{"id":129,"date":"2019-01-24T00:28:01","date_gmt":"2019-01-23T21:28:01","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/94.237.85.66\/?p=129"},"modified":"2021-11-23T15:14:56","modified_gmt":"2021-11-23T12:14:56","slug":"ekonomik-kriz-uzerine","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/trockist.net\/index.php\/2019\/01\/24\/ekonomik-kriz-uzerine\/","title":{"rendered":"Ekonomik kriz \u00fczerine"},"content":{"rendered":"\n<h4 class=\"wp-block-heading\"><strong>S\u0131nai kriz\u00a0<\/strong><\/h4>\n\n\n\n<p>Ge\u00e7en y\u00fczy\u0131l\u0131n sonlar\u0131 ve bu y\u00fczy\u0131l\u0131n ba\u015flar\u0131, kapitalizm taraf\u0131ndan \u00f6ylesi ezici bir ilerlemeyle damgaland\u0131 ki, \u00e7evrimsel krizler art\u0131k \u201crastlant\u0131sal\u201d s\u0131k\u0131nt\u0131lardan \u00f6te bir \u015fey olarak g\u00f6r\u00fclm\u00fcyordu. Hemen hemen evrensel olan kapitalist iyimserlik y\u0131llar\u0131 boyunca, Marx\u2019\u0131 ele\u015ftirenler, tr\u00f6stlerin, sendikalar\u0131n ve kartellerin ulusal ve uluslararas\u0131 geli\u015fiminin pazar\u0131n planl\u0131 kontrol\u00fcn\u00fc ba\u015flatt\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 ve kriz \u00fczerindeki nihai zaferi m\u00fcjdeledi\u011fini temin ediyorlard\u0131. Sombart\u2019a g\u00f6re, krizler sava\u015ftan \u00f6nce kapitalizmin kendi mekanizmas\u0131 taraf\u0131ndan zaten \u201cortadan kald\u0131r\u0131lm\u0131\u015ft\u0131\u201d, b\u00f6ylece de \u201ckriz sorunu bug\u00fcn bizi ilen ilgilendirmiyor\u201ddu. \u015eimdi, yaln\u0131zca on y\u0131l sonra, Marx\u2019\u0131n te\u015fhisi trajik sa\u011flaml\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131n t\u00fcm \u00f6l\u00e7\u00fcleriyle tam da g\u00fcn\u00fcm\u00fczde kar\u015f\u0131m\u0131za dikilmi\u015fken, bu s\u00f6zler kof maskaral\u0131k gibi geliyor. Kan\u0131 zehirlenmi\u015f bir organizmada, her rastlant\u0131sal hastal\u0131k kronik bir karaktere b\u00fcr\u00fcnme e\u011filimindedir; ayn\u0131 \u015fekilde, krizler, tekelci kapitalizmin koku\u015fmu\u015f organizmas\u0131nda \u00f6zellikle \u00f6ld\u00fcr\u00fcc\u00fc bir bi\u00e7ime b\u00fcr\u00fcn\u00fcr.&nbsp;<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Tekellerin ger\u00e7ek varl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 yar\u0131m yamalak ink\u00e2r etmeye \u00e7al\u0131\u015fan kapitalist bas\u0131n\u0131n, kapitalist anar\u015fiyi de yar\u0131m yamalak ink\u00e2r etmek i\u00e7in bu ayn\u0131 tekellere ba\u015fvurmas\u0131 vurgulanmaya de\u011fer. E\u011fer altm\u0131\u015f aile Birle\u015fik Devletler\u2019in ekonomisini kontrol ediyorsa, diye ironik bir bi\u00e7imde g\u00f6zlemliyor <em>New York Times<\/em>, \u201cbu, Amerikan kapitalizminin b\u0131rak\u0131n plans\u0131z olmas\u0131n\u0131, muazzam bir ustal\u0131kla \u00f6rg\u00fctlenmi\u015f oldu\u011funu g\u00f6sterir.\u201d Bu arg\u00fcman hede \u0131skal\u0131yor.