{"id":1462,"date":"2020-02-16T20:01:47","date_gmt":"2020-02-16T17:01:47","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/trockist.net\/?p=1462"},"modified":"2020-02-27T10:39:58","modified_gmt":"2020-02-27T07:39:58","slug":"sari-yeleklilerden-genel-greve-fransa-icin-dersler-ve-eylem-programi-ii","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/trockist.net\/index.php\/2020\/02\/16\/sari-yeleklilerden-genel-greve-fransa-icin-dersler-ve-eylem-programi-ii\/","title":{"rendered":"Sar\u0131 Yelekliler\u2019den genel greve: Fransa i\u00e7in dersler ve eylem program\u0131 (II)"},"content":{"rendered":"\n

A\u015fa\u011f\u0131daki metin, d\u00f6rt b\u00f6l\u00fcml\u00fck bir yaz\u0131n\u0131n ikinci par\u00e7as\u0131d\u0131r. Yaz\u0131n\u0131n birinci par\u00e7as\u0131 i\u00e7in buray\u0131,<\/a><\/em> \u00fc\u00e7\u00fcnc\u00fc par\u00e7as\u0131 i\u00e7in <\/em>buray\u0131,<\/em><\/a> d\u00f6rd\u00fcnc\u00fc par\u00e7as\u0131 i\u00e7in ise buray\u0131<\/a> t\u0131klayabilirsiniz. <\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n

3.) Fransa\u2019da s\u0131n\u0131f m\u00fccadeleleri ve \u00f6nderlikleri<\/strong><\/h3>\n\n\n\n

a.) Demiryolu i\u015f\u00e7ilerinin 2018 bahar\u0131ndaki sendikal yenilgisi, Sar\u0131 Yelekliler\u2019in sendika kar\u015f\u0131t\u0131 do\u011fas\u0131 ve devrimci bir sentez olarak Sar\u0131 Yeleklile\u015fen 2019 Aral\u0131k genel grevi<\/strong><\/h4>\n\n\n\n

2018 bahar\u0131, Frans\u0131z i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 i\u00e7in son derece olumsuz sonu\u00e7lanan birtak\u0131m s\u00fcre\u00e7lere tan\u0131kl\u0131k etti. Bu s\u00fcre\u00e7leri yak\u0131ndan anlayabilmek ve onlardan gerekli siyasal dersleri \u00e7\u0131karabilmek, bug\u00fcn\u00fcn Genel grev hareketini idrak etme noktas\u0131nda kritik bir \u00f6nem ta\u015f\u0131yor. Zira 2018 bahar yenilgisi olmasayd\u0131, 2018 Kas\u0131m\u0131\u2019nda Sar\u0131 Yelekliler, bug\u00fcn onlar\u0131 bildi\u011fimiz ve yorumlad\u0131\u011f\u0131m\u0131z \u015fekliyle patlak vermeyecek, dolay\u0131s\u0131yla 2019\u2019un Aral\u0131k Genel grevi de bug\u00fcnk\u00fc kitleselli\u011fi ve \u015fiddetiyle belki de \u00f6rg\u00fctlenemeyecekti. Marx\u2019\u0131n Fransa\u2019da S\u0131n\u0131f M\u00fccadeleleri 1848-1850<\/em> kitab\u0131n\u0131n giri\u015finde, \u015eubat devriminin yenilgisiyle a\u00e7\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 ileri s\u00fcrd\u00fc\u011f\u00fc devrimci ilerlemeye benzer bir diyalektik s\u0131\u00e7ray\u0131\u015ft\u0131 bu moment: <\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u201cAncak bu yenilgilerde yenik d\u00fc\u015fen, devrim de\u011fildi. Yenik d\u00fc\u015fenler, devrim \u00f6ncesi d\u00f6neme ait geleneksel eklentiler, toplumsal ili\u015fkilerin hen\u00fcz keskin s\u0131n\u0131f kar\u015f\u0131tl\u0131klar\u0131 d\u00fczeyine y\u00fckselmemi\u015f olan sonu\u00e7lar\u0131, yani devrimci partinin \u015eubat Devrimi \u00f6ncesinde hen\u00fcz kurtulamam\u0131\u015f oldu\u011fu ve \u015eubat zaferiyle de\u011fil, ancak bir dizi yenilgiyle kurtulabildi\u011fi ki\u015filer, yan\u0131lsamalar, hayaller ve projelerdi.<\/p>

K\u0131sacas\u0131: Devrimci ilerleme, kendi yolunu, dolays\u0131z trajikomik ba\u015far\u0131lar\u0131yla de\u011fil, tam tersine birle\u015fik, g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc bir kar\u015f\u0131devrim yaratarak, bir d\u00fc\u015fman yaratarak a\u00e7t\u0131\u2026\u201d<\/p><\/blockquote>\n\n\n\n

2018 bahar\u0131nda Macron\u2019un \u015fahs\u0131nda temsiliyetini bulan bonapartisme faible<\/em>, bu sefer tarihsel zay\u0131fl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 g\u00f6lgelemesine yarayacak anl\u0131k ittifaklarla, emek kar\u015f\u0131t\u0131 ve piyasa yanl\u0131s\u0131 kar\u015f\u0131reformlar\u0131n\u0131 parlamentoda, \u00e7ok az bir direni\u015fle y\u00fczle\u015ferek ge\u00e7irdi. Sendikal b\u00fcrokrasi, h\u00fck\u00fcmetten ald\u0131\u011f\u0131 maa\u015f \u00e7eklerinin dayan\u0131lmaz a\u011f\u0131rl\u0131\u011f\u0131 alt\u0131nda ezilerek i\u015f\u00e7ilere s\u0131rt\u0131n\u0131 d\u00f6nd\u00fc ve Macron\u2019la el s\u0131k\u0131\u015ft\u0131. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ancak i\u015f\u00e7i d\u00fc\u015fman\u0131 bu yeni kar\u015f\u0131reformlar parlamento d\u0131\u015f\u0131nda tamamen s\u00fckunetle kar\u015f\u0131lanmad\u0131. Demiryolu, hastane ve belediye i\u015f\u00e7ileri greve \u00e7\u0131kt\u0131, \u00f6\u011frenci m\u00fccadeleleri patlak verdi. Bunlar sekt\u00f6rlerle s\u0131n\u0131rl\u0131, yerel ve par\u00e7al\u0131 seferberliklerdi; dolay\u0131s\u0131yla kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131nda m\u00fccadele verdikleri sald\u0131r\u0131 paketinin geri \u00e7ekilmesine d\u00f6n\u00fck olarak halk\u0131n g\u00f6z\u00fcnde ciddi bir alternatif kutup olu\u015fturamad\u0131lar. SNCF\u2019in (Frans\u0131z Ulusal Demiryollar\u0131 \u015eirketi) tarihindeki en uzun grev olan 2018 grevinin yenilgisinin etkileri, Mediapart\u2019\u0131n dedi\u011fi \u00fczere \u201cb\u00fct\u00fcn i\u015fyerlerinde iz b\u0131rakt\u0131.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Macron\u2019un kar\u015f\u0131reformlar\u0131n\u0131 kabul etmeyerek m\u00fccadeleye ge\u00e7en demiryolu ve belediye i\u015f\u00e7ileri, tam da yal\u0131t\u0131lm\u0131\u015f bir bi\u00e7imde b\u0131rak\u0131ld\u0131klar\u0131 i\u00e7in ana ak\u0131m medya ve sistem partileri taraf\u0131ndan sald\u0131r\u0131ya u\u011frad\u0131. Temel su\u00e7lama demiryolu ve belediye i\u015f\u00e7ilerinin \u201cayr\u0131cal\u0131klar\u0131n\u0131 korumak\u201d i\u00e7in greve \u00e7\u0131kt\u0131\u011f\u0131yd\u0131 (T\u00fcrkiye\u2019de Avrupa i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n seferberlikleri tart\u0131\u015f\u0131l\u0131rken, \u00fcz\u00fcc\u00fc bir bi\u00e7imde s\u0131k\u00e7a sol i\u00e7inden dile getirilen ve kayna\u011f\u0131 a\u00e7\u0131k\u00e7a cehalet olan \u00dc\u00e7\u00fcnc\u00fc D\u00fcnyac\u0131 ve hatal\u0131 bir yorum). Bu su\u00e7lama do\u011fru bile olsa (ki de\u011fildi \u00e7\u00fcnk\u00fc demiryolu ve belediye i\u015f\u00e7ileri \u201cayr\u0131cal\u0131klara\u201d de\u011fil, m\u00fccadeleleri sonucunda sendikal haklara ve onlar\u0131n getirilerine kavu\u015fmu\u015ftu), yap\u0131lmas\u0131 gereken onlar\u0131n \u201cayr\u0131cal\u0131klar\u0131n\u0131n\u201d gasp edilmesi de\u011fil, i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n geri kalan kesimlerinin de bu \u201cayr\u0131cal\u0131klara\u201d kavu\u015fturulmas\u0131 olmal\u0131yd\u0131.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ayn\u0131 s\u0131ralarda meydana \u00e7\u0131km\u0131\u015f olan ABD\u2019deki \u00f6\u011fretmenlerin grev dalgas\u0131, tam olarak bunu yapt\u0131. ABD\u2019li \u00f6\u011fretmenler, e\u011fitim sekt\u00f6r\u00fcn\u00fcn en d\u00fc\u015f\u00fck \u00fccretli i\u015f\u00e7ileriyle greve giderek, kendilerine de y\u00f6neltilen bu su\u00e7lamay\u0131 bo\u015fa \u00e7\u0131karm\u0131\u015flard\u0131. Onlar ek olarak grevlerini Cumhuriyet\u00e7i eyaletlere yayabilmeyi ve sendikalar\u0131 a\u015fan \u00f6rg\u00fctlenmelere gidebilmeyi (i\u015f\u00e7i \u00f6z\u00f6rg\u00fctlenmeleri) ba\u015fard\u0131lar. Grevlerini \u00f6rg\u00fctlemeye, bir taktik olarak kad\u0131n hareketinin g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc oldu\u011fu Bat\u0131 Virginia\u2019da ba\u015flam\u0131\u015flard\u0131; sonu\u00e7 b\u00fcy\u00fck bir \u00fccret zamm\u0131 oldu.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ancak Frans\u0131z demiryolu i\u015f\u00e7ileri, ABD\u2019li e\u011fitim i\u015f\u00e7ilerinin kesinli\u011fiyle hareket etmek noktas\u0131nda, kendisine d\u0131\u015far\u0131dan dayat\u0131lan birtak\u0131m sorunlar ya\u015fad\u0131. Medya onlar\u0131n taleplerine \u201ctarihi ge\u00e7mi\u015f emek ayr\u0131cal\u0131klar\u0131\u201d diyerek sald\u0131rmay\u0131 s\u00fcrd\u00fcrd\u00fc (bu ibarelerin ge\u00e7ti\u011fi haberin biraz ilerisinde Macron\u2019dan, bahar s\u00f6zle\u015fmelerinde i\u015f\u00e7ilere kar\u015f\u0131 elde etti\u011fi zaferden dolay\u0131 \u201cFransa\u2019y\u0131 21. y\u00fczy\u0131la ta\u015f\u0131yan, onu rekabet\u00e7i yapan modernist\u201d diye bahsediliyordu). <\/p>\n\n\n\n

