi daha da artm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. T\u00fcrkiye\u2019nin d\u00fcnya pazar\u0131na entegrasyonu, ister istemez metropol \u00fclkelerde ba\u015flayan krizler ve istikrars\u0131zl\u0131k ortam\u0131ndan do\u011frudan etkilenmesini birlikte getirmektedir. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

    3) Finansalla\u015fma, bir yandan T\u00fcrkiye\u2019de mali sekt\u00f6r\u00fcn metropol \u00fclkelerde \u00fcslenen dev finans kurumlar\u0131n\u0131n kontrol\u00fc alt\u0131na girmesine neden olurken, di\u011fer yandan da spek\u00fclatif sermayeye milyarlarca dolarl\u0131k kazanc\u0131n kap\u0131s\u0131n\u0131 aralam\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Finansalla\u015fman\u0131n bir sonucu olarak, T\u00fcrkiye\u2019nin d\u0131\u015f bor\u00e7lar\u0131yla i\u00e7 pazardaki t\u00fcketici bor\u00e7lar\u0131 astronomik rakamlara ula\u015fm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

    4) T\u00fcrkiye ekonomisinin neoliberal hatlar \u00fczerinde \u015fekillenmesi olduk\u00e7a uzun vadeli bir s\u00fcre\u00e7 olmu\u015f, b\u00fcy\u00fcmenin t\u0131kand\u0131\u011f\u0131 ko\u015fullar\u0131n zorlamas\u0131yla yap\u0131lan de\u011fi\u015fiklikler bu karakteri olu\u015ftururken, de\u011fi\u015fimin kendisi krizin etkenlerinden biri haline d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015febilmi\u015ftir. Bunlara \u00f6rnek olarak, \u00d6zal\u2019\u0131n Demirel taraf\u0131ndan ekonominin ba\u015f\u0131na getirilmesi sonras\u0131nda uygulamaya koydu\u011fu finansal serbesti ile gelen banker skandallar\u0131n\u0131, \u00c7iller d\u00f6neminde uluslararas\u0131 engellerden nemalanan ve \u00e7ok y\u00fcksek faizle i\u00e7 bor\u00e7lanmaya kaynak sa\u011flayan sermayenin, asl\u0131nda sermaye i\u00e7in yap\u0131lmas\u0131 planlanan de\u011fi\u015fikliklerden etkilenip yurtd\u0131\u015f\u0131na ka\u00e7mas\u0131n\u0131, Ecevit d\u00f6neminde ger\u00e7ekle\u015fen hortumlama vakalar\u0131n\u0131 verebiliriz. Sonu\u00e7 itibariyle, kriz f\u0131rsat\u00e7\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131ndan bahsederken Tayyip Erdo\u011fan\u2019\u0131n hakk\u0131 vard\u0131r. S\u00f6z\u00fc ge\u00e7en krizler kendi f\u0131rsat\u00e7\u0131lar\u0131n\u0131 do\u011furmu\u015flard\u0131r. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

    IMF ve T\u00fcrkiye Burjuvazisi <\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

    IMF taraf\u0131ndan 1980 sonras\u0131 empoze edilen iktisat politikalar\u0131 y\u00fcksek bir cari a\u00e7\u0131k, bunun finansman\u0131 i\u00e7in – farkl\u0131 ama art arda veya kesi\u015fen d\u00f6nemlerde – y\u00fcksek ihracat hedefi, b\u00fcy\u00fck bir bor\u00e7lanma gereksinimi ve yine yabanc\u0131 sermayeyi cezp etme ihtiyac\u0131 etraf\u0131nda \u015fekillenmi\u015ftir. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

    T\u00fcrkiye ve IMF ili\u015fkileri olduk\u00e7a uzun ve detayl\u0131 bir tarihe sahiptir. Ne IMF\u2019nin 1998 Asya krizi s\u0131ras\u0131nda u\u011frad\u0131\u011f\u0131 itibar kayb\u0131 ne de 2001 mali krizindeki sorumluluklar\u0131, IMF\u2019nin \u00f6nerdi\u011fi programlar\u0131n sorgulanmas\u0131na neden olmu\u015ftur. 2008 krizi ile birlikte IMF\u2019ye sunulan yeni fonlar ve G-20 zirvesinden \u00e7\u0131kan kararlar g\u00f6steriyor ki; IMF neoliberal sistemin gerek ideolojik gerekse de pratik savunu\u015funu \u00fcstlenerek aktif bir rol oynayacakt\u0131r. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

    IMF\u2019nin kriz d\u00f6nemlerindeki rol\u00fcne bakt\u0131\u011f\u0131m\u0131zda, krizin faturas\u0131n\u0131n, emperyalist \u00fclkeler taraf\u0131ndan IMF\u2019nin etkinlik g\u00f6sterdi\u011fi cari a\u00e7\u0131k veren \u00fclkelere, yani T\u00fcrkiye\u2019nin de i\u00e7inde oldu\u011fu bir grup \u00fclkeye transfer edilmekte oldu\u011funu g\u00f6r\u00fcyoruz. Bunun anlam\u0131, yoksulla\u015fman\u0131n artmas\u0131 ve \u00fcst s\u0131n\u0131flara ve uluslararas\u0131 \u015firketlere servet transferinin h\u0131zlanmas\u0131d\u0131r. Nitekim, T\u00fcrkiye\u2019ye \u00f6nerilen son stand-by <\/em>anla\u015fmas\u0131na bak\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131nda, klasik IMF re\u00e7etelerinin bir kez daha takdim edildi\u011fini, kamu b\u00fct\u00e7esinde k\u0131s\u0131nt\u0131ya gidilmesi ve s\u0131k\u0131 bir mali disiplin sa\u011flanarak \u201ckurtarma paketleri uygulaman\u0131n\u201d \u015fartlar\u0131n\u0131 ortadan kald\u0131rman\u0131n planland\u0131\u011f\u0131 g\u00f6r\u00fcl\u00fcyor. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

    AKP h\u00fck\u00fcmeti IMF ile d\u00fczenli olarak g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015fmesine ra\u011fmen halen yeni bir anla\u015fmaya imza atmam\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Uzla\u015fmazl\u0131\u011f\u0131n g\u00f6r\u00fcnen y\u00fcz\u00fcnde, AKP\u2019nin \u00f6demeler dengesi finansman\u0131n\u0131 d\u0131\u015f bor\u00e7 stokunu art\u0131rarak sa\u011flama e\u011filimi ve anla\u015fman\u0131n buna fazlaca izin vermemesi vard\u0131r. Ancak h\u00fck\u00fcmetin d\u0131\u015f piyasalarda hazine senetlerini satarak bor\u00e7lanmay\u0131 s\u00fcrd\u00fcrebilmesi ve k\u0131sa vadeli sermaye ak\u0131\u015f\u0131n\u0131n devam etmesi, IMF ile anla\u015fmay\u0131 ertelemesini m\u00fcmk\u00fcn k\u0131lmaktad\u0131r. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

    AKP h\u00fck\u00fcmetini yeni bir IMF anla\u015fmas\u0131 imzalamaktan al\u0131koyan, IMF\u2019nin talep etti\u011fi tedbirlerin uygulanmas\u0131n\u0131n, h\u00e2lihaz\u0131rda gergin olan s\u0131n\u0131fsal dengeleri alt \u00fcst etmesi korkusudur. B\u00fcy\u00fck \u015fehirlerdeki i\u015fsizler ordusu, K\u00fcrt \u015fehirlerinde g\u00fcnde 1 dolar\u0131n alt\u0131nda kazanarak ya\u015fayan milyonlar\u0131n IMF reformlar\u0131ndan ilk olarak etkilenen kesimler olaca\u011f\u0131 hat\u0131rlan\u0131rsa, AKP h\u00fck\u00fcmetinin teredd\u00fcd\u00fcn\u00fcn nedenini anlamak kolayla\u015f\u0131r. S\u0131n\u0131flar aras\u0131 kar\u015f\u0131la\u015fman\u0131n bir kutupla\u015fmaya d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015fmesi ve \u00fclkenin y\u00f6netilemez hale gelmesi olas\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131 san\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131ndan daha g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fcd\u00fcr. G\u00f6r\u00fcnen odur ki, bir s\u00fcrelik pazarl\u0131\u011f\u0131n ard\u0131ndan, krizin faturas\u0131n\u0131 emek\u00e7i kitlelere aktarmak i\u00e7in bir IMF anla\u015fmas\u0131 imzalamaks\u0131z\u0131n IMF\u2019nin uygulanmas\u0131n\u0131 istedi\u011fi politikalar, s\u0131n\u0131fsal dengeler izin verdi\u011fi oranda y\u00fcr\u00fcrl\u00fc\u011fe konacakt\u0131r. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