&nbsp;<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Kapitalizm, e\u011filimlerinden bir tekini bile nihai sonuna kadar geli\u015ftirme yetene\u011finde olmam\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. T\u0131pk\u0131 zenginli\u011fin yo\u011funla\u015fmas\u0131 orta s\u0131n\u0131flar\u0131 ortadan kald\u0131rmad\u0131\u011f\u0131 gibi, tekel de rekabeti ortadan kald\u0131rmaz, ancak h\u0131zla onun \u00fcst\u00fcne y\u00fcr\u00fcr ve onu ezer. Altm\u0131\u015f ailenin her birinin \u201cplan\u201d\u0131ndan az olmamak \u00fczere bu planlar\u0131n t\u00fcrl\u00fc \u00e7e\u015fitlemeleri de, ekonominin farkl\u0131 dallar\u0131n\u0131 koordine etmekle en k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck bir \u015fekilde bile ilgilenmeyip, di\u011fer kliklerin ve t\u00fcm ulusun pahas\u0131na kendi tekelci kliklerinin k\u00e2rlar\u0131n\u0131 artt\u0131rmakla ilgilenmektedir. Bu planlar\u0131n kesi\u015fmesi, ulusal ekonomideki anar\u015fiyi son tahlilde yaln\u0131zca derinle\u015ftirir. Tekelci diktat\u00f6rl\u00fck ve kaos birbirini d\u0131\u015flamaz; bil\u00e2kis birbirlerini besler ve tamamlar.&nbsp;<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Sombart, kendi \u201cbiliminin\u201d, kriz sorunuyla d\u00fcped\u00fcz ilgisiz oldu\u011funu il\u00e2n ettikten bir y\u0131l sonra, Birle\u015fik Devletler\u2019de 1929 krizi patlak verdi. Birle\u015fik Devletler ekonomisi g\u00f6r\u00fclmemi\u015f refah\u0131n doruklar\u0131ndan korkun\u00e7 bir takatsizlik u\u00e7urumuna yuvarland\u0131. Marx\u2019\u0131n zaman\u0131nda hi\u00e7 kimse b\u00f6ylesi \u015fiddetli sars\u0131nt\u0131lar\u0131 tasavvur edemezdi! Birle\u015fik Devletler\u2019in ulusal geliri ilk kez 1920\u2019de, altm\u0131\u015f dokuz milyar dolara y\u00fckseldi, ancak hemen arkas\u0131ndan gelen birka\u00e7 y\u0131lda elli milyar dolara d\u00fc\u015ft\u00fc, yani y\u00fczde 27\u2019lik bir d\u00fc\u015f\u00fc\u015f. Ulusal gelir sonraki birka\u00e7 y\u0131ll\u0131k refah\u0131n sonucu olarak, 1929\u2019da tekrar seksen bir milyar dolarl\u0131k en y\u00fcksek seviyesine y\u00fckseldi, ancak 1932\u2019de k\u0131rk milyar dolara d\u00fc\u015ft\u00fc, yani yar\u0131dan da fazla! \u201cSadece\u201d iki milyon i\u015fsizin var oldu\u011fu 1929 y\u0131l\u0131n\u0131n emek ve gelir normlar\u0131n\u0131 al\u0131rsak, 1930-1938 aras\u0131 dokuz y\u0131l boyunca, yakla\u015f\u0131k olarak k\u0131rk \u00fc\u00e7 milyon i\u015f-y\u0131l\u0131 ve 133 milyar dolarl\u0131k ulusal gelir kaybedildi. E\u011fer t\u00fcm bunlar anar\u015fi de\u011filse, bu s\u00f6zc\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn anlam\u0131 nedir?