CGT (Conf\u00e9d\u00e9ration G\u00e9n\u00e9rale du Travail<\/em> – Genel Emek Konfederasyonu; Fransa\u2019n\u0131n en b\u00fcy\u00fck ve i\u00e7inde milyonlarca i\u015f\u00e7inin temsil edildi\u011fi sendikalar konfederasyonu) demiryolu i\u015f\u00e7ilerinin grevlerini ulusal \u00e7apta birle\u015ftirmeyi reddetti. CGT b\u00fcrokrasinin takti\u011fi, Frans\u0131z i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n yak\u0131ndan a\u015fina oldu\u011fu ve kendisi i\u00e7in k\u00f6t\u00fc bir \u00fcne sahip olan gr\u00e8ve perl\u00e9e<\/em> (kesintili grev) oyunuydu. Bir gr\u00e8ve perl\u00e9e <\/em>aylar boyunca s\u00fcrebilir, m\u00fccadeleci i\u015f\u00e7ileri pes ettirebilir ve nihayetinde de hi\u00e7bir kazan\u0131mla sonu\u00e7lanmazd\u0131. Bu durumda da benzer bir \u015fekilde evrildi geli\u015fmeler: Gr\u00e8ve perl\u00e9e <\/em>demiryolui\u015f\u00e7ilerini ekonomik olarak peri\u015fan etti ve politik olarak da yordu. Bu, Fransa\u2019daki t\u00fcm makinistlerin y\u00fczde 80\u2019inin grevde olmas\u0131na ra\u011fmen ya\u015fand\u0131. CGT, demiryolu \u015firketi SNCF ile yapt\u0131\u011f\u0131 \u00f6zel bir anla\u015fmayla grev k\u0131r\u0131c\u0131lara tren kullanma hakk\u0131 tan\u0131m\u0131\u015ft\u0131. B\u00f6ylece SNCF hi\u00e7bir mali kayba u\u011framazken, demiryolu i\u015f\u00e7ileri her \u015feylerini kaybetme noktas\u0131na geldiler. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

Sendikal b\u00fcrokrasinin politikas\u0131n\u0131n sonu\u00e7lar\u0131 korkun\u00e7tu; i\u015f\u00e7i \u00f6nc\u00fcs\u00fc fel\u00e7le\u015fti, demoralize oldu, korkudan sindi ve bu da ya\u011fmac\u0131 rejime bo\u015f bir \u00f6zg\u00fcven sa\u011flad\u0131. Ba\u015fbakan Edouard Philippe, CGT\u2019nin ihanetinin kendisine a\u00e7t\u0131\u011f\u0131 politik manevra alan\u0131n\u0131 sonuna kadar s\u00f6m\u00fcrerek, demiryolu i\u015f\u00e7ileriyle yaln\u0131zca baz\u0131 \u015fartlar kabul edildi\u011finde masaya oturabilece\u011fini bildirdi: AB bazl\u0131 rekabete a\u00e7\u0131l\u0131m (\u00f6zelle\u015ftirme) tart\u0131\u015f\u0131lacakt\u0131 ve emeklilik haklar\u0131ndaki geri \u00e7ekili\u015fler kabul edilecekti. Yaz aylar\u0131 boyunca Frans\u0131z parlamentosu s\u00f6z konusu kar\u015f\u0131reformlar\u0131 yasala\u015ft\u0131rarak y\u00fcr\u00fcrl\u00fc\u011fe soktu ve bu esnada, demiryolu i\u015f\u00e7ilerinin grevci militanl\u0131\u011f\u0131 sendikal b\u00fcrokrasinin ve Macroncu liberal g\u00fcndemin darbeleri alt\u0131nda lin\u00e7 edildi.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Sosyalist hareket hen\u00fcz bu ihanetin kapsam\u0131na, derinli\u011fine ve sonu\u00e7lar\u0131na b\u00fct\u00fcn y\u00f6nleriyle vak\u0131f olabilme yetene\u011fini g\u00f6sterememi\u015f olsa da CGT\u2019nin politikas\u0131 1936\u2019y\u0131 an\u0131msatan bir tarihsel sabotajd\u0131 ve daha az\u0131 de\u011fildi. 1936\u2019da Stalinist Frans\u0131z Kom\u00fcnist Partisi ve onun sendikal kolu CGT (bug\u00fcn CGT h\u00e2l\u00e2 FKP\u2019nin yak\u0131n bir politik i\u015fbirlik\u00e7isi durumundad\u0131r), Halk Cephesi h\u00fck\u00fcmetine kar\u015f\u0131 ulus \u00e7ap\u0131nda ger\u00e7ekle\u015ftirilmi\u015f genel greve ve fabrika i\u015fgallerine, Maurice Thorez\u2019in a\u011fz\u0131ndan \u015f\u00f6yle cevap vermi\u015fti: \u201cIl faut savoir terminer une gr\u00e8ve<\/em>\u201d (\u201cBir grevi bitirmeyi bilmek gerekir\u201d). Thorez\u2019in kar\u015f\u0131devrimci \u00e7abalar\u0131na ra\u011fmen bu grev dalgas\u0131, Frans\u0131z i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n bug\u00fcn h\u00e2l\u00e2 bir k\u0131sm\u0131ndan yararlanmay\u0131 s\u00fcrd\u00fcrd\u00fc\u011f\u00fc tatil ve sa\u011fl\u0131k sigortas\u0131 haklar\u0131n\u0131 kazanm\u0131\u015ft\u0131. II. Payla\u015f\u0131m Sava\u015f\u0131\u2019n\u0131n sonunda, sava\u015f\u0131 Moskova\u2019da ge\u00e7irmi\u015f olan Thorez, bu kez \u00fclkeye d\u00f6nd\u00fc\u011f\u00fcnde silahlanm\u0131\u015f ve asl\u0131nda fiilen iktidar\u0131 ele ge\u00e7irmeye haz\u0131r olan bir i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 buldu. Thorez bu defa kelimelerini daha ustal\u0131kla se\u00e7ti ve grev dalgas\u0131n\u0131 durdurmak i\u00e7in CGT \u00fczerinden \u015fu arg\u00fcman\u0131 ileri s\u00fcrd\u00fc: \u201cKollar\u0131n\u0131z\u0131 s\u0131vay\u0131n! Devrimi yapmadan \u00f6nce, kapitalist Fransa\u2019y\u0131 yeniden in\u015fa etmek gerek!<\/em>\u201d Ayn\u0131 CGT 1968\u2019de grevdeki 11 milyon i\u015f\u00e7iye, \u00fcretim bantlar\u0131n\u0131n ba\u015f\u0131na d\u00f6nme \u00e7a\u011fr\u0131s\u0131 yapt\u0131. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