    Neoliberalizm ve AKP <\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

    Kapitalizmin T\u00fcrkiye\u2019deki krizlerini ve son olarak ya\u015fanan 2008 krizinin analizini yaparken neoliberalizm s\u0131k s\u0131k \u00f6nemli bir yer te\u015fkil ediyor. Neoliberal yap\u0131lanma programlar\u0131n\u0131 uygulayan burjuva h\u00fck\u00fcmetleri i\u00e7inde, 2002 se\u00e7imlerinde burjuvazinin belirleyici kesiminin deste\u011fini arkas\u0131na alarak iktidara gelen AKP, 1980\u2019den bug\u00fcne de\u011fin, neoliberal politikalar\u0131n uygulanmas\u0131 a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan en ba\u015far\u0131l\u0131 h\u00fck\u00fcmet olarak g\u00f6r\u00fcn\u00fcyor. Bu ba\u015far\u0131s\u0131 bir \u00f6l\u00e7\u00fcde, 2001 \u00e7\u00f6k\u00fcnt\u00fcs\u00fcn\u00fcn ard\u0131ndan ger\u00e7ekle\u015fmesi zaten beklenen g\u00f6reli y\u00fckseli\u015fin \u00fczerine konmas\u0131n\u0131n yaratt\u0131\u011f\u0131 me\u015fruiyete ba\u011fl\u0131ysa da (reel \u00fccretlerin kriz \u00f6ncesi konumlar\u0131na d\u00f6nmesi d\u00f6rt y\u0131l s\u00fcrd\u00fc\u011f\u00fc, yine kriz s\u00fcresince dramatik bi\u00e7imde artan dolayl\u0131 vergilerden, dikkate de\u011fer bi\u00e7imde geri ad\u0131m at\u0131lmad\u0131\u011f\u0131 halde AKP pop\u00fclist olarak nitelendirilebiliyordu) de\u011ferlendirilmesi gereken ba\u015fka unsurlar da vard\u0131r. T\u00fcrkiye\u2019deki neoliberal s\u00f6ylemin neredeyse tart\u0131\u015f\u0131lmaz olarak kabul edilir hale gelmesi, muhalefet partilerinin de bu s\u00f6ylemi payla\u015fmas\u0131, sendikalar\u0131n at\u0131l konumlar\u0131 ve hayat\u0131n her alan\u0131nda hissedilen bask\u0131c\u0131 devlet uygulamalar\u0131n\u0131n oynad\u0131klar\u0131 rol\u00fc de hesaba katmak gerekir. En agresif K\u0130T \u00f6zelle\u015ftirmelerini ger\u00e7ekle\u015ftiren, \u00fcst\u00fcne \u00fcstl\u00fck bunu Kemal Unak\u0131tan\u2019\u0131n \u015fark kurnaz\u0131 \u00fcslubuyla m\u00fcdafaa eden, y\u00fcksek faize dayal\u0131 bir ekonomik rejim uygulayan, T\u00fcrkiye\u2019yi tarihinde g\u00f6r\u00fclmemi\u015f bir \u015fekilde yabanc\u0131 sermaye giri\u015fine a\u00e7an, son olarak asker-sivil b\u00fcrokrasiye kar\u015f\u0131, Menderes d\u00f6neminden bu yana en sald\u0131rgan tavr\u0131 tak\u0131nan AKP iktidar\u0131n\u0131n dengede kalabilmesi nas\u0131l m\u00fcmk\u00fcn olmu\u015ftur? Cevab\u0131 basittir: uygulad\u0131klar\u0131 politikalar gerek uluslararas\u0131 sermaye gerekse de yerli burjuva s\u0131n\u0131flar\u0131n ihtiya\u00e7 ve taleplerinin iyi bir \u015fekilde \u00f6z\u00fcmsenerek uygulanmas\u0131n\u0131 ifade etmekte, ayn\u0131 zamanda, emek\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131flar\u0131n muhalefetinin ve K\u00fcrdistanl\u0131 kitlelerin m\u00fccadelesinin kontrol\u00fcnde g\u00f6sterdikleri ba\u015far\u0131 \u00f6nem kazanmaktad\u0131r. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

    AKP\u2019nin gerek ulusal gerekse de uluslararas\u0131 sermayenin ihtiya\u00e7 ve \u00e7\u0131karlar\u0131 do\u011frultusunda hareket etti\u011fini belirttik, bunun en iyi \u00f6rne\u011fi, d\u00fcnya kapitalizminin kriz e\u011filiminin ak\u0131ld\u0131\u015f\u0131 boyutlara ula\u015ft\u0131rd\u0131\u011f\u0131 finansalla\u015fma olmu\u015ftur. Oyunu kurallar\u0131na g\u00f6re oynamak i\u00e7in, y\u00fcksek faizlerle her zamankinden agresif olan yabanc\u0131 sermaye \u00fclkeye \u00e7ekilebilmi\u015ftir. Esasen bu faiz oranlar\u0131ndan zarar g\u00f6rmesi beklenecek T\u00fcrkiye burjuvazisi ise tersine bu s\u00fcre\u00e7ten faydalanma yolunu se\u00e7mi\u015f, b\u00fcy\u00fck sermaye gruplar\u0131n\u0131n neredeyse hepsi kendi bankalar\u0131n\u0131n y\u00fcksek faizden elde etti\u011fi k\u00e2rlarla i\u015fletmelerini desteklemi\u015f, geri kalan kaynaklarla kayda de\u011fer bir birikim temposu yakalayabilmi\u015ftir. \u00d6te yandan milli sermayenin bu \u015fekilde finansalla\u015fmas\u0131 cari a\u00e7\u0131\u011f\u0131n daha da b\u00fcy\u00fcmesine yol a\u00e7m\u0131\u015f, yine daha fazla d\u0131\u015f kaynak gereksinimini do\u011furmu\u015f ve bir sarmal yaratm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Bu gerilim, yukar\u0131da \u00f6zetledi\u011fimiz politikalar\u0131n hem sonucu hem de nedenidir. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

    II. T\u00fcrkiye\u2019de 2008 Krizi ABD politikalar\u0131n\u0131n etkisi <\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

    D\u00fcnya ekonomilerini resesyonla kar\u015f\u0131 kar\u015f\u0131ya b\u0131rakan 2008 krizinin finans bunal\u0131m\u0131yla ba\u015flad\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 biliyoruz. Bu s\u00fcre\u00e7te ABD, h\u0131zla \u00e7\u00f6ken mali sistemini kurtarmak ve ekonomik \u00e7\u00f6k\u00fcnt\u00fcy\u00fc engellemek i\u00e7in bir dizi d\u00fc\u015f\u00fck faiz temelli politikaya y\u00f6nelmi\u015ftir. Yurti\u00e7i yat\u0131r\u0131mlar\u0131n canland\u0131r\u0131lmas\u0131 ve artmas\u0131n\u0131 ama\u00e7layan tedbirler y\u00fcr\u00fcrl\u00fc\u011fe sokulmu\u015ftur. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

    2008 krizinin sonu\u00e7lar\u0131ndan bir tanesi, uluslararas\u0131 finansal kaynaklar\u0131n Amerika\u2019ya \u00e7ekilmeye ba\u015flamas\u0131d\u0131r. Yani sermaye ihrac\u0131n\u0131n tersine d\u00f6nmesi. Uluslararas\u0131 mali sistemin ve reel ekonominin kar\u015f\u0131la\u015ft\u0131\u011f\u0131 kriz, faiz d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcrme zorunlulu\u011funu di\u011fer \u00fclkelerin merkez bankalar\u0131na do\u011frudan dayatm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. B\u00f6ylece k\u0131sa vadede ger\u00e7ekle\u015fen sermaye ak\u0131mlar\u0131ndan pay kapma yar\u0131\u015f\u0131 ba\u015flam\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Bu durum ABD\u2019de faiz oranlar\u0131n\u0131n d\u00fc\u015fme s\u0131n\u0131r\u0131na, yani mevcut enstr\u00fcmanlar\u0131n kullan\u0131m kapasitesine g\u00f6re, ilen s\u0131f\u0131r faize kadar s\u00fcrm\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcr. Sonu\u00e7 olarak, do\u011frudan sermaye ihra\u00e7lar\u0131n\u0131n bu s\u00fcre\u00e7ten etkilenerek ,yeniden metropol merkezlerde yo\u011funla\u015fmas\u0131 y\u00f6n\u00fcnde bir e\u011filim rahatl\u0131kla g\u00f6zlenebilir hale gelmi\u015ftir. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