&nbsp;<\/p>\n\n\n\n<h4 class=\"wp-block-heading\"><strong>\u201c\u00c7\u00f6k\u00fc\u015f teorisi\u201d\u00a0<\/strong><\/h4>\n\n\n\n<p>Orta s\u0131n\u0131f ayd\u0131nlar\u0131n\u0131n ve sendika b\u00fcrokratlar\u0131n\u0131n kalpleri de, kafalar\u0131 da, Marx\u2019\u0131n \u00f6l\u00fcm\u00fc ile D\u00fcnya Sava\u015f\u0131n\u0131n patlak vermesi aras\u0131ndaki d\u00f6nemde, kapitalizmin ba\u015far\u0131lar\u0131 taraf\u0131ndan neredeyse b\u00fct\u00fcn\u00fcyle fethedilmi\u015fti. Devrim fikri barbarl\u0131\u011f\u0131n yaln\u0131zca bir kal\u0131nt\u0131s\u0131 gibi g\u00f6r\u00fcn\u00fcrken, tedrici ilerleme (\u201cevrim\u201d) fikri, her zaman i\u00e7in sa\u011flam bir kir olarak g\u00f6r\u00fcl\u00fcyordu. Marx\u2019\u0131n, sermayenin artan yo\u011funla\u015fmas\u0131, s\u0131n\u0131f \u00e7eli\u015fkilerinin keskinle\u015fmesi, derinle\u015fen krizler ve kapitalizmin fel\u00e2ketvari \u00e7\u00f6k\u00fc\u015f\u00fc ile ilgili te\u015fhisleri, k\u0131smen d\u00fczeltilerek ve daha kesin bir hale getirilerek \u0131slah edilmedi, tersine, ulusal gelirin daha dengeli da\u011f\u0131l\u0131m\u0131, s\u0131n\u0131f \u00e7eli\u015fkilerinin yumu\u015famas\u0131 ve kapitalist toplumun a\u015famal\u0131 \u0131slah\u0131 ile ilgili, nitelik olarak tam ters te\u015fhislerle kar\u015f\u0131land\u0131. Klasik d\u00f6nem sosyal demokratlar\u0131n\u0131n en yeteneklisi Jean Jaur\u00e9s, politik demokrasiyi tedrici bir bi\u00e7imde toplumsal bir i\u00e7erikle dolduraca\u011f\u0131n\u0131 umuyordu. Reformizmin \u00f6z\u00fc burada yatmaktad\u0131r. Alternatif te\u015fhis buydu. Bundan geriye ne kald\u0131?&nbsp;<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Zaman\u0131m\u0131zda tekelci kapitalizmin ya\u015fam\u0131 bir krizler zinciridir. Her kriz bir fel\u00e2kettir. Bu k\u0131smi krizlerden g\u00fcmr\u00fck tarifeleri, enflasyon, h\u00fck\u00fcmet harcamalar\u0131n\u0131n ve bor\u00e7lar\u0131n\u0131n art\u0131\u015f\u0131 vas\u0131tas\u0131yla kurtulma gereklili\u011fi, katmerli, daha derin ve daha yayg\u0131n krizler i\u00e7in zemin haz\u0131rlar. Pazar i\u00e7in, hammadde i\u00e7in, s\u00f6m\u00fcrgeler i\u00e7in verilen m\u00fccadeleler, askeri fel\u00e2ketleri ka\u00e7\u0131n\u0131lmaz k\u0131lar. Ve en \u00f6nemlisi, devrimci fel\u00e2ketleri haz\u0131rlar. Ya\u015flanan kapitalizmin giderek daha \u201csakin, a\u011f\u0131rba\u015fl\u0131 ve makul\u201d hale gelece\u011fi d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncesinde Sombart\u2019a kat\u0131lmak ger\u00e7ekten de kolay de\u011fil. Onun son ak\u0131l k\u0131r\u0131nt\u0131lar\u0131n\u0131 da kaybetmekte oldu\u011funu s\u00f6ylemek daha yerinde olur. \u201c\u00c7\u00f6k\u00fc\u015f teorisinin\u201d bar\u0131\u015f\u00e7\u0131l geli\u015fim teorisine kar\u015f\u0131, her olayda zafer kazand\u0131\u011f\u0131na dair \u015f\u00fcphe duyulamaz.