Sar\u0131 Yelekliler ayaklanmas\u0131n\u0131n neden bir genel grev veya Frans\u0131z i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n gelene\u011fi gere\u011fi bir grevler dizisi olarak patlak vermedi\u011fi sorusunun yan\u0131t\u0131, CGT b\u00fcrokrasinin ba\u015f\u0131n\u0131 \u00e7ekti\u011fi 2018 bahar yenilgisinin kendisinde aranmal\u0131d\u0131r. S\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n mevcut sendikal \u00f6nderli\u011finin politik-programatik oport\u00fcnizmi, yani trajikomik bir bi\u00e7imde yeleklerle ayn\u0131 renkte olan \u201csar\u0131\u201d sendikal \u00f6nderliklerin s\u0131n\u0131f i\u015fbirlik\u00e7i karakteri, demiryolu i\u015f\u00e7ilerini yenilgiye g\u00f6t\u00fcrerek, kendisinin devrimci eylem s\u0131ras\u0131nda bir otorite olarak g\u00f6r\u00fclmesinin b\u00fct\u00fcn \u015fartlar\u0131n\u0131 yok etmi\u015fti; \u00f6zetle, Marx\u2019\u0131n dedi\u011fi \u00fczere \u201cdevrimci ilerleme, kendi yolunu, dolays\u0131z trajikomik ba\u015far\u0131lar\u0131yla de\u011fil, tam tersine birle\u015fik, g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc bir kar\u015f\u0131devrim yaratarak, bir d\u00fc\u015fman yaratarak<\/em>\u201d a\u00e7m\u0131\u015ft\u0131. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

Sar\u0131 Yelekliler seferberli\u011fi, s\u0131n\u0131f karde\u015fleri olan demiryolu i\u015f\u00e7ilerinin intikam\u0131n\u0131 sendikal b\u00fcrokrasiden al\u0131rcas\u0131na, bu s\u00f6zde otoriteyi tan\u0131maks\u0131z\u0131n ve asl\u0131nda bir\u00e7ok yerelde de ona kar\u015f\u0131 gelerek patlak vermi\u015fti. Denetimsizdi ve Fransa\u2019n\u0131n s\u0131n\u0131flar m\u00fccadelesi tarihi d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fcld\u00fc\u011f\u00fcnde sendikal odaklar\u0131n m\u00fccadeleler i\u00e7inde adeta i\u015fgalci bir d\u00fc\u015fman edas\u0131yla kar\u015f\u0131lanmas\u0131, kesinlikle bir anomaliydi. Bu nedenle CGT ba\u015fkan\u0131 Philippe Martinez, Sar\u0131 Yelekliler isyan\u0131 patlak verdi\u011finde eylemcileri, surat\u0131 hi\u00e7 k\u0131zarmadan \u201cneofa\u015fistler\u201d olarak tan\u0131mlad\u0131. Le Monde<\/em> gazetesi, kendi \u0130\u015f D\u00fcnyas\u0131<\/em> ekinde Macron\u2019u sendikalar\u0131 zay\u0131flatt\u0131\u011f\u0131 i\u00e7in ele\u015ftirdi ve \u015f\u00f6yle yazd\u0131: \u201c[Sendikalar], <\/em>bu tip toplumsal \u00e7eli\u015fkileri kontrol etme noktas\u0131nda ya\u015famsald\u0131r\u201d.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Sar\u0131 Yelekliler seferberli\u011finin sendikal olmayan kanallardan patlak vermi\u015f olmas\u0131, finans aristokrasisine ve kapitalist s\u00f6m\u00fcr\u00fcye kar\u015f\u0131 biriken \u00f6fkenin boyutlar\u0131n\u0131 \u00f6zetlerken, ayn\u0131 zamanda 2018 bahar yenilgisinin genel olarak s\u0131n\u0131flar m\u00fccadelesi \u00fczerinde b\u0131rakt\u0131\u011f\u0131 etkiyi de if\u015fa ediyordu. Sendikal \u00f6nderler grevcileri izole etmi\u015f, onlar\u0131 yaln\u0131z b\u0131rakm\u0131\u015ft\u0131. Sar\u0131 Yelekliler, ayn\u0131 gerici kar\u015f\u0131reformlara kar\u015f\u0131, sendikal otoriteleri tan\u0131mayarak kendileri birle\u015fmeyi tercih etti. Dolay\u0131s\u0131yla 2018 sonbahar\u0131n\u0131n s\u0131n\u0131fsal m\u00fccadele bi\u00e7imi, 2018 ilkbahar\u0131n\u0131n s\u0131n\u0131fsal m\u00fccadele bi\u00e7imlerinin bir olumsuzlanmas\u0131yd\u0131. Daha sonra Aral\u0131k 2019\u2019da, bu olumsuzlanma da olumsuzlanacak ve \u201cSar\u0131 Yeleklile\u015fen\u201d bir genel grev \u00f6rg\u00fctlenmesiyle devrimci bir senteze gidilecekti. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

Genel grevin Sar\u0131 Yeleklile\u015fmesinin \u00f6nemli g\u00f6stergelerinden biri ula\u015f\u0131m i\u015f\u00e7ilerinin 18 Ekim\u2019deki gr\u00e8ve sauvage<\/em>\u2019lar\u0131yd\u0131 (denetimsiz grev, yani sendikan\u0131n onay\u0131 al\u0131nmadan yap\u0131lan grev). Champagne-Ardenne\u2019deki bir TER (Transport Express R\u00e9gional; Fransa\u2019da demiryolu hizmetini belirtmek i\u00e7in kullan\u0131lan marka ad\u0131) kazas\u0131n\u0131n ard\u0131ndan kond\u00fckt\u00f6rler emeklilik haklar\u0131 i\u00e7in eyleme ge\u00e7ti. Bu tip eylemler daha \u00f6nce hi\u00e7bir ulusal kar\u015f\u0131l\u0131k bulmazken, kond\u00fckt\u00f6rlerin bu \u00e7\u0131k\u0131\u015f\u0131 Azizler G\u00fcn\u00fc (Toussaint Tatili) \u00f6ncesinde Fransa\u2019y\u0131 tamamen trensiz b\u0131rakt\u0131. H\u00fck\u00fcmet panik i\u00e7inde eylemleri s\u0131n\u0131rlayan yeni \u00f6nlemler a\u00e7\u0131klad\u0131. H\u00fck\u00fcmet derin bir soluk alacakken 21 Ekim\u2019de Ch\u00e2tillon Atlantique\u2019de TGV\u2019lerden (h\u0131zl\u0131 tren) sorumlu teknik ekip greve \u00e7\u0131kt\u0131 ve grevci i\u015f\u00e7iler a\u00e7\u0131klamalar\u0131nda bu grevi \u201csendikalarla anla\u015fmadan ve onlar taraf\u0131ndan \u00e7evrelenmeden\u201d y\u00fcr\u00fcteceklerini duyurdu. 31 Ekim\u2019de grevcilere Paris\u2019teki ba\u015fka iki teknik merkez kat\u0131ld\u0131. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