    Ya\u015fanan kriz yaln\u0131zca mali bir kriz de\u011fil ve bu nedenle de ABD\u2019nin para politikalar\u0131 arac\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131yla krizden \u00e7\u0131kmas\u0131 m\u00fcmk\u00fcn de\u011fildir. Finansal sorun \u00f6z\u00fcnde finans k\u00e2r\u0131n\u0131n realizasyonu sorunudur. At\u0131l kapasite, kar oranlar\u0131ndaki d\u00fc\u015f\u00fc\u015f ve \u00fcretim fazlal\u0131\u011f\u0131 gibi sorunlar mali sekt\u00f6r ile reel (ger\u00e7ek) sekt\u00f6rler aras\u0131nda u\u00e7urumu ortaya \u00e7\u0131karm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r ve ister istemez mali piyasan\u0131n \u015fi\u015firilmi\u015f de\u011ferleri bu bo\u015fluk i\u00e7inde kaybolma tehlikesiyle kar\u015f\u0131la\u015fm\u0131\u015flard\u0131r. Demir-\u00e7elik ve enerji sekt\u00f6rlerinin kapasite d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcrme yoluna gitmesiyle ba\u015flayan reel sekt\u00f6r krizi, h\u0131zla t\u00fcketici \u00fcr\u00fcnleri sanayisine dek yay\u0131lm\u0131\u015f; d\u00fcnya \u00f6l\u00e7e\u011finde, d\u0131\u015f ticarette yo\u011fun bir k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fclmeye olanak haz\u0131rlam\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Bu geli\u015fmelerden, uluslararas\u0131 sermayenin merkeze \u00e7ekilmesinin s\u00fcrd\u00fcr\u00fclebilir bir b\u00fcy\u00fcme yaratma amac\u0131ndan ziyade, krizin etkilerini daha da ertelemenin umutsuz \u00e7abalar\u0131n\u0131 temsil etti\u011fini \u00e7\u0131karmak m\u00fcmk\u00fcnd\u00fcr. D\u00fcnya pazar\u0131ndaki daralma ve d\u0131\u015f ticaret oranlar\u0131ndaki d\u00fc\u015f\u00fc\u015f, uzun s\u00fcreli bir durgunluk ve resesyon ile kar\u015f\u0131la\u015f\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 g\u00f6stermektedir. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

    Bir di\u011fer \u00f6nemli ba\u015fl\u0131k, ayn\u0131 zamanda neoliberal iktisadi paradigmay\u0131 ba\u015f a\u015fa\u011f\u0131 eden devlet m\u00fcdahaleleridir. A\u00e7\u0131k\u00e7a g\u00f6r\u00fcld\u00fc\u011f\u00fc gibi ABD se\u00e7imleri \u00f6ncesinde ve sonras\u0131nda, zor durumda bulunan \u015firketlerin ufak tart\u0131\u015fmalar g\u00f6z ard\u0131 edilirse genel bir mutabakatla \u00e7\u00f6k\u00fc\u015ften kurtar\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131, toksik olarak ifade edilen, asl\u0131nda krizin finansal analizinin temelini olu\u015fturan a\u015f\u0131r\u0131 spek\u00fclatif k\u00e2rl\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131n temel ara\u00e7lar\u0131 olan fonlar\u0131n \u00e7o\u011funlukla devlet g\u00fcvencesine al\u0131nd\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 ve spek\u00fclatif karl\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131n \u00f6n\u00fcne ge\u00e7mesi planlanan \u00f6nlemlerin – t\u00fcrev \u00fcr\u00fcnlerin kontrol alt\u0131na al\u0131nmas\u0131 gibi – geni\u015f ihtilaflara ra\u011fmen uyguland\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 g\u00f6r\u00fcyoruz. Bu geli\u015fmelerin uluslararas\u0131 kar\u015f\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131 IMF\u2019nin yeniden sahneye \u00e7\u0131karak, kriz ile birlikte, ABD hegemonyas\u0131n\u0131n sars\u0131lmamas\u0131n\u0131 sa\u011flamak i\u00e7in bir dizi \u00fclke ile g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015fmeler i\u00e7ine girmesi olmu\u015ftur. Bu geli\u015fmenin azgeli\u015fmi\u015f \u00fclkeler a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan anlam\u0131na ve IMF\u2019in buradaki rol\u00fcne daha sonra de\u011finece\u011fiz. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

    Mali Kriz <\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

    \"\"<\/figure><\/div>\n\n\n\n

    2007\u20132008 y\u0131llar\u0131nda ABD ve metropol merkezlerinde ba\u015flayan mali kriz, k\u0131sa bir zaman i\u00e7erisinde T\u00fcrkiye\u2019yi etkilemeye ba\u015flad\u0131. Wall Street g\u00f6lge bankac\u0131l\u0131k sisteminin \u00e7\u00f6k\u00fcnt\u00fcs\u00fcyle birlikte gelen finansal gerileme, olduk\u00e7a ate\u015flenmi\u015f olan rejim tart\u0131\u015fmalar\u0131n\u0131n k\u0131sa zamanda \u00f6n\u00fcne ge\u00e7erek, h\u00fck\u00fcmet yetkililerini gazetecilerle kar\u015f\u0131 kar\u015f\u0131ya getirmi\u015ftir. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

    Yukar\u0131daki grafikte g\u00f6r\u00fcld\u00fc\u011f\u00fc gibi, A\u011fustos ay\u0131ndan Aral\u0131k 2008 ay\u0131na kadar \u0130MKB 100 endeksinde neredeyse yar\u0131 yar\u0131ya bir azalmayla kar\u015f\u0131la\u015f\u0131lm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Tayyip Erdo\u011fan\u2019\u0131n kriz \u00fczerine pop\u00fcler konu\u015fma salvosunun bu grafikle ilgin\u00e7 bir ba\u011f\u0131nt\u0131s\u0131n\u0131n oldu\u011fu g\u00f6zlenmektedir. Kendisi krizin psikolojik olu\u015fu, ard\u0131ndan T\u00fcrkiye i\u00e7in zarars\u0131z olaca\u011f\u0131 hakk\u0131nda Ekim ay\u0131nda sekiz, Kas\u0131m ay\u0131nda on \u00fc\u00e7 konu\u015fma yapm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. \u015euras\u0131 a\u00e7\u0131kt\u0131r ki, 2000 krizinden al\u0131nan derslerden dem vuran Ba\u015fbakan Erdo\u011fan, as\u0131l dersi 94 krizinden alarak, ekonomi profes\u00f6r\u00fc \u00c7iller gibi finansal k\u0131r\u0131lganl\u0131\u011f\u0131n had safhada oldu\u011fu s\u0131rada deme\u00e7lerini \u201cbir bilene dan\u0131\u015fmadan\u201d vermemi\u015ftir. Burada karikat\u00fcrize etti\u011fimiz gibi, h\u00fck\u00fcmetin krizin ilk dalgalar\u0131na kar\u015f\u0131 genel e\u011filimi, s\u00fcreci yok saymak ve yok sayd\u0131rmaya \u00e7abalamak olmu\u015ftur. Zira omuzlar\u0131nda k\u0131sa vadeli yabanc\u0131 fonlar\u0131 \u00fclkeden ka\u00e7\u0131rmama sorumlulu\u011fu vard\u0131r. Ayr\u0131ca, Merkez Bankas\u0131\u2019n\u0131n dolar\u0131 bask\u0131 alt\u0131nda tutma politikas\u0131 zora girmekle beraber devam ettirilmi\u015ftir. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