&nbsp;<\/p>\n\n\n\n<h4 class=\"wp-block-heading\"><strong>Kapitalizmin \u00e7\u00fcr\u00fcmesi\u00a0<\/strong><\/h4>\n\n\n\n<p>Pazar\u0131n denetimi toplum i\u00e7in her ne kadar pahal\u0131ya patlasa da, belirli bir safhaya kadar, yakla\u015f\u0131k olarak D\u00fcnya Sava\u015f\u0131na kadar, insano\u011flu, k\u0131smi ve genel krizlerden ge\u00e7erek b\u00fcy\u00fcd\u00fc, geli\u015fti ve kendisini zenginle\u015ftirdi. \u00dcretim ara\u00e7lar\u0131n\u0131n \u00f6zel m\u00fclkiyeti, bu d\u00f6nemde g\u00f6reli olarak ilerici bir etken olmay\u0131 s\u00fcrd\u00fcrd\u00fc. Ancak \u015fimdi de\u011fer yasas\u0131n\u0131n k\u00f6r denetimi daha fazla hizmet etmeyi reddediyor. \u0130nsan\u0131n ilerlemesi \u00e7\u0131kmaz bir sokakta s\u0131k\u0131\u015f\u0131p kalm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Teknik d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncenin son zaferlerine ra\u011fmen, maddi \u00fcretici g\u00fc\u00e7ler art\u0131k geli\u015fmiyor. Ekonominin temel dallar\u0131ndaki yeni yat\u0131r\u0131mlar\u0131n t\u0131kanmas\u0131n\u0131n bir sonucu olarak d\u00fcnya in\u015faat sanayisindeki durgunluk, gerilemenin en belirgin ve hatas\u0131z belirtisidir. Kapitalistler kendi sistemlerinin gelece\u011fine art\u0131k kolayca inanam\u0131yorlar. H\u00fck\u00fcmet taraf\u0131ndan te\u015fvik edilen yat\u0131r\u0131mlar, vergilerin y\u00fckselmesi ve \u201cserbest\u201d ulusal gelirin daralmas\u0131 anlam\u0131na gelir, \u00f6zellikle de h\u00fck\u00fcmetin yeni yat\u0131r\u0131mlar\u0131n\u0131n ana b\u00f6l\u00fcm\u00fc do\u011frudan sava\u015f hedefleri i\u00e7in tasarland\u0131\u011f\u0131 s\u00fcrece.&nbsp;<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Kuruma <strong>(1)<\/strong>, insan\u0131n en temel ya\u015famsal gereksinimlerine s\u0131k\u0131 s\u0131k\u0131ya ba\u011fl\u0131 olan, insan faaliyetinin en antik alan\u0131nda \u2013 tar\u0131m alan\u0131nda \u2013 \u00f6zellikle \u00f6l\u00fcmc\u00fcl ve al\u00e7alt\u0131c\u0131 bir niteli\u011fe b\u00fcr\u00fcnm\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcr. \u00d6zel m\u00fclkiyetin en gerici bi\u00e7imi olan k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck toprak sahipli\u011finin tar\u0131m\u0131n geli\u015fiminin \u00f6n\u00fcne dikti\u011fi engellerle art\u0131k tatmin olmayan kapitalist h\u00fck\u00fcmetler, hi\u00e7 de ender olmayan bir \u015fekilde, \u00fcretimi, gerileme d\u00f6neminde loncalardaki zanaatk\u00e2rlar\u0131 \u00fcrk\u00fcten yasal ve idari \u00f6nlemler yard\u0131m\u0131yla, yapay bir bi\u00e7imde s\u0131n\u0131rlamak zorunda kald\u0131lar. En g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc kapitalist \u00fclke h\u00fck\u00fcmetinin, \u00e7ift\u00e7ilere delerini kesmeleri i\u00e7in, yani zaten d\u00fc\u015fmekte olan ulusal geliri suni olarak azaltmak i\u00e7in prim da\u011f\u0131tmas\u0131 tarihe ge\u00e7ecektir. Sonu\u00e7 kendili\u011finden g\u00f6r\u00fcl\u00fcyor: Deneyim ve bilim taraf\u0131ndan sa\u011flanan muazzam \u00fcretici olanaklara ra\u011fmen, a\u00e7lar\u0131n, yani insano\u011flunun b\u00fcy\u00fck \u00e7o\u011funlu\u011funun say\u0131s\u0131n\u0131n gezegenimizin n\u00fcfusundan daha h\u0131zl\u0131 artmaya devam etti\u011fi bir d\u00f6nemde, tar\u0131m ekonomisi \u00e7\u00fcr\u00fcm\u00fc\u015f bir krizden \u00e7\u0131km\u0131yor. Muhafazak\u00e2rlar, b\u00f6ylesi y\u0131k\u0131c\u0131 \u00e7\u0131lg\u0131nl\u0131klara batm\u0131\u015f toplumsal d\u00fczeni savunmay\u0131 duyarl\u0131 politika olarak g\u00f6r\u00fcyorlar ve bu \u00e7\u0131lg\u0131nl\u0131\u011fa kar\u015f\u0131 sosyalist sava\u015f\u0131m\u0131 y\u0131k\u0131c\u0131 \u00fctopyac\u0131l\u0131k olarak mahk\u00fbm ediyorlar.