Bu \u00f6rnekler Sar\u0131 Yelekliler hareketinin geleneksel ve resmi i\u015f\u00e7i hareketinde ve muhafazakar sendikal b\u00fcrokrasinin prestijinde yaratt\u0131\u011f\u0131 etkilerin bir sonucuydu. Sar\u0131 Yelekliler, bu ba\u011flamda sendikalar\u0131n y\u00f6netimi ile sendikalar\u0131n taban\u0131 aras\u0131ndaki ili\u015fkiyi ve eyleme ge\u00e7meye haz\u0131r proleter b\u00f6l\u00fcklerin bilin\u00e7 durumlar\u0131n\u0131 ve ara\u00e7 tercihlerini radikal bir \u015fekilde de\u011fi\u015ftirdi. Bu, hen\u00fcz tamamlanm\u0131\u015f bir d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015f\u00fcm de\u011fil ancak b\u00f6ylesine bir d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015f\u00fcm\u00fcn varl\u0131\u011f\u0131 inkar edilemez. Bug\u00fcn, be\u015f sene \u00f6nce i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n g\u00f6z\u00fcn\u00fc boyamak i\u00e7in kullan\u0131lan sendikal rutinler, art\u0131k ayn\u0131 bi\u00e7imleri ve i\u00e7erikleriyle kullan\u0131lamaz. 2008-2009 krizinden bu yana hi\u00e7bir kazan\u0131m elde edemeyen veya sald\u0131r\u0131lan hi\u00e7bir kazan\u0131m\u0131 koruyamayan sendikal diyalog y\u00f6ntemlerine kar\u015f\u0131n Sar\u0131 Yelekliler, par\u00e7al\u0131 ve k\u0131sm\u00ee de olsa, bir\u00e7ok kazan\u0131m elde ettiler ve bunu, h\u00fck\u00fcmetle b\u00fct\u00fcn g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015fmeleri reddederek, barikatlarda \u00e7at\u0131\u015farak yapt\u0131lar. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

Fransa\u2019n\u0131n i\u00e7inden ge\u00e7mekte oldu\u011fu s\u00fcreci daha iyi anlayabilmek i\u00e7in bir panorama \u00e7izmekte fayda var. \u00d6ncelikle elimizde partisi olmayan, finans kapital temsilcisi otokratik bir liberal cumhurba\u015fkan\u0131 bulunan ve onun istifas\u0131n\u0131 isteyen kitleler var. Zengin bir emperyalist \u00fclkenin yoksulla\u015fmakta olan politik \u00f6nderliksiz proleter s\u0131n\u0131flar\u0131 ve onlar\u0131n, sermayeden h\u0131zl\u0131 biriken \u00f6fkeleri s\u00f6z konusu. 2018 bahar\u0131nda yasala\u015fan kar\u015f\u0131devrimci emek kararnameleri dolay\u0131s\u0131yla h\u00e2l\u00e2 yaralar\u0131n\u0131 sarmaya \u00e7al\u0131\u015fan bu i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc bir sendikal gelene\u011fi mevcut. Bu s\u0131rada, emperyalistler aras\u0131 ikinci payla\u015f\u0131m sava\u015f\u0131 sonland\u0131\u011f\u0131ndan beri \u00fclkeyi y\u00f6neten geleneksel burjuva partilerin, toplumsal izd\u00fc\u015f\u00fcmleri neredeyse s\u0131f\u0131ra indirgenmi\u015f vaziyette. B\u00fct\u00fcn bu farkl\u0131 de\u011fi\u015fkenler ve dinamikler aras\u0131nda, ya\u015famsal haklar\u0131n\u0131 savunmak i\u00e7in son yirmi be\u015f senenin en b\u00fcy\u00fck genel grevini \u00f6rg\u00fctleyerek militan bir m\u00fccadeleye at\u0131lm\u0131\u015f olan ezilen s\u0131n\u0131flar, kendilerine rehberlik edecek devrimci bir \u00f6nderli\u011fin in\u015fas\u0131na gereksinim duyuyorlar. Peki bu \u00f6nderli\u011fi M\u00e9lenchon in\u015fa edebilir mi?<\/p>\n\n\n\n

b.) Reformizmin yeni temsilcisi olarak M\u00e9lenchon ve onun \u201cyurtta\u015flar devrimi\u201d<\/strong><\/h4>\n\n\n\n

\u0130kinci D\u00fcnya Sava\u015f\u0131\u2019n\u0131n ertesinde Fransa\u2019da bir \u201csosyal cumhuriyet\u201d ve \u201crefah devleti\u201d ilan etmi\u015f olan anayasan\u0131n \u015fart\u0131, Nazizm\u2019e kar\u015f\u0131 \u00f6rg\u00fctlenen La R\u00e9sistance<\/em> (Direni\u015f) hareketinin silahl\u0131 i\u015f\u00e7ileri ve Nazi i\u015fbirlik\u00e7isi oldu\u011fu i\u00e7in prestij yitiren Frans\u0131z burjuvazisinin k\u00f6\u015feye s\u0131k\u0131\u015ft\u0131r\u0131lmas\u0131yd\u0131. Burjuvazinin fa\u015fizmle kuraca\u011f\u0131 i\u015fbirli\u011fi h\u00e2l\u00e2 son derece hakikiyken, Frans\u0131z i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 art\u0131k silahl\u0131 de\u011fil (onu sadece politik olarak de\u011fil ama asker\u00ee olarak da silahs\u0131zland\u0131ran Kremlin\u2019den gelen emirlere uygun davranarak hareket eden Frans\u0131z Kom\u00fcnist Partisi\u2019nden ba\u015fka bir \u00f6rg\u00fct de\u011fildi). M\u00e9lenchon\u2019un temel \u00f6nerisi i\u015fte bu anayasaya d\u00f6nmek ancak bu anayasay\u0131 m\u00fcmk\u00fcn k\u0131lan toplum durumunu yaratmadan ger\u00e7ekle\u015ftirmektir. Yani M\u00e9lenchon reformlar arac\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131yla, Frans\u0131z i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n silahlardan uzak kalmay\u0131 s\u00fcrd\u00fcrerek kazan\u0131mlar elde edebilece\u011fi yalan\u0131yla proletaryan\u0131n kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131na \u00e7\u0131kmaktad\u0131r. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

M\u00e9lenchon, Sar\u0131 Yelekliler seferberli\u011fi s\u0131ras\u0131nda erken se\u00e7im \u00e7a\u011fr\u0131s\u0131 yapm\u0131\u015f, b\u00f6ylece 1968\u2019in FKP oport\u00fcnizminden hi\u00e7bir zaman kopamam\u0131\u015f oldu\u011funu g\u00f6stermi\u015fti (ger\u00e7i 2017\u2019de de Macron\u2019a onun ba\u015fbakan\u0131 olmay\u0131 teklif etmi\u015fti\u2026). Genel grev s\u0131ras\u0131nda ise, fa\u015fist Le Pen\u2019in grevi olumluyan resmi tutumunu, Frans\u0131z fa\u015fizmine i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 i\u00e7inde biriken ho\u015fnutsuzluk \u00fczerinden siyasal sermaye sa\u011flamaya \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmak olarak okuyamam\u0131\u015f, aksine Le Pen\u2019i tebrik etmi\u015ftir. Macron\u2019un kazand\u0131\u011f\u0131 se\u00e7imlerde %19,58 oran\u0131nda oy alan, yani kabaca her \u00fc\u00e7 i\u015f\u00e7iden birinin sand\u0131kta kendisine oy att\u0131\u011f\u0131 M\u00e9lenchon\u2019un, Le Pen\u2019in bu sinsi sald\u0131r\u0131s\u0131na kar\u015f\u0131 gerekli devrimci tutumu geli\u015ftirememi\u015f olmas\u0131, Frans\u0131z i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 i\u00e7inde ancak kafa kar\u0131\u015f\u0131kl\u0131\u011f\u0131 yaratabilir. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