    Mali istikrars\u0131zl\u0131\u011f\u0131 \u00f6nlemek i\u00e7in g\u00f6sterilen b\u00fct\u00fcn \u00e7abalara ra\u011fmen, krizin mali etkileri olduk\u00e7a sert olmu\u015f, \u00f6zellikle b\u00fct\u00e7e dengesi bozulmu\u015ftur. \u0130\u00e7 ve d\u0131\u015f bor\u00e7lanma artm\u0131\u015f, b\u00fct\u00e7e a\u00e7\u0131\u011f\u0131 derinle\u015fmi\u015ftir. Portf\u00f6y yat\u0131r\u0131mlar\u0131 geri \u00e7ekilmi\u015f ve do\u011frudan sermaye ak\u0131mlar\u0131 h\u0131z kesmi\u015ftir. Mali denge sorunu, asl\u0131nda AKP d\u00f6nemindeki ekonomi y\u00f6netiminin temel alg\u0131s\u0131n\u0131 olu\u015fturmaktad\u0131r ve AKP s\u00f6yleminin temel ta\u015flar\u0131ndan biri olan istikrar da dar anlam\u0131yla finansal istikrardan ba\u015fkas\u0131 de\u011fildir. Bu politikan\u0131n genel hede finansal dengeyi sa\u011flamak oldu\u011fundan, bunun ara\u00e7lar\u0131n\u0131 yaratmak elzem olmu\u015ftur. Bunlardan biri IMF ile yap\u0131lacak anla\u015fmad\u0131r. Yine T\u00fcrkiye\u2019nin 2001 krizinden sa\u011flam bir mali yap\u0131yla \u00e7\u0131kt\u0131\u011f\u0131 ve bundan dolay\u0131 krizin mali etkilerinin s\u00fcrekli olmayaca\u011f\u0131na y\u00f6nelik anlay\u0131\u015f da bu dengeye g\u00fcvenden kaynaklanm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Ancak 2001 krizinde bankalar\u0131n ge\u00e7irdi\u011fi – maliyeti \u00e7ok b\u00fcy\u00fck olan – ay\u0131klanma, g\u00fcncel s\u00fcre\u00e7te ENRON skandal\u0131 gibi olaylar\u0131n ya\u015fanmas\u0131na engel olduysa da, T\u00fcrkiye\u2019de finans piyasalar\u0131n\u0131 besleyenin 2002 sonras\u0131 be\u015f y\u0131lda 97 milyar dolar gibi b\u00fcy\u00fck bir k\u00fctleyle giri\u015f yapan portf\u00f6y yat\u0131r\u0131mlar\u0131 oldu\u011funu unutmamak gerekir. K\u0131sa vadeli fonlar\u0131n geri \u00e7ekilmesi mali istikrars\u0131zl\u0131\u011fa yol a\u00e7arak mali krizin derinle\u015fmesi sonucunu verecektir. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

    Reel Sekt\u00f6r Krizi <\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

    D\u00fcnya ticaret hacmindeki k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fclme ve artan at\u0131l kapasite oran\u0131 mali sekt\u00f6rdeki krizin reel sekt\u00f6rlere yay\u0131larak resesyona d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015fmesini ifade etmektedir. T\u00fcm d\u00fcnyada ihracat hadlerinin 2005\u2019ten bu yana de\u011fi\u015fimini g\u00f6steren D\u00fcnya Ticaret \u00d6rg\u00fct\u00fc grafi\u011fine bakt\u0131\u011f\u0131m\u0131z zaman uluslararas\u0131 d\u0131\u015f ticaretin, 2008\u2019in son \u00e7eyre\u011finden ba\u015flayarak dramatik bir \u015fekilde d\u00fc\u015ft\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn\u00fc g\u00f6r\u00fcyoruz. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

    \"\"<\/figure><\/div>\n\n\n\n

    Yaz\u0131m\u0131z\u0131n ilk b\u00f6l\u00fcm\u00fcnde vurgulad\u0131\u011f\u0131m\u0131z gibi 1980 sonras\u0131 y\u0131llarda izlenen ekonomi politika y\u00fcksek ihracat\u0131 hede iyordu. 2009 y\u0131l\u0131na geldi\u011fimizde yo\u011fun bir \u015fekilde AB ve Rusya\u2019ya, bunlar\u0131n yan\u0131nda hat\u0131r\u0131 say\u0131l\u0131r miktarda Ortado\u011fu, Kafkas ve Balkan \u00fclkelerine ihracat yapmakta olan bir T\u00fcrkiye kar\u015f\u0131m\u0131za \u00e7\u0131k\u0131yor. Ancak T\u00fcrkiye\u2019nin ithalat\u0131n\u0131n yakla\u015f\u0131k %77\u2019sinin ara mal ithalat\u0131 ve yakla\u015f\u0131k %15\u2019inin ise yat\u0131r\u0131m mallar\u0131 ithalat\u0131na tekab\u00fcl etti\u011fini d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnd\u00fc\u011f\u00fcm\u00fczde, uluslararas\u0131 d\u0131\u015f ticarette ger\u00e7ekle\u015fen d\u00fc\u015f\u00fc\u015ften en \u00e7ok etkilenecek \u00fclkelerden birinin T\u00fcrkiye oldu\u011fu g\u00f6r\u00fcl\u00fcyor. Nitekim d\u0131\u015f ticaretteki d\u00fc\u015f\u00fc\u015f, bir ay i\u00e7inde sanayi \u00fcretiminde \u00f6nemli bir k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fclmeye yol a\u00e7m\u0131\u015f, kapasite kullan\u0131m oranlar\u0131 %60 seviyelerine d\u00fc\u015fm\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcr. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

    Sanayi \u00fcretiminin %85\u2019ini olu\u015fturan imalat sanayinin \u00f6nemli kalemlerine tek tek bakt\u0131\u011f\u0131m\u0131zda; 2009\u2019un ilk \u00e7eyre\u011finde, imalat sanayisindeki pay\u0131 %13 olan tekstil \u00fcr\u00fcnleri \u00fcretiminin %25,6, pay\u0131 %8,5 olan kimyasal madde \u00fcr\u00fcnleri imalat\u0131n\u0131n %15,9, pay\u0131 %9 olan ana metal sanayinin %24,7, pay\u0131 %4 olan metal e\u015fya sanayinin %31,7, pay\u0131 %6,5 olan makine ve te\u00e7hizat imalat\u0131n\u0131n %25,7 ve pay\u0131 %10 olan ta\u015f\u0131t ara\u00e7lar\u0131 ve karoseri imalat\u0131n\u0131n %57,3 d\u00fc\u015ft\u00fc\u011f\u00fc g\u00f6r\u00fcyoruz. Bu sekt\u00f6rler T\u00fcrkiye sanayisinin \u00f6nemli b\u00f6l\u00fcmlerini, te\u015fkil etmekle kalmay\u0131p; ayn\u0131 zamanda ihracat kalemlerinin en \u00f6nemlilerini \u00fcretmektedirler. \u00d6zellikle AB pazar\u0131ndaki talep noksanl\u0131\u011f\u0131 ve daralma nedeniyle h\u0131zl\u0131 bir d\u00fc\u015f\u00fc\u015fe giren bu sekt\u00f6rler, ara mal ve yat\u0131r\u0131m mallar\u0131 imalat\u0131n\u0131n hem d\u00fcnyada, hem de T\u00fcrkiye\u2019de h\u0131zla d\u00fc\u015f\u00fc\u015f\u00fc sonucu rekabet ve y\u00fcksek maliyetlerle kar\u015f\u0131la\u015facak ve sanayi \u00fcretiminde uzun s\u00fcre kayda de\u011fer bir y\u00fckseli\u015f olmayacakt\u0131r. Ayr\u0131ca 2008\u2019in ilk 5 ay\u0131nda 7 milyar 498 milyon dolar olan uluslararas\u0131 do\u011frudan yat\u0131r\u0131m giri\u015finin, bu y\u0131l 3 milyar 584 milyon dolara d\u00fc\u015fmesinin de krizin \u015fiddetini b\u00fcy\u00fck \u00f6l\u00e7\u00fcde art\u0131rd\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 s\u00f6ylemek m\u00fcmk\u00fcnd\u00fcr. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

    Bu nedenlerden dolay\u0131, T\u00fcrkiye\u2019de i\u015fsizlik oran\u0131n\u0131n artaca\u011f\u0131 ve uzun y\u0131llar bir sorun olarak kalaca\u011f\u0131n\u0131 \u00f6ng\u00f6rmek gerekir. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