\u00a0<\/p>\n\n\n\n<h4 class=\"wp-block-heading\"><strong>Fa\u015fizm ve New Deal&nbsp;<\/strong><\/h4>\n\n\n\n<p>Tarihsel olarak \u00f6l\u00fcme mahk\u00fbm edilen kapitalizmi korumak i\u00e7in, bug\u00fcn d\u00fcnya arenas\u0131nda iki y\u00f6ntem birbiriyle yar\u0131\u015f\u0131yor; t\u00fcm d\u0131\u015favurumlar\u0131yla fa\u015fizm ve New Deal. Fa\u015fizm, proletaryan\u0131n s\u0131n\u0131f m\u00fccadelesinin yeniden canlan\u0131\u015f\u0131n\u0131n \u00f6n\u00fcne ge\u00e7mek i\u00e7in program\u0131n\u0131, i\u015f\u00e7i \u00f6rg\u00fctlerinin y\u0131k\u0131lmas\u0131, sosyal reformlar\u0131n yok edilmesi ve demokratik haklar\u0131n t\u00fcmden imhas\u0131 \u00fczerine kuruyor. Fa\u015fist devlet i\u015f\u00e7ilerin gerilemesini ve orta s\u0131n\u0131flar\u0131n yoksulla\u015ft\u0131r\u0131lmas\u0131n\u0131, resmi a\u011f\u0131zlarda \u201culusu\u201d ve \u201c\u0131rk\u0131\u201d \u2013 \u00e7\u00fcr\u00fcyen kapitalizmi simgeleyen k\u00fcstah kavramlar \u2013 korumak ad\u0131na me\u015frula\u015ft\u0131r\u0131yor.&nbsp;<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Emperyalist demokrasiyi, i\u015f\u00e7i ve \u00e7ift\u00e7i aristokrasisine r\u00fc\u015fvet verme yoluyla korumaya \u00e7al\u0131\u015fan New Deal politikas\u0131, geni\u015f kapsam\u0131yla sadece en zengin uluslar i\u00e7in uygulanabilir ve bu ba\u011flamda da aslen Amerikan politikas\u0131na e\u015fde\u011ferdir. H\u00fck\u00fcmet, onlar\u0131 \u00fccretleri y\u00fckseltmeye ve i\u015fg\u00fcn\u00fcn\u00fc k\u0131saltmaya, b\u00f6ylece de n\u00fcfusun sat\u0131n alma g\u00fcc\u00fcn\u00fc y\u00fckselterek \u00fcretimi geni\u015fletmeye te\u015fvik ederek, bu politikan\u0131n maliyetinin bir k\u0131sm\u0131n\u0131 tekellerin s\u0131rt\u0131na y\u00fcklemeyi denedi. L\u00e9on Blum da bu vaaz\u0131 ilkokul Frans\u0131zcas\u0131na terc\u00fcme etmeye giri\u015fti. Bo\u015funa! Frans\u0131z kapitalistleri de t\u0131pk\u0131 Amerikan kapitalizmi gibi \u00fcretim hat\u0131r\u0131na de\u011fil, k\u00e2r i\u00e7in \u00fcretiyorlar. E\u011fer bunu yapmakla ulusal gelirdeki kendi pay\u0131 artacaksa, \u00fcretimi k\u0131smaya ve hatta mamul \u00fcr\u00fcnleri yok etmeye dahi her zaman haz\u0131rd\u0131r.