Sar\u0131 Yelekliler seferberli\u011fi s\u00fcrerken, M\u00e9lenchon \u015fu sat\u0131rlar\u0131 kaleme alm\u0131\u015ft\u0131: \u201cSevin\u00e7liyim. Bana g\u00f6re mevcut olaylar, kitab\u0131m L’Ere du peuple\u2019de (Halk\u0131n D\u00f6nemi) \u00f6zetlenen yurtta\u015flar devrimi kuram\u0131nda belirlenen teorik \u015feman\u0131n bir do\u011frulanmas\u0131d\u0131r. Bu kavramsalla\u015ft\u0131rma, konu \u00fczerine geleneksel solun ve a\u015f\u0131r\u0131 solun geleneksel dogmalar\u0131ndan bir kopu\u015ftur.<\/em>\u201d <\/p>\n\n\n\n

M\u00e9lenchon biraz ileride bu kopu\u015fu daha da detayland\u0131r\u0131yordu. Ona g\u00f6re bu kopu\u015f \u201ctarihin dinami\u011fi olan ka\u00e7\u0131n\u0131lmaz bir \u00e7ift olarak sosyalist devrimin ve proletaryan\u0131n merkezili\u011finden bir kopu\u015ftur.<\/em>\u201d M\u00e9lenchon\u2019a g\u00f6re kitab\u0131 \u201cyeni bir akt\u00f6r\u00fc, \u2018halk\u0131\u2019 ortaya koyuyordu.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Frans\u0131z i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131, sosyalist d\u00fcnya devrimi perspektifinden uzakla\u015ft\u0131rarak \u201chalk\u00e7\u0131\u201d bir ulusalc\u0131 reformizmin etki alan\u0131na sokmaya \u00e7al\u0131\u015fan M\u00e9lenchon\u2019un program\u0131, finans diktat\u00f6rl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcne kar\u015f\u0131 geli\u015fen s\u0131n\u0131f m\u00fccadelesinin \u00f6n\u00fcndeki muhafazakar engellerden birisini olu\u015fturuyor. M\u00e9lenchon\u2019un anlay\u0131\u015f\u0131, yaln\u0131zca \u201cyurtta\u015fl\u0131k\u201d kelimesinin kullan\u0131lmas\u0131yla bile, asl\u0131nda Frans\u0131z i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n isyan\u0131n\u0131 var eden emperyalist ekonomi ve ulus-devlet \u00e7eli\u015fkisini ve bu ikisinin kar\u015f\u0131tl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 yeniden \u00fcretiyor ve dolay\u0131s\u0131yla onu g\u00f6\u00e7men i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131flar\u0131ndan ve Avrupal\u0131 emek\u00e7ilerden ay\u0131r\u0131yor. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

Merkezinde i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n ve onun toplumsal \u00f6nc\u00fcl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn\u00fcn yatt\u0131\u011f\u0131 devrimci stratejiden kopu\u015f, asl\u0131nda Frans\u0131z egemen bloklar\u0131n\u0131n s\u00fcrmekte olan seferberliklere proletaryan\u0131n \u00f6nderli\u011finin damgas\u0131n\u0131 vurmas\u0131n\u0131 istemiyor olu\u015funun politik bir devam\u0131d\u0131r. Paris Kom\u00fcn\u00fc\u2019nde Frans\u0131z toplumunu sosyalist temellerde nas\u0131l yeniden in\u015fa edebilece\u011finin ufak bir fragman\u0131n\u0131 sunmu\u015f olan bu i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n, kendi devrimci program\u0131 etraf\u0131nda son senelerin seferberliklerini merkezile\u015ftirip, onlar\u0131 burjuva toplumun temellerine y\u00f6neltmesi, Frans\u0131z kapitalizminin ilga edilmesi anlam\u0131na gelirdi. Bu noktada M\u00e9lenchon\u2019un \u00fcstlendi\u011fi rol, kitlelerin m\u00fccadeleye at\u0131lmas\u0131 esnas\u0131nda i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n politik g\u00fcc\u00fcn\u00fcn onlara e\u015flik ve \u00f6nderlik etmesinin \u00f6n\u00fcne ge\u00e7ebilmektir. \u0130\u015flevinin bu kar\u015f\u0131devrimci do\u011fas\u0131 gere\u011fi M\u00e9lenchon ile onun La France Insoumise<\/em> (Boyun E\u011fmeyen Fransa) hareketi, burjuvazinin sol kanad\u0131n\u0131 olu\u015fturmaktad\u0131r. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

M\u00e9lenchon\u2019un \u00f6nerisi ayn\u0131 zamanda, say\u0131s\u0131z k\u0131lcal damarla birbirlerine eklemlenmi\u015f ve ba\u011flanm\u0131\u015f olan ulusal ekonomilerin geometrik toplamlar\u0131n\u0131n olu\u015fturdu\u011fu bir k\u00fcresel emperyalist ekonomi \u00e7a\u011f\u0131nda, ulusalc\u0131-reformist metotlar\u0131 ve ara\u00e7lar\u0131 te\u015fvik etmesi nedeniyle gericidir. \u0130\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131 Paris\u2019teki yakla\u015fmakta olan sava\u015fa ancak bir Enternasyonal haz\u0131rlayabilir. Bu kavgada Frans\u0131z burjuvazisinin kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131na ge\u00e7meye aday b\u00fct\u00fcn ulusal ayg\u0131tlar yenilmeye mahkumdur. Reformist olsun, sendikal olsun ulusal ayg\u0131tlar\u0131n yenilgisinin i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n kendisinin yenilgisine e\u015fitlenmemesi i\u00e7in, bu i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n ulusalc\u0131-reformist \u00f6nerilerden kopar\u0131lmas\u0131 \u015fartt\u0131r. Fransa\u2019daki durum, uluslararas\u0131 krizin ulusal bir yans\u0131mas\u0131n\u0131 temsil ediyor. Bu temsile Fransa\u2019da verilen ulusal yan\u0131t\u0131n var olabilme \u015fart\u0131, kendi mant\u0131ksal sonu\u00e7lar\u0131n\u0131 uluslararas\u0131 d\u00fczlemde yeniden \u00fcretebilmesinden ba\u015fka bir \u015fey de\u011fildir. On y\u0131llar s\u00fcren neoliberal uluslararas\u0131la\u015fman\u0131n ard\u0131ndan, i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n ulusal s\u0131n\u0131rlar i\u00e7inde bir \u201creform\u201d kazan\u0131m\u0131 elde etmesi; hele bunu ulusalc\u0131-reformist bir eylem plan\u0131 e\u015fli\u011finde elde etmeye \u00e7abalamas\u0131, art\u0131k daha da zor. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

M\u00e9lenchon \u015f\u00f6yle devam ediyor: \u201cBenim \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmam, devlet iktidar\u0131n\u0131n b\u00f6ylesi bir halk hareketinin darbeleri alt\u0131nda nas\u0131l d\u00fc\u015febilece\u011fini anlatm\u0131yor. Bana g\u00f6re, \u00f6zellikle sonu\u00e7 bar\u0131\u015f\u00e7\u0131l ve demokratik olmal\u0131. Bu da, b\u00fct\u00fcn y\u00f6nleriyle, krize kurumsal bir \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcm bulma meselesidir<\/em>\u201d.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Yeni reformizmin Fransa \u015fubesi, \u00f6nerisini \u015f\u00f6yle form\u00fcle ediyor: \u201c\u00d6ncelikli g\u00f6revimiz, var olan demokratik y\u00f6ntemleri kullanmakt\u0131r. Mesela b\u00fct\u00fcn muhalefet partilerinin bir \u015feyi talep eden bir gensoru vermesi: Yeni se\u00e7imleri<\/em>\u201d.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Bir dizi s\u00f6m\u00fcrge ve yar\u0131s\u00f6m\u00fcrge halk\u0131n ve ek olarak yoksul Frans\u0131z ve g\u00f6\u00e7men i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131flar\u0131n\u0131n kan\u0131 ve teriyle ya\u015fam\u0131n\u0131 s\u00fcrd\u00fcren Be\u015finci Cumhuriyet rejiminin, s\u00f6m\u00fcrd\u00fc\u011f\u00fc kesimlerin \u201cdarbeleri\u201d alt\u0131nda d\u00fc\u015fmesine muhalif oldu\u011funu deklare eden M\u00e9lenchon, General Bruno Le Ray\u2019in 1948\u2019den beri ilk defa Frans\u0131z ordusuna \u00fclke i\u00e7indeki eylemcilere ate\u015f a\u00e7ma yetkisini tan\u0131d\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 dikkate almayarak, \u201cbar\u0131\u015f\u00e7\u0131l\u201d sonu\u00e7 almaktan bahsediyor. Bu tip bir reformist sanr\u0131y\u0131 i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131 politik olarak silahs\u0131zland\u0131rmak \u00fczere ileri s\u00fcren M\u00e9lenchon, ayn\u0131 zamanda \u201ckurumsal\u201d bir \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcmden bahsediyor. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ancak M\u00e9lenchon\u2019un \u201ckurumsal\u201d \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcm\u00fc ile Sar\u0131 Yelekliler\u2019in zaman\u0131ndaki \u201ckurumsal\u201d \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcm \u00f6nerileri aras\u0131nda, kapanmas\u0131 m\u00fcmk\u00fcn olmayan bir a\u00e7\u0131 vard\u0131. M\u00e9lenchon a\u00e7\u0131k bir bi\u00e7imde \u201cyeni se\u00e7imler\u201d, yani devrimci seferberli\u011fin, g\u00fcc\u00fcn\u00fc parlamenter hayallere vakfederek kendini zay\u0131flatmas\u0131n\u0131 \u00f6nerirken, Sar\u0131 Yelekliler Be\u015finci Cumhuriyet rejiminden \u00e7\u0131k\u0131\u015f\u0131 \u00f6rg\u00fctleyecek bir Assembl\u00e9e constituante<\/em> (Kurucu Meclis) talep ediyorlard\u0131. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