    \"\"<\/figure><\/div>\n\n\n\n

    Krizin reel sekt\u00f6rdeki etkilerinin ink\u00e2r edilemez hale gelmesi ve ba\u015fta T\u00dcS\u0130AD olmak \u00fczere i\u015fveren \u00f6rg\u00fctlerinin tedbir paketleri i\u00e7in bask\u0131ya ba\u015flamas\u0131 sonucunda, h\u00fck\u00fcmet ald\u0131\u011f\u0131 bir dizi tedbiri uygulamaya giri\u015fti. \u00d6ncelikle do\u011frudan yabanc\u0131 sermaye yat\u0131r\u0131m\u0131n\u0131n \u00f6n\u00fcn\u00fc a\u00e7mak ve i\u00e7 pazarda talebi canland\u0131rmak amac\u0131yla g\u00f6sterge faizleri olduk\u00e7a y\u00fcksek olan %20\u2019ler seviyesinden %13 seviyesine \u00e7ekildi. Vergi indirimleriyle devam eden bu tedbirler, esasen k\u00e2rl\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131n artt\u0131r\u0131lmas\u0131 yoluyla i\u015fletmeleri kapasite kullan\u0131mlar\u0131n\u0131 azaltmaktan al\u0131koymay\u0131 hede iyordu. Bu tedbirlerin belki de en dikkat \u00e7ekici olan\u0131 i\u015fsizlik sigortas\u0131 fonu \u00fczerinden uygulananlard\u0131r. DPT verilerine g\u00f6re; h\u00fck\u00fcmet, i\u015fsizlik sigortas\u0131 fonunun kullan\u0131m\u0131nda sigorta giderleri kalemine d\u00e2hil olan i\u015fsizlik maa\u015f\u0131n\u0131n pay\u0131n\u0131 dikkate de\u011fer bi\u00e7imde art\u0131rmay\u0131 planlamam\u0131\u015f, tersine di\u011fer giderler kaleminde g\u00f6rd\u00fc\u011f\u00fcm\u00fcz yakla\u015f\u0131k %75\u2019lik art\u0131\u015f\u0131n da g\u00f6sterdi\u011fi gibi, fon kaynaklar\u0131n\u0131 k\u0131sa \u00e7al\u0131\u015fma \u00f6dene\u011fi gibi tedbirlerle i\u015fverene a\u00e7ma yolunu se\u00e7mi\u015ftir. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

    \"\"<\/figure><\/div>\n\n\n\n

    \u0130\u015fsizlik ve Yoksulla\u015fma <\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

    Yaz\u0131m\u0131z\u0131n birinci b\u00f6l\u00fcm\u00fcnde 2001 sonras\u0131 ekonomik b\u00fcy\u00fcme trendinin, aslen finansal itkilere dayanan karakterinden bahsetmi\u015ftik. Bu tarz bir b\u00fcy\u00fcmenin istihdam yaratma kapasitesine sahip olmay\u0131\u015f\u0131 da, 2008 krizi \u00f6ncesi T\u00fcrkiye ekonomisinin k\u0131r\u0131lgan ve istikrars\u0131zl\u0131k \u00fcretme e\u011filiminin \u00f6nemli bir unsuru olarak g\u00f6sterilebilir. AKP d\u00f6neminde tar\u0131m te\u015fviklerinin zay\u0131 at\u0131lmas\u0131, fiyat bask\u0131s\u0131n\u0131n tar\u0131msal \u00fcretimde k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fclmeye yol a\u00e7mas\u0131 ve ortaya \u00e7\u0131kan i\u015fsizlerin sanayi \u00fcretiminde istihdam olana\u011f\u0131 bulamamas\u0131 i\u015fsizler ordusunun b\u00fcy\u00fcmesine b\u00fcy\u00fck bir katk\u0131 yapm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Mevcut sorunlar\u0131n yaratt\u0131\u011f\u0131 gerilim d\u00fcnya kriziyle de birle\u015fince, T\u00fcrkiye ekonomisinin istihdam formasyonunda iki \u00f6nemli etkiyle kar\u015f\u0131la\u015ft\u0131k. Nisan 2008-2009 T\u00dc\u0130K verilerine bakt\u0131\u011f\u0131m\u0131zda; <\/p>\n\n\n\n

    Sanayi \u00fcretimindeki ve \u00fccretlerdeki, dolay\u0131s\u0131yla al\u0131m g\u00fcc\u00fcndeki d\u00fc\u015f\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn tipik sonu\u00e7lar\u0131 olarak i\u015fg\u00fcc\u00fcne kat\u0131l\u0131m oran\u0131 artm\u0131\u015f, i\u015fsizlerin say\u0131s\u0131 \u00f6zellikle tar\u0131m d\u0131\u015f\u0131 sekt\u00f6rlerde dikkat \u00e7ekici bi\u00e7imde y\u00fckselmi\u015ftir. \u0130\u015fg\u00fcc\u00fcne kat\u0131l\u0131m oran\u0131nda g\u00f6rd\u00fc\u011f\u00fcm\u00fcz y\u00fckseli\u015f, esasen al\u0131m g\u00fcc\u00fcndeki d\u00fc\u015fmeye i\u015faret ediyor: \u00fccretlerdeki genel bir d\u00fc\u015f\u00fc\u015f, hane halk\u0131n\u0131n di\u011fer bireylerini, (\u00f6rne\u011fin ev eksenli \u00e7al\u0131\u015fan kad\u0131nlar\u0131 ve \u00e7ocuklar\u0131) i\u015fg\u00fcc\u00fcne kat\u0131lmaya zorlam\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Elbette bu kat\u0131l\u0131m, genel olarak kay\u0131t d\u0131\u015f\u0131 i\u015fletmelerde, i\u015f g\u00fcvencesinden ve sosyal haklardan yoksun bir istihdam\u0131n kap\u0131s\u0131n\u0131 a\u00e7maktad\u0131r. Ayr\u0131ca vurgulamak gerekir ki, resmi verilerin – sadece de\u011fi\u015fim oranlar\u0131 a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan dahi – i\u015fsizlik s\u00fcrecini tamam\u0131yla g\u00f6sterdi\u011fini s\u00f6ylemek m\u00fcmk\u00fcn de\u011fildir. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

    Kriz s\u00fcrecinde i\u015fsizlik, h\u0131zl\u0131 k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fclme g\u00f6steren imalat sanayi ve in\u015faat sekt\u00f6rlerinde yo\u011funla\u015fm\u0131\u015f ve dolay\u0131s\u0131yla en \u00e7ok, sanayi \u015fehirlerinde g\u00f6r\u00fclm\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcr. \u00d6zellikle Bursa, \u0130zmir ve \u0130stanbul gibi \u015fehirlerde toplu i\u015ften \u00e7\u0131karmalar yayg\u0131nla\u015fm\u0131\u015f, bunun yan\u0131nda \u00fccretsiz izinler ve \u00fccret indirimleri olduk\u00e7a artm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. En bilinen direni\u015flerin de metal ve petro-kimya sekt\u00f6rlerinde ger\u00e7ekle\u015fti\u011fi g\u00f6z \u00f6n\u00fcne al\u0131n\u0131l\u0131rsa, bu sekt\u00f6rlerde de \u201cuzla\u015fmal\u0131\u201d \u00fccret indirimleri olduk\u00e7a \u00e7arp\u0131c\u0131d\u0131r. S\u00f6z konusu \u00fccret indirimleri, her \u015feyin \u00f6tesinde krizin emek pazar\u0131ndaki etkilerinin en uzun vadeli etkileri olaca\u011f\u0131n\u0131 ve bu \u00f6ng\u00f6r\u00fcn\u00fcn, sadece burjuvazi i\u00e7in de\u011fil; sendikalar ve i\u015f\u00e7iler i\u00e7in de en yo\u011fun ger\u00e7ekli\u011fi ifade etti\u011fini bize g\u00f6stermektedir. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