&nbsp;<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>New Deal program\u0131 haydi haydi tutars\u0131zd\u0131r; h\u00fck\u00fcmet bir yandan sermaye kodamanlar\u0131na bollu\u011fun k\u0131tl\u0131\u011fa kar\u015f\u0131 avantajlar\u0131 hakk\u0131nda vaazlar verirken, bir yandan da \u00fcretimde k\u0131s\u0131nt\u0131ya gitmeleri i\u00e7in te\u015fvik da\u011f\u0131t\u0131yor. Daha b\u00fcy\u00fck bir kafa kar\u0131\u015f\u0131kl\u0131\u011f\u0131 m\u00fcmk\u00fcn m\u00fc? H\u00fck\u00fcmet, kendisini ele\u015ftirenleri \u015fu meydan okumayla \u00e7\u00fcr\u00fct\u00fcyor: Daha iyisini yapabilir misin? T\u00fcm bunlar\u0131n anlam\u0131 kapitalizm temelinde durumun \u00fcmitsiz oldu\u011fudur.&nbsp;<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>1933\u2019ten ba\u015flayarak, yani son alt\u0131 y\u0131l boyunca, federal h\u00fck\u00fcmet, devlet ve belediyeler i\u015fsizlere yakla\u015f\u0131k olarak on be\u015f milyar dolar\u0131 yard\u0131m olarak da\u011f\u0131tt\u0131lar; kendi ba\u015f\u0131na olduk\u00e7a yetersiz ve \u00fccretlerden kaybedilen miktar\u0131n yaln\u0131zca k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck bir b\u00f6l\u00fcm\u00fcn\u00fc temsil eden, fakat ayn\u0131 zamanda ulusal gelirdeki d\u00fc\u015f\u00fc\u015f g\u00f6z \u00f6n\u00fcne al\u0131n\u0131nca muazzam bir rakam. Nispeten bir ekonomik canlanma y\u0131l\u0131 olan 1938 s\u00fcresince, Birle\u015fik Devletler\u2019in ulusal borcu iki milyar dolar artarak, otuz sekiz milyar dolara y\u00fckseldi, yani D\u00fcnya Sava\u015f\u0131n\u0131n sonundaki en y\u00fcksek seviyesini on iki milyar dolar a\u015ft\u0131. 1939\u2019un hemen ba\u015flar\u0131nda k\u0131rk milyar dolar\u0131 ge\u00e7ti. Ya sonra? Ulusal borcun t\u0131rman\u0131\u015f\u0131 elbette ki yeni gelecek ku\u015faklar\u0131n \u00fczerinde bir y\u00fckt\u00fcr. Oysa bizzat New Deal, ancak ge\u00e7mi\u015f ku\u015faklar taraf\u0131ndan biriktirilmi\u015f muazzam zenginlik sayesinde m\u00fcmk\u00fcn olabildi. Yaln\u0131zca \u00e7ok zengin bir ulus b\u00f6ylesi savurgan bir politikaya m\u00fcsamaha g\u00f6sterebilir. Ancak b\u00f6ylesi bir ulus dahi, ge\u00e7mi\u015f ku\u015faklar pahas\u0131na ya\u015fam\u0131n\u0131 sonsuza kadar s\u00fcrd\u00fcremez. Sahte ba\u015far\u0131lar\u0131 ve ulusal bor\u00e7ta ger\u00e7ekten yaratt\u0131\u011f\u0131 art\u0131\u015fla New Deal politikas\u0131, ka\u00e7\u0131n\u0131lmaz olarak vah\u015fi kapitalist gericili\u011fe ve emperyalizmin tahripk\u00e2r patlamas\u0131na yol a\u00e7maktad\u0131r. Bir ba\u015fka deyi\u015fle, fa\u015fizmin politikas\u0131yla ayn\u0131 kanallara y\u00f6nelmi\u015ftir.&nbsp;<\/p>\n\n\n\n<h4 class=\"wp-block-heading\"><strong>Anormallik mi, norm mu?&nbsp;<\/strong><\/h4>\n\n\n\n<p>\u0130\u00e7i\u015fleri Sekreteri Harold L. Ickes, Amerika\u2019n\u0131n, \u201ctarihteki en acayip anormalliklerden biri\u201d olarak, bi\u00e7imde demokratik, \u00f6zde otokratik oldu\u011funu d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fcyor: \u201cEn az\u0131ndan 1933\u2019e (!) kadar, s\u0131ras\u0131 geldi\u011finde \u00e7ok az say\u0131daki hissedarlar\u0131n denetimindeki tekeller taraf\u0131ndan y\u00f6netilen, \u00e7o\u011funluk egemenli\u011finin \u00fclkesi Amerika.