Bunun yan\u0131 s\u0131ra seferberlik, 1788\u2019deki gibi \u015fikayet ve \u00f6neriler i\u00e7in bir cahiers de dol\u00e9ances<\/em> (\u015fikayet defterleri) \u00f6neriyordu. Sar\u0131 Yelekliler bu \u015eikayet Defterleri\u2019nde yaz\u0131lacaklara karar verip bunu kamuya ilan etmi\u015fti bile: I.) Hi\u00e7 kimse evsiz kalmayacak; II.) Asgari \u00fccret 1.500 avro, azami \u00fccret 15.000 avro olacak; III.) Yoksullar vergi \u00f6demeyecek; IV.) Kemer s\u0131kma politikalar\u0131 durdurulacak ve iptal edilecek; V.) Vergiler Google, Amazon, Carrefour, McDonald\u2019s gibi b\u00fcy\u00fck \u015firketlere kesilecek; VI.) Gaz ve elektrik kamula\u015ft\u0131r\u0131lacak; VII.) S\u0131\u011f\u0131nmac\u0131lara bar\u0131nak, g\u00fcvenlik, g\u0131da ve \u00e7ocuklar\u0131na e\u011fitim sa\u011flanacak; VIII.) Se\u00e7ilmi\u015flerin maa\u015flar\u0131, halk\u0131n ortalama \u00fccretini ge\u00e7meyecek. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

M\u00e9lenchon yeni se\u00e7im teklifi arac\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131yla devrimci ayaklanmay\u0131 fel\u00e7 etme giri\u015fimi, neyse ki ba\u015far\u0131l\u0131 olmad\u0131. Sar\u0131 Yelekliler\u2019in kulland\u0131\u011f\u0131 sloganlardan biri de \u201cne Macron, ne Le Pen, ne de M\u00e9lenchon<\/em>\u201d idi. O her ne kadar s\u0131n\u0131f m\u00fccadelesinin ald\u0131\u011f\u0131 son bi\u00e7imin, onun \u201cyurtta\u015f devrimi\u201d teorisinin do\u011frulu\u011funu ispatlad\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fcyor olsa da ya\u015fananlar tam tersiydi. 2018\u2019den bug\u00fcne Frans\u0131z ve g\u00f6\u00e7men i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131flar\u0131n\u0131n i\u00e7ine girdikleri b\u00fct\u00fcn m\u00fccadeleler ve ald\u0131klar\u0131 b\u00fct\u00fcn politik virajlar, bir b\u00fct\u00fcn olarak bu proletaryan\u0131n ya\u015famsal taleplerinin M\u00e9lenchon\u2019un iddias\u0131n\u0131n aksine Be\u015finci Cumhuriyet rejiminin s\u0131n\u0131rlar\u0131 i\u00e7inde ger\u00e7ekle\u015ftirilemeyece\u011fini ortaya koydu. Sar\u0131 Yelekliler hareketi ile genel grevin mant\u0131ksal sonucu, bu devrimci g\u00fcndemleri do\u011furarak onlar kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131ndaki siyasal basiretsizli\u011fini ve kapasitesizli\u011fini ispatlam\u0131\u015f olan rejimin y\u0131k\u0131m\u0131d\u0131r.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

M\u00e9lenchon\u2019un reformizminin ideolojik kaynaklar\u0131n\u0131n anla\u015f\u0131lmas\u0131 \u00f6nem te\u015fkil etmektedir. M\u00e9lenchon \u201cyurtta\u015fl\u0131k\u201d ve \u201cbar\u0131\u015f\u00e7\u0131l ve demokratik\u201d d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015f\u00fcm teorisini, ak\u0131l hocas\u0131 olan Frans\u0131z reformist \u00c9tienne Balibar\u2019dan alm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Balibar Cittadinanza<\/em> (Yurtta\u015fl\u0131k) isimli kitab\u0131nda, neoliberalizmin yurtta\u015f olma durumu \u00fczerinde ger\u00e7ekle\u015ftirdi\u011fi d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015f\u00fcmleri olduk\u00e7a y\u00fczeysel bir \u015fekilde ele almakta ve ard\u0131ndan yurtta\u015fl\u0131\u011f\u0131n bir \u201cdemokratik\u201d yeniden in\u015fas\u0131n\u0131 \u00f6nermektedir. Bu eserinde Balibar \u015f\u00f6yle yaz\u0131yor:<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u201cO halde demokrasinin demokratikle\u015ftirilmesi, kesin anlamda, demokratik olmayan rejimler ve yasalar kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131nda direni\u015f g\u00f6sterme ve bunlara muhalefet etme gibi negatif hedeflere k\u0131yasla, yurtta\u015fl\u0131k ve \u2018demokratik icat\u2019 kavramlar\u0131n\u0131n ve pratiklerinin d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcr\u00fclmesi gibi pozitif hedefe bir \u00f6ncelik vermeyi i\u00e7erir\u2026 Bir toplumun ya da (kapitalizm gibi) bir ekonomik sistemin, kendileri demokratik olmayan, hatta antidemokratik olan yollarla ya da usullerle demokratik d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015f\u00fcm\u00fc k\u00f6kten bi\u00e7imde imk\u00e2ns\u0131zd\u0131r. 20. y\u00fczy\u0131lda kom\u00fcnizmin ve sosyalizmin trajik tarihinin (ve dolay\u0131s\u0131yla, siyas\u0131 ihtilaf\u0131n \u2018devlet\u2019 kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131nda bir \u2018kar\u015f\u0131-devlet\u2019 kurdu\u011fu bir \u00f6rg\u00fctlenme teorisi ve prati\u011fi sayesinde yeniden simetri kazand\u0131\u011f\u0131 \u2018proletarya diktat\u00f6rl\u00fc\u011f\u00fc\u2019 \u00fczerine tart\u0131\u015fmalar\u0131n) ve de antiemperyalist ulusal \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck hareketlerinin verdi\u011fi ders budur. B\u00f6ylece \u015fu fikir yeniden kendini dayat\u0131r: Siyasi bir g\u00fc\u00e7 ya da hareketin toplumu demokratikle\u015ftirebilmesinin ko\u015fulu, bunlar\u0131n kendilerinin hem hedefleri hem de i\u00e7sel i\u015fleyi\u015fleri bak\u0131m\u0131ndan, kar\u015f\u0131 \u00e7\u0131kt\u0131klar\u0131 sistemden daha demokratik olmalar\u0131d\u0131r.\u201d<\/p><\/blockquote>\n\n\n\n