    \u00dccretlere gelince, T\u00dc\u0130K verileri g\u00f6z \u00f6n\u00fcne al\u0131nd\u0131\u011f\u0131nda, 2008\u2019in son \u00fc\u00e7 ay\u0131 ve 2009\u2019un ilk \u00fc\u00e7 ay\u0131 boyunca ki\u015fi ba\u015f\u0131na d\u00fc\u015fen reel \u00fccretlerin %2 kadar azald\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 g\u00f6r\u00fcyoruz. Ancak bu rakam ger\u00e7ek d\u00fc\u015f\u00fc\u015f\u00fc ifade etmekten uzakt\u0131r. \u00c7\u00fcnk\u00fc kay\u0131t d\u0131\u015f\u0131 \u00e7al\u0131\u015fanlar\u0131n, \u00fccretleri hi\u00e7bir \u015fekilde korunmaz ve onlar \u00fccretlerindeki b\u00fcy\u00fck indirimleri kabul etmek zorunda kal\u0131rlar. Kay\u0131t-d\u0131\u015f\u0131 olduklar\u0131 i\u00e7in de bu rakamlarda g\u00f6r\u00fcnmezler. Tar\u0131m eksenli \u00e7al\u0131\u015fanlar\u0131n \u00e7o\u011fu da benzer durumdad\u0131r. Y\u0131\u011f\u0131nlar\u0131n gelir d\u00fczeyindeki d\u00fc\u015f\u00fc\u015f, ayn\u0131 zamanda bor\u00e7lanma gereksinimlerini de art\u0131rmaktad\u0131r. Kriz \u00f6ncesi, konut ve otomobil al\u0131m\u0131na y\u00f6nelik kredilerde bir artma g\u00f6r\u00fcl\u00fcrken, kriz s\u0131ras\u0131nda temel ihtiya\u00e7lar\u0131 kar\u015f\u0131lamak i\u00e7in bor\u00e7lanma artm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. D\u00fc\u015f\u00fck \u00fccretler ve i\u015fizlik ortam\u0131nda \u00f6denmeyen bor\u00e7lar\u0131n oran\u0131nda \u00f6nemli bir art\u0131\u015f olmas\u0131 ka\u00e7\u0131n\u0131lmazd\u0131r. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

    S\u00fcrmekte olan kriz T\u00fcrkiye\u2019de hali haz\u0131rda bozuk gelir da\u011f\u0131l\u0131m\u0131n\u0131 daha da bozmaktad\u0131r. T\u00fcrkiye\u2019de ya\u015fanan 1994 krizi ile 2001 krizi sonras\u0131na tekab\u00fcl eden 2003 y\u0131llar\u0131 s\u0131ras\u0131nda sa\u011flanan b\u00fcy\u00fcmenin en fakirleri daha da fakirle\u015ftirirken, en zenginleri daha da zenginle\u015ftirdi\u011fi g\u00f6r\u00fcld\u00fc: \u015e\u00f6yle ki, 1994 y\u0131l\u0131nda en zengin %5 ile en fakir %5\u2019lik hane halk\u0131 gelirleri aras\u0131ndaki fark T\u00fcrkiye genelinde 239 kat iken, bu oran 2003 y\u0131l\u0131nda tam 280 kata \u00e7\u0131km\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Yani gerek kriz; gerekse de kriz sonras\u0131 b\u00fcy\u00fcme s\u00fcrecinde emek\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131flar\u0131n de\u011fil; burjuvazinin gelirlerinde bir art\u0131\u015f g\u00f6r\u00fclm\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcr. 2008 krizi ve sonras\u0131nda bu e\u011filim tekrarland\u0131\u011f\u0131 takdirde, s\u0131n\u0131flar aras\u0131 u\u00e7urumun daha da geni\u015fleyece\u011fi a\u00e7\u0131kt\u0131r. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

    Krizin etkilerinin en a\u011f\u0131r hissedildi\u011fi b\u00f6lgeler g\u00fcn\u00fcm\u00fczde AKP h\u00fck\u00fcmetinin a\u00e7\u0131l\u0131m politikalar\u0131 ile k\u0131smen g\u00fcndeme gelen K\u00fcrt halk\u0131n\u0131n ya\u015fad\u0131\u011f\u0131 topraklard\u0131r. Kriz d\u00f6neminin en \u00f6nemli geli\u015fmelerinden biri kirli sava\u015f\u0131n ak\u0131beti olacakt\u0131r. G\u00f6r\u00fcnd\u00fc\u011f\u00fc kadar\u0131yla burjuvazinin \u00f6n\u00fcnde iki se\u00e7enek vard\u0131r; bunlardan biri K\u00fcrt halk\u0131 \u00fczerindeki bask\u0131lar\u0131 artt\u0131rmak ve sava\u015f\u0131n k\u0131z\u0131\u015fmas\u0131n\u0131 sa\u011flamak, di\u011feri ise bu meseleyi bir s\u00fcreli\u011fine yava\u015flat\u0131p Ba\u015fbakan\u0131n Davos\u2019taki tutumundan da \u00e7\u0131karabildi\u011fimiz, Ortado\u011fu\u2019ya \u201cbar\u0131\u015f\u201d getirmekteki hevesinin pe\u015finden gitmek. Tabii ABD\u2019nin m\u00fcttefiki olarak! <\/p>\n\n\n\n

    Yine T\u00fcrkiye\u2019deki asker polis rejiminin ve bunun varl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 m\u00fcmk\u00fcn k\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131 stat\u00fckonun, me\u015fruiyetini temelde K\u00fcrt ulusunun ezilmesi \u00fczerine kurdu\u011fu ger\u00e7e\u011finden hareketle, K\u00fcrt meselesinin s\u00fcre\u00e7teki \u00f6neminin alt\u0131n\u0131 \u00e7izmek zorunludur. Neoliberal h\u00fck\u00fcmetin, resmi ideolojiden farkl\u0131la\u015fan bir politika yaratma gereksinimi de buradan do\u011far. K\u00fcrt emek\u00e7ilerin T\u00fcrkiye kapitalizmine \u00f6zg\u00fcl eklemleni\u015fleri ve K\u00fcrtlerin ulusal m\u00fccadelelerinde vard\u0131klar\u0131 nokta at\u0131lacak ad\u0131mlar\u0131 acil olarak g\u00fcndeme getirmektedir. T\u00fcrkiye, tabiri caizse kendi i\u00e7inde bir g\u00f6\u00e7men i\u015f\u00e7iler ordusu bulundurmaktad\u0131r. Bunlar da K\u00fcrt i\u015f\u00e7ilerdir. Gerek T\u00fcrkiye\u2019nin \u00f6nemli kapitalist sekt\u00f6rleri olan in\u015faat ve tekstilde, gerekse mevsimlik tar\u0131mda K\u00fcrtleri ucuz i\u015fg\u00fcc\u00fc haline getiren yine rejimin ayr\u0131mc\u0131, \u015fovenist K\u00fcrt aleyhtar\u0131 politikalard\u0131r. K\u00fcrdistanl\u0131 milyonlar\u0131 etkileyen yoksulla\u015fma, devlet bask\u0131s\u0131 ile birle\u015fti\u011finde, bir yandan ya\u015fanan y\u0131k\u0131m\u0131n etkilerini art\u0131r\u0131rken; di\u011fer yandan da burjuvazinin cehenneminin kap\u0131lar\u0131n\u0131 aralayabilir. Bu olas\u0131l\u0131k ile kar\u015f\u0131 kar\u015f\u0131ya gelen ve ayr\u0131ca b\u00f6lgenin mevcut kaynaklar\u0131n\u0131 de\u011ferlendirmek isteyen burjuvazinin \u2018\u2019\u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcm\u2019\u2019 aray\u0131\u015flar\u0131na girmesi ka\u00e7\u0131n\u0131lmaz g\u00f6z\u00fckmektedir. Bu ba\u011flamda AKP\u2019nin \u00f6n\u00fcnde duran g\u00f6rev, K\u00fcrt halk\u0131n\u0131, ekonomik ezilmi\u015fli\u011finin b\u00fcy\u00fck \u00f6l\u00e7\u00fcde devam etti\u011fi ko\u015fullarda uzla\u015ft\u0131rmak ve K\u00fcrt i\u015f\u00e7ileri kapitalist boyunduru\u011fa daha da \u00e7ok ba\u011flamak olacakt\u0131r. Son d\u00f6nemde g\u00fcndeme gelen G\u00fcneydo\u011fu\u2019daki may\u0131nl\u0131 tar\u0131m alanlar\u0131n\u0131n de\u011ferlendirilmesi tart\u0131\u015fmas\u0131 da bu \u00e7er\u00e7evede okunabilir. Sava\u015f ve yoksulluk sonucu sorunlar\u0131na bir an \u00f6nce \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcm bulunmas\u0131n\u0131 talep eden kitleler ve PKK\u2019nin bir ad\u0131m ileri iki ad\u0131m geri atarak form\u00fcle etti\u011fi demokratik cumhuriyet politikalar\u0131 ile bu uzla\u015fma m\u00fcmk\u00fcn olabilir. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