Balibar\u2019\u0131n \u00f6nerdi\u011fi strateji, yani m\u00fccadelelerin \u201ckar\u015f\u0131 \u00e7\u0131kt\u0131klar\u0131 sistemden daha demokratik<\/em> olmalar\u0131\u201d, \u00f6rne\u011fin tam te\u00e7hizatl\u0131 \u0130srail askerleri kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131nda sapanlar\u0131na dizdikleri ta\u015flarla direnmeye \u00e7al\u0131\u015fan Filistinli \u00e7ocuklar i\u00e7in ne anlama geliyor, bunu biliyoruz: \u00c7ocuklar\u0131n katli. Ancak onun bu teslimiyet\u00e7i ve sonu\u00e7lar\u0131 itibariyle ancak yenilgilere sebebiyet verebilecek olan \u00e7izgisinin Fransa i\u00e7in ta\u015f\u0131d\u0131\u011f\u0131 anlamlar\u0131 tart\u0131\u015fmak da verimli olacakt\u0131r; zira M\u00e9lenchon\u2019un reformizmi, bu \u00e7izgiden beslenmektedir. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

Balibar\u2019\u0131n ilk ad\u0131m\u0131 kapitalizme ve bask\u0131c\u0131 rejimlere kar\u015f\u0131 m\u00fccadelenin birtak\u0131m itirazlar \u00fczerinden olu\u015fmas\u0131na, yani \u201cnegatif hedefler\u201d \u00fczerinden, var olan\u0131n olumsuzlanmas\u0131yla \u015fekillenmesine d\u00fc\u015ft\u00fc\u011f\u00fc \u015ferhtir. Balibar kitab\u0131n\u0131n genelinde, \u201cnegatif hedefler\u201d olarak \u00f6zetledi\u011fi d\u0131\u015favurumun tamamen terk edilmesi gerekti\u011fini s\u00f6ylemese de ve asl\u0131nda \u201cpozitif hedeflerin\u201d, yani kurucu programatik unsurlar\u0131n birincil \u00f6nemde oldu\u011funu s\u00f6yleyerek hakl\u0131 bir noktaya parmak bassa da, bu \u201cpozitif hedeflerin\u201d yurtta\u015fl\u0131k kavram\u0131n\u0131n d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcr\u00fclmesi oldu\u011funu s\u00f6ylemesiyle, genel olarak toplumsal ho\u015fnutsuzlu\u011fun ayaklanmac\u0131 potansiyellerinin bir kimlik tan\u0131m\u0131n\u0131n tart\u0131\u015f\u0131lmas\u0131na indirgenmesini \u00f6ng\u00f6rmektedir. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

Bunun kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131nda, \u201cFrans\u0131z yurtta\u015f\u0131n\u0131n\u201d yurtta\u015fl\u0131k ko\u015fullar\u0131n\u0131 belirleyen ekonomik \u00f6rg\u00fctlenme modelinin tart\u0131\u015fmaya a\u00e7\u0131lmamas\u0131 ve genel olarak yurtta\u015fl\u0131k mefhumunun, Frans\u0131z toplumunu bir u\u00e7urumla birbirinden ay\u0131ran gelir da\u011f\u0131l\u0131m\u0131ndaki e\u015fitsizli\u011fi, yani kapitalist b\u00f6l\u00fc\u015f\u00fcm tarz\u0131n\u0131 maskelemesi ve Balibar\u2019\u0131n devrimci in\u015fa benzeri bir perspektifi de\u011fil, \u201cdemokratik icat\u201d olarak an\u0131lan sistem i\u00e7in revizyonlar\u0131 \u00f6ne s\u00fcrmesi, rejimin hayatta kalmak i\u00e7in ihtiya\u00e7 duydu\u011fu b\u00fct\u00fcn politik hile ve y\u0131ld\u0131rma ara\u00e7lar\u0131n\u0131 ona arma\u011fan etmektedir.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Kar\u015f\u0131lar\u0131nda iyi \u00f6rg\u00fctlenmi\u015f ve merkezi bir asker\u00ee disipline sahip kar\u015f\u0131devrimin genelkurmay\u0131 bulunan Frans\u0131z ve g\u00f6\u00e7men i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131flar\u0131na, Frans\u0131z jandarmas\u0131ndan ve polisinden daha gev\u015fek \u00f6rg\u00fctlenmeyi \u00f6nermek; soka\u011fa indi\u011finde kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131nda anayasay\u0131 de\u011fil, anayasay\u0131 koruyan namlular\u0131 g\u00f6ren emek\u00e7ilere \u201cdaha demokratik\u201d olmay\u0131 vaaz etmek ancak ve ancak 1848 ile Paris Kom\u00fcn\u00fc\u2019n\u00fcn kanla boyanm\u0131\u015f hat\u0131ralar\u0131n\u0131 akla getiriyor. Balibar\u2019\u0131n ve \u00f6\u011frencisi M\u00e9lenchon\u2019un pasifist yurtta\u015fl\u0131k \u00f6\u011fretisi ilk olarak devrimin kendisine, ikinci olarak Frans\u0131z sosyalist devrimine, \u00fc\u00e7\u00fcnc\u00fc olarak da i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n bu devrimdeki \u00f6nc\u00fc rol\u00fcne dair bir inan\u00e7s\u0131zl\u0131\u011f\u0131n ve g\u00fcven kayb\u0131n\u0131n g\u00f6stergesidir. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u0130\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n devrimci kapasitesi yerine mu\u011flak ve heterojen bir k\u00fcme olan \u201cyurtta\u015flar\u0131n\u201d, kendilerinin tan\u0131m\u0131 \u00fczerine ger\u00e7ekle\u015ftirecekleri k\u0131s\u0131r tart\u0131\u015fmalar\u0131 \u00f6neren; i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n politik \u00f6nc\u00fcl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcnde, finans aristokrasisinin m\u00fclks\u00fczle\u015ftirilmesini hedefleyen bir devrim program\u0131 yerine kapitalist rejimlerden \u201cdaha demokratik\u201d olmaya \u00e7al\u0131\u015f\u0131rken (ki bu asl\u0131nda olduk\u00e7a kolayd\u0131r) kapitalist rejimlerden daha zay\u0131f olan bir \u201cdemokratik icat\u201d s\u00fcrecini \u00f6neren Balibar\u2019\u0131n oport\u00fcnizmi, rejimi ala\u015fa\u011f\u0131 edecek olan nihai seferberli\u011fin silip s\u00fcp\u00fcrmek durumunda kalaca\u011f\u0131 kar\u015f\u0131devrimci unsurlardan sadece birisidir. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