    Kriz ve S\u0131n\u0131f M\u00fccadelesi <\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

    \u0130\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n yo\u011fun sald\u0131r\u0131larla kar\u015f\u0131la\u015ft\u0131\u011f\u0131, yo\u011fun hak kay\u0131plar\u0131 ya\u015fad\u0131\u011f\u0131 bu d\u00f6nemde birka\u00e7 noktada ger\u00e7ekle\u015fen tekil direni\u015fler d\u0131\u015f\u0131nda hareketlilik olmam\u0131\u015ft\u0131r ve bu beklenmedik bir \u015fey de\u011fildir. Boratav\u2019\u0131n ifadesiyle, \u201cKapitalist ekonomide krizden ka\u00e7\u0131nma esnekli\u011fine hi\u00e7bir \u015fekilde sahip olmayan tek s\u0131n\u0131f i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131d\u0131r\u201d. \u0130statistiklere bak\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131nda kriz d\u00f6nemlerinde grev ve direni\u015f say\u0131lar\u0131nda bir d\u00fc\u015f\u00fc\u015f g\u00f6zlemlenmektedir. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

    \u0130\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 m\u00fccadelesinin gidi\u015fat\u0131na bakt\u0131\u011f\u0131m\u0131z zaman kriz zamanlar\u0131nda grev say\u0131lar\u0131nda d\u00fc\u015f\u00fc\u015f olaca\u011f\u0131n\u0131 varsaysak bile, m\u00fcmk\u00fcn olandan daha da alt d\u00fczeyde bir s\u0131n\u0131f hareketlili\u011fi oldu\u011fu sonucuna varabiliriz. Bu olgunun \u00e7e\u015fitli nedenleri vard\u0131r: \u00f6ncelikle T\u00fcrkiye\u2019de sendikal m\u00fccadele ciddi sorunlarla kar\u015f\u0131 kar\u015f\u0131yad\u0131r. \u00d6rne\u011fin, \u00c7al\u0131\u015fma Bakanl\u0131\u011f\u0131\u2019n\u0131n pek de g\u00fcvenilir olmayan verileri bir yana b\u0131rak\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131nda, T\u00fcrkiye\u2019de toplu s\u00f6zle\u015fme yapma yetkisine sahip, yani ilen sendikal m\u00fccadele yapmas\u0131 m\u00fcmk\u00fcn i\u015f\u00e7i kesimi, neoliberal yapt\u0131r\u0131mlardan ve 80 sonras\u0131 politikalardan dolay\u0131 \u00e7ok k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fckt\u00fcr. Bu nedenle, politik ve sendikal \u00f6rg\u00fctl\u00fcl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn zay\u0131f oldu\u011fu bir s\u00fcre\u00e7te, i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131ndan krize kar\u015f\u0131 \u00f6rg\u00fctl\u00fc direni\u015fler beklemek en nazik dille iyimserliktir. Ancak, i\u015f\u00e7i ve kitle m\u00fccadelesinin g\u00f6receli zay\u0131fl\u0131\u011f\u0131, ileriki d\u00f6nemlerde meydana gelecek yeni toplumsal m\u00fccadeleleri yok saymam\u0131z anlam\u0131na gelmemelidir. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

    Ger\u00e7ekle\u015fen hareketliliklere bakt\u0131\u011f\u0131m\u0131zda da, sendikal b\u00fcrokrasilerin k\u0131lavuzlu\u011funda ilerleyen ve hukuksal yollarla kazan\u0131m arayan, m\u00fccadeleyi sekt\u00f6rel ve ulusal bazda yayma \u00e7abas\u0131nda olmayan ve politik bir perspektiften yoksun direni\u015flerle kar\u015f\u0131la\u015f\u0131yoruz. B\u00fct\u00fcn bunlar\u0131n g\u00f6sterdi\u011fi ger\u00e7ek, i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131 kriz s\u00fcrecinde kendi eylem program\u0131na kazanacak politik ve sendikal \u00f6nderliklerin yoklu\u011fudur. Ancak \u00f6nderlik sorununu mekanik bir \u015fekilde de\u011fil de; kitle m\u00fccadeleleri \u00e7er\u00e7evesi i\u00e7inde kavramakta yarar vard\u0131r. \u00d6nderlik sorunundan s\u00f6z etti\u011fimizde anla\u015f\u0131lmas\u0131 gereken generalleri olmayan bir ordu de\u011fildir, s\u00f6z\u00fc edilen i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 ve ezilen kitlelerin bir eylem program\u0131 etraf\u0131nda m\u00fccadelelerini y\u00fckseltmeleri ve \u00f6rg\u00fctlenmeleridir. S\u0131n\u0131fa kar\u015f\u0131 s\u0131n\u0131f perspektifinden bakt\u0131\u011f\u0131m\u0131zda, sendikal \u00f6rg\u00fctl\u00fcl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn artmas\u0131n\u0131n yan\u0131 s\u0131ra kriz i\u00e7erisinde fabrikalar\u0131 kapanan i\u015f\u00e7ilerin fabrika i\u015fgalleri ger\u00e7ekle\u015ftirerek fabrikalar\u0131na el koymalar\u0131; gerek i\u015fyeri, gerekse de i\u015f\u00e7i mahalleleri ve gecekondular d\u00fczeyinde direni\u015f komitelerinin kurularak \u00f6rg\u00fctlenilmesi; i\u015fsizler, evsizler ve topraks\u0131zlar\u0131n \u00f6rg\u00fctl\u00fc m\u00fccadele i\u00e7inde yerlerini almalar\u0131 i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n m\u00fccadele i\u00e7erisinde \u00f6ne \u00e7\u0131karak bir \u00e7ekim merkezi haline gelmesi anlam\u0131n\u0131 ta\u015f\u0131r. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

    \u00d6nderlik ve eylem program\u0131 sorununun \u00f6nemine i\u015faret eden di\u011fer bir geli\u015fme de burjuvazinin ideolojik hegemonyas\u0131n\u0131n sars\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131 d\u00f6nemlerin ayn\u0131 zamanda belirsizliklere gebe olmas\u0131d\u0131r. Kriz ile birlikte milyonlar\u0131n ya\u015fam d\u00fczeylerinde ger\u00e7ekle\u015fen d\u00fc\u015f\u00fc\u015f, \u00f6zellikle i\u015fg\u00fcc\u00fcne kat\u0131l\u0131m oranlar\u0131n\u0131n art\u0131\u015f\u0131nda emarelerini g\u00f6rd\u00fc\u011f\u00fcm\u00fcz k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck burjuvazinin, i\u015f\u00e7ile\u015fme e\u011filimindeki yo\u011funla\u015fma, son olarak krizin k\u0131sa vadede a\u015f\u0131lmas\u0131n\u0131n m\u00fcmk\u00fcn olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131n anla\u015f\u0131lmas\u0131, kitleleri tepki g\u00f6stermeye itecektir. Ancak bu tepki, t\u0131pk\u0131 Avrupa Parlamentosu se\u00e7imlerinde g\u00f6rd\u00fc\u011f\u00fcm\u00fcz gibi, \u201cumudun partilerinden daha \u00e7ok umutsuzlu\u011fun partilerinde\u201d ifadesini bulma e\u011filimindedir. Zira fa\u015fizan ve gerici hareketler, \u00f6rg\u00fctlenmek i\u00e7in tutarl\u0131 bir programa veya \u00f6rg\u00fctlenme mekanizmas\u0131na ihtiya\u00e7 duymazlar. Tek gereken, kanalize edilmi\u015f s\u0131n\u0131f kini ya da b\u00fct\u00fcn s\u0131n\u0131flara y\u00f6netilmi\u015f bir reddi ifade eden ve kapitalizmi destek i\u00e7in kolayca kanalize edilen l\u00fcmpen proletaryan\u0131n ruh halidir. Bu ba\u011flamda, K\u00fcrtlere, etnik az\u0131nl\u0131klara ve i\u015f\u00e7i \u00f6rg\u00fctlerine kar\u015f\u0131 sald\u0131r\u0131lar\u0131n artmas\u0131 s\u00f6z konusu olabilir. Yeni pogrom te\u015febb\u00fcsleri, lin\u00e7ler ve cinayetlerle kar\u015f\u0131la\u015fabiliriz <\/p>\n\n\n\n