M\u00e9lenchon\u2019un, Mali\u2019den Yeni Kaledonya\u2019ya dek subaylar\u0131n\u0131 ve bankerlerini tahakk\u00fcm i\u00e7in g\u00f6revlendirmeyi s\u00fcrd\u00fcren Frans\u0131z emperyalizminin varl\u0131k ko\u015fullar\u0131na kar\u015f\u0131 bir program geli\u015ftirmeyerek, Frans\u0131z i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n en can al\u0131c\u0131 \u00e7\u0131karlar\u0131ndan birine, antiemperyalist \u00e7\u0131karlar\u0131na ihanet ediyor olmas\u0131n\u0131n ideolojik k\u00f6keni de yine Balibar\u2019\u0131n yurtta\u015fl\u0131k teorisini detayland\u0131rd\u0131\u011f\u0131 kitab\u0131nda bulunabilir:<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u201cBir t\u00fcr feti\u015f ya da parola olarak anla\u015f\u0131lan sivil topluma yap\u0131lan atf\u0131n bir ba\u015fka sak\u0131ncas\u0131 daha vard\u0131r (ger\u00e7i bunu \u00fcst\u00fcnl\u00fc\u011fe ya da olumlu bir \u00f6neriye \u00e7evirmeye \u00e7al\u0131\u015fabiliriz). Bu sak\u0131nca onun, devletleralt\u0131 ya da \u201c\u00f6zel\u201d de\u011fil tam tersine \u201cdevletler\u00fcst\u00fc\u201d olan \u00f6rg\u00fctleri ve kurumsal bi\u00e7imleri d\u0131\u015flamas\u0131 ya da d\u0131\u015flarm\u0131\u015f gibi g\u00f6r\u00fcnmesidir. Bunlar\u0131 s\u00f6ylerken akl\u0131mda olan, devlet \u201cittifaklar\u0131\u201d, \u201cfederasyonlar\u0131\u201d ve \u201ckonfederasyonlar\u0131\u201d de\u011fil her \u015feyden \u00f6nce Birle\u015fmi\u015f Milletler\u2019den tutun da D\u00fcnya Bankas\u0131 ve Uluslararas\u0131 Para Fonu da dahil D\u00fcnya Sa\u011fl\u0131k \u00d6rg\u00fct\u00fc ve Uluslararas\u0131 Ceza Mahkemeleri\u2019ne kadar ortak g\u00fcvenli\u011fi sa\u011flamak ve e\u015fitsiz geli\u015fmeyle m\u00fccadele etmekle y\u00fck\u00fcml\u00fc d\u00fcnya \u00e7ap\u0131nda hukuki, iktisadi ya da \u00e7evre ve sa\u011fl\u0131kla ilgili \u00f6rg\u00fctlerdir. Haliyle -en az\u0131ndan virt\u00fcel olarak bir nevi \u201cortakl\u0131ks\u0131z ortakl\u0131k\u201d\u0131 ya da mensubiyete ve \u00f6zerkli\u011fe de\u011fil genele yay\u0131lm\u0131\u015f kar\u015f\u0131l\u0131kl\u0131l\u0131\u011fa dayanan ve insanl\u0131\u011f\u0131n menfaatleri aras\u0131ndaki ihtilaflara d\u00fczen verme amac\u0131ndaki bir merciiyi cisimle\u015ftiren- b\u00f6ylesi kurumlar\u0131 potansiyel olarak yurtta\u015fl\u0131\u011f\u0131n kurulu\u015funun hesab\u0131na yazmak i\u00e7in, h\u00e2l\u00e2 \u00e7ok uza\u011f\u0131nda oldu\u011fumuz k\u00f6kten bir demokratikle\u015fmeyi g\u00f6ze alabilmek gerekecektir. Zira yurtta\u015fl\u0131\u011f\u0131n kurulu\u015fu da elbette bu kurumlar\u0131n bug\u00fcn b\u00fcy\u00fck \u00f6l\u00e7\u00fcde kendilerinden t\u00fcredikleri devletlerle olan ba\u011f\u0131n\u0131n \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fclmesini de\u011fil, devlet egemenli\u011finin payla\u015f\u0131lmas\u0131 ve g\u00f6relile\u015fmesi y\u00f6n\u00fcnde \u201cLeviathan\u2019\u0131n \u00f6tesine\u201d (Marramao, 1995) do\u011fru tayin edici bir ad\u0131m atmay\u0131 gerektirir. Devlet imperiumu ile uluslararas\u0131 ya da k\u00fcresel auctorias (otorite) aras\u0131ndaki aktar\u0131m band\u0131n\u0131n tersine \u00e7evrilmesine hangi iktidar sahibi kuvvetlerin inatla, hatta \u015fiddetle direnece\u011fi \u00e7ok a\u00e7\u0131k bi\u00e7imde g\u00f6r\u00fclmektedir. Ba\u015fka bir deyi\u015fle, bu tersine d\u00f6nme, uluslararas\u0131 \u00f6rg\u00fctlerim devletlerinkinden ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131z kozmopolit bir otorite kazanmas\u0131n\u0131 gerektirir.\u201d<\/p><\/blockquote>\n\n\n\n

Balibar\u2019\u0131n emperyalizmin d\u00fcnya \u00f6rg\u00fctlerine ay\u0131rd\u0131\u011f\u0131 bu \u00f6vg\u00fcl\u00fc s\u00f6zlerini; mesela, ara\u015ft\u0131rmalar\u0131n\u0131n ortalama ya\u015fam s\u00fcresinin yukar\u0131 \u00e7\u0131kt\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 g\u00f6sterdi\u011fini iddia ederek h\u00fck\u00fcmetlerin s\u00fcrekli olarak emeklilik ya\u015f\u0131n\u0131 yukar\u0131lara \u00e7ekmesine uygun mazeretler \u00fcreten D\u00fcnya Sa\u011fl\u0131k \u00d6rg\u00fct\u00fc\u2019ne methiyeler d\u00fczme nedenlerini, emeklilik ya\u015f\u0131 yukar\u0131 \u00e7ekildi\u011fi i\u00e7in haftalard\u0131r genel grev m\u00fccadelesi veren bir Frans\u0131z demiryolu i\u015f\u00e7isiyle tart\u0131\u015fmas\u0131 e\u011flenceli olurdu. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

Balibar\u2019\u0131n bu kar\u015f\u0131devrimci \u00f6nerisi, yani emperyalizmin d\u00fcnya egemenli\u011fini s\u00fcrd\u00fcrmek i\u00e7in her alanda bina etti\u011fi kurumlar\u0131 \u201cdevlet\u00fcst\u00fc\u201d olacak \u015fekilde reorganize etme hayali, onun emperyalizmden asl\u0131nda hi\u00e7bir \u015fey anlamad\u0131\u011f\u0131na i\u015faret etmektedir. Emperyalizm, b\u00fct\u00fcn kapitalist devlet iktidarlar\u0131 ile ulusal ekonomilerinin toplam\u0131, art\u0131 1\u2019dir. Dolay\u0131s\u0131yla o analitik de\u011fil, geometrik bir toplamd\u0131r. +1, bu toplam\u0131n niceli\u011finin nitel olana s\u0131\u00e7rama tahtas\u0131d\u0131r. Bu geometrik d\u00fczlemde emperyalizmle yan yana ya\u015fayabilip ondan ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131z olabilecek bir \u201cotorite\u201d, bir \u201cdevlet\u201d, bir uluslararas\u0131 kurum yoktur, olmayacakt\u0131r da. B\u00f6ylesine bir uluslararas\u0131 \u201cakil insanlar toplulu\u011fu\u201d \u00f6nerisi, ge\u00e7mi\u015fin en uzak k\u00f6\u015felerinden bug\u00fcne dek, mesela Platon\u2019un \u201cfilozof kral\u201d teklifini sundu\u011fu Devlet<\/em>\u2019inden bug\u00fcne dek, tarihin say\u0131s\u0131z deneyimleri taraf\u0131ndan zaten yanl\u0131\u015flanm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

M\u00e9lenchon tipi a\u015famac\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131n ve a\u015famac\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131n getirdi\u011fi yurtta\u015f\u00e7\u0131 ulusalc\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131n amac\u0131, devrimci i\u015f\u00e7i ve halk hareketini Frenk kapitalizminin ve onun ulus-devletinin sistem i\u00e7i mevzilerine \u00e7ekebilmektir. <\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

A\u015fa\u011f\u0131daki metin, d\u00f6rt b\u00f6l\u00fcml\u00fck bir yaz\u0131n\u0131n ikinci par\u00e7as\u0131d\u0131r. Yaz\u0131n\u0131n birinci par\u00e7as\u0131 i\u00e7in buray\u0131, \u00fc\u00e7\u00fcnc\u00fc par\u00e7as\u0131 i\u00e7in buray\u0131, d\u00f6rd\u00fcnc\u00fc par\u00e7as\u0131 i\u00e7in ise buray\u0131 t\u0131klayabilirsiniz. 3.) Fransa\u2019da s\u0131n\u0131f m\u00fccadeleleri ve \u00f6nderlikleri a.) Demiryolu i\u015f\u00e7ilerinin 2018 bahar\u0131ndaki sendikal yenilgisi, Sar\u0131 Yelekliler\u2019in sendika kar\u015f\u0131t\u0131 do\u011fas\u0131 ve devrimci bir sentez olarak Sar\u0131 Yeleklile\u015fen 2019 Aral\u0131k genel grevi 2018 bahar\u0131, Frans\u0131z […]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":6,"featured_media":1463,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"_exactmetrics_skip_tracking":false,"_exactmetrics_sitenote_active":false,"_exactmetrics_sitenote_note":"","_exactmetrics_sitenote_category":0,"footnotes":""},"categories":[701],"tags":[833,830,825,832,827,829,826,831],"class_list":["post-1462","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-politika","tag-balibar","tag-cgt","tag-fransa","tag-fransada-sinif-mucadeleleri","tag-genel-grev","tag-melenchon","tag-sari-yelekliler","tag-sncf"],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/trockist.net\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/1462","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/trockist.net\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/trockist.net\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/trockist.net\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/6"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/trockist.net\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=1462"}],"version-history":[{"count":4,"href":"https:\/\/trockist.net\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/1462\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":1498,"href":"https:\/\/trockist.net\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/1462\/revisions\/1498"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/trockist.net\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/1463"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/trockist.net\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=1462"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/trockist.net\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=1462"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/trockist.net\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=1462"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}