    A\u015f\u0131r\u0131 \u00fcretim krizinin hemen akl\u0131m\u0131za getirdikleri i\u00e7inde ku\u015fkusuz sava\u015f ekonomisi de vard\u0131r. Mesafe\u2019nin bu say\u0131s\u0131nda yay\u0131nlanan s\u00f6yle\u015fisinde Jos\u00e9 Martins\u2019in ifade etti\u011fi gibi, burjuvazi i\u00e7in en iyi kriz re\u00e7etesi sava\u015ft\u0131r. \u00c7a\u011f\u0131m\u0131zda en az\u0131ndan teknik ko\u015fullar\u0131 d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fcld\u00fc\u011f\u00fcnde emperyalist burjuvazi i\u00e7in dahi, \u015fimdilik uygun g\u00f6r\u00fcnmeyen topyek\u00fbn sava\u015f olas\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 g\u00f6zard\u0131 etsek bile, ABD sava\u015f makinesinin daha da sald\u0131rganla\u015faca\u011f\u0131n\u0131 kestirmek son derece kolay. Silahlanma b\u00fct\u00e7elerinin ve b\u00f6lgesel sava\u015flar\u0131n artma e\u011filiminde oldu\u011fu bu ko\u015fullardan elbette T\u00fcrkiye de etkilenecektir. Burada vurgulanmas\u0131 gereken bir nokta vard\u0131r: \u0130srail-Filistin sorunu kadar \u00f6nemli olan ve halen \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcm bekleyen K\u00fcrt ulusal sorunu Ortado\u011fu\u2019da dengelerin bir kez daha sars\u0131lmas\u0131na neden olacak dinamikleri i\u00e7inde bar\u0131nd\u0131rmaktad\u0131r. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

    \u00d6ncelikle, buraya kadar ortaya koydu\u011fumuz sonu\u00e7lar ve olas\u0131l\u0131klar, i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 i\u00e7in hayat\u0131n her alan\u0131nda, ekonomik, politik, demokratik her mevziiye burjuvazinin geni\u015f ve uzun vadeli sald\u0131r\u0131lar\u0131 ve bu sald\u0131r\u0131lara kar\u015f\u0131 emek\u00e7ilerin direni\u015f ve m\u00fccadeleleri ba\u011flam\u0131nda anla\u015f\u0131lmal\u0131d\u0131r. Burjuvazi, sald\u0131r\u0131lar\u0131n\u0131 ger\u00e7ekle\u015ftirirken elinde her t\u00fcrl\u00fc imkan vard\u0131r: H\u00e2kim s\u0131n\u0131flar, kitleleri gerekti\u011fi yer ve zamanda milyarlar harcamak d\u00e2hil her t\u00fcrl\u00fc y\u00f6ntemle bast\u0131rmay\u0131 denemekte; en \u00f6nemlisi de sald\u0131r\u0131lar\u0131n\u0131 planl\u0131 bir \u015fekilde yapmaktad\u0131rlar. \u0130\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n plans\u0131z ve geli\u015fig\u00fczel \u00f6rg\u00fctlenmesi ve direnmesi de bu nedenle bir ba\u015flang\u0131\u00e7 te\u015fkil ediyor, ancak tek ba\u015f\u0131na yeterli olmuyor. Burada ihtiya\u00e7 duydu\u011fumuz ayn\u0131 \u00f6l\u00e7\u00fcde ve geni\u015f bir yelpazede talepleri i\u00e7eren, ko\u015fullar\u0131n s\u00fcreklili\u011fine paralel bi\u00e7imde s\u00fcreklilik arz eden bir eylem program\u0131d\u0131r. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

    S\u00f6z\u00fc edilen eylem program\u0131, hem kitlelerin g\u00fcnl\u00fck ihtiya\u00e7lar\u0131 i\u00e7in verdikleri m\u00fccadeleleri; hem de adil bir sistemin kurulmas\u0131 ve sosyalizm i\u00e7in verilen m\u00fccadelenin taleplerini birle\u015ftirerek geli\u015ftirir. \u00d6rne\u011fin bir yandan sendikal haklar savunulurken, di\u011fer yandan sendikal uzla\u015fmac\u0131l\u0131\u011fa kar\u015f\u0131 \u00e7\u0131k\u0131larak, daha fazla i\u015f\u00e7inin, \u00f6z talepleri \u00e7er\u00e7evesinde sendikalara y\u00f6neltilmesi hedeflenir. Bu ba\u011flamda, g\u00fcnl\u00fck ya\u015famsal ihtiya\u00e7lar\u0131n savunusu \u00f6rne\u011fin, i\u015fsizlik fonu \u00e7ok \u00f6nemlidir. \u0130\u015f\u00e7i kitlelerinin bilin\u00e7lenme s\u00fcrecinde en \u00f6nemli durak, i\u015fsizlik fonunun idaresi \u00fczerinden ger\u00e7ekle\u015fecek seferberlikler olacak; s\u00fcrecin politizasyonu bunun \u00fczerinden ger\u00e7ekle\u015fecektir. \u00dcretim alanlar\u0131 i\u00e7indeki yerel \u00f6zdenetimlerin, bu s\u00fcrecin ba\u011fr\u0131ndan do\u011fmas\u0131 pek\u00e2l\u00e2 m\u00fcmk\u00fcnd\u00fcr. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

    K\u00fcrt emek\u00e7ilerinin ve ezilenlerinin m\u00fccadelesi, kriz sonras\u0131nda d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015f\u00fcme u\u011frayacak; \u00f6nderli\u011fin tutumuna g\u00f6re, yeni aray\u0131\u015flar g\u00fcndeme gelecektir. K\u00fcrt halk\u0131n\u0131n talepleriyle pratik bir ortakl\u0131k kurmak, m\u00fccadelenin asli g\u00f6revlerinden biri olacakt\u0131r. Bug\u00fcn ve daha uzun bir zaman boyunca, T\u00fcrkiye\u2019deki s\u0131n\u0131f m\u00fccadelesinin \u00e7ehresini de\u011fi\u015ftirecek en b\u00fcy\u00fck g\u00f6rev, K\u00fcrt halk\u0131n\u0131n seferberli\u011finin sa\u011flanmas\u0131, asker polis rejimi kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131nda demokratik talepleri y\u00fckseltmek ve b\u00fct\u00fcn bunlarla ekonomik m\u00fccadeleyi ayn\u0131 potada eritmek olmal\u0131d\u0131r. <\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

    \u015eefik Sand\u0131k\u00e7\u0131  Kapitalizmin d\u00fcnya \u00e7ap\u0131nda derinle\u015fen krizi T\u00fcrkiye ekonomisini de temellerinden sars\u0131yor. Genelde, sermayenin yatay veya dikey yani b\u00f6lgesel veya teknik anlamda geni\u015flemesinin olanaks\u0131zla\u015ft\u0131\u011f\u0131 bir durum ile kar\u015f\u0131 kar\u015f\u0131yay\u0131z. Kapitalistler k\u00e2r oranlar\u0131ndaki d\u00fc\u015f\u00fc\u015ften, stoklar\u0131n\u0131 eritememekten yak\u0131n\u0131rken i\u015fsizlik ve yoksulluk her ge\u00e7en g\u00fcn biraz daha art\u0131yor. Kendilerine olan g\u00fcvenleri sars\u0131lan egemen s\u0131n\u0131flar krizin sorumlulu\u011funu \u00fczerlerinden atmak […]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":8,"featured_media":156,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"_exactmetrics_skip_tracking":false,"_exactmetrics_sitenote_active":false,"_exactmetrics_sitenote_note":"","_exactmetrics_sitenote_category":0,"footnotes":""},"categories":[636],"tags":[193,204],"class_list":["post-151","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-ekonomik-kriz","tag-kriz","tag-turkiyede"],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/trockist.net\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/151","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/trockist.net\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/trockist.net\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/trockist.net\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/8"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/trockist.net\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=151"}],"version-history":[{"count":2,"href":"https:\/\/trockist.net\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/151\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":982,"href":"https:\/\/trockist.net\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/151\/revisions\/982"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/trockist.net\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/156"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/trockist.net\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=151"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/trockist.net\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=151"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/trockist.net\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=151"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}