\u201d Roosevelt\u2019in geli\u015fiyle tekellerin egemenli\u011finin son buldu\u011fu ya da zay\u0131flad\u0131\u011f\u0131 imas\u0131 hari\u00e7 te\u015fhis do\u011fru. Ickes\u2019\u0131n \u201ctarihteki en acayip anormalliklerden biri\u201d olarak adland\u0131rd\u0131\u011f\u0131 \u015fey, ger\u00e7ekte kapitalizmin su g\u00f6t\u00fcrmez normudur. G\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fcn\u00fcn zay\u0131f, az\u0131nl\u0131\u011f\u0131n \u00e7o\u011funluk, s\u00f6m\u00fcr\u00fcc\u00fclerin emek\u00e7iler \u00fczerindeki egemenli\u011fi, burjuva demokrasisinin temel bir yasas\u0131d\u0131r. Birle\u015fik Devletler\u2019i di\u011fer \u00fclkelerden ay\u0131ran \u015fey, sadece onun kapitalizminin \u00e7eli\u015fkilerinin daha b\u00fcy\u00fck \u00f6l\u00e7ekli ve daha i\u011fren\u00e7 olmas\u0131d\u0131r. Feodal bir ge\u00e7mi\u015fin yoklu\u011fu, zengin do\u011fal kaynaklar, \u00e7al\u0131\u015fkan ve giri\u015fimci bir halk, k\u0131sacas\u0131, demokrasinin kesintisiz bir geli\u015fimini haber veren t\u00fcm \u00f6nko\u015fullar, ger\u00e7ekten de inan\u0131lmaz yo\u011funlukta bir zenginli\u011fi beraberinde getirdi.&nbsp;<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Bu kez, muzaffer sona dek tekellerle m\u00fccadele etmeye s\u00f6z veren Ickes, pervas\u0131zca, Franklin D. Roosevelt\u2019in \u00f6ncelleri olan Thomas Jefferson, Andrew Jackson, Abraham Lincoln, Theodor Roosevelt ve Woodrow Wilson\u2019a kadar uzan\u0131yor. \u201cHemen hemen t\u00fcm ya da en b\u00fcy\u00fck tarihsel \u015fahsiyetlerimiz\u201d diyor 30 Aral\u0131k 1937\u2019de, \u201czenginli\u011fin ve iktidar\u0131n birka\u00e7 elde a\u015f\u0131r\u0131 yo\u011funla\u015fmas\u0131n\u0131 engellemek ve kontrol alt\u0131na almak i\u00e7in verdikleri kararl\u0131 ve cesur m\u00fccadeleyle \u00fcnl\u00fcd\u00fcrler.\u201d Ancak bu \u201ckararl\u0131 ve cesur m\u00fccadele\u201dnin meyvesinin, pl\u00fctokrasinin<strong>(2)<\/strong> demokrasiye tam egemenli\u011fi oldu\u011fu, onun kendi s\u00f6zlerinden \u00e7\u0131k\u0131yor.&nbsp;<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Baz\u0131 anla\u015f\u0131lmaz nedenlerden \u00f6t\u00fcr\u00fc, Ickes, zaferin bu sefer garantilendi\u011fini, m\u00fccadelenin \u201cNew Deal ile orta derecede ayd\u0131n i\u015fadamlar\u0131 aras\u0131nda de\u011fil, New Deal ile Birle\u015fik Devletler\u2019deki t\u00fcm di\u011fer i\u015fadamlar\u0131n\u0131 egemenliklerinin ter\u00f6r\u00fcne boyun e\u011fdiren altm\u0131\u015f Bourbon ailesi aras\u0131nda oldu\u011funu\u201d halk\u0131n anlamas\u0131n\u0131n sa\u011fland\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fcyor. Bu yetkin konu\u015fmac\u0131, \u201cBourbonlar\u201d\u0131n, demokrasiye ve \u201cen b\u00fcy\u00fck tarihsel \u015fahsiyetler\u201din \u00e7abalar\u0131na ra\u011fmen, t\u00fcm ayd\u0131n i\u015fadamlar\u0131na boyun e\u011fdirmeyi nas\u0131l olup da ba\u015fard\u0131klar\u0131n\u0131 a\u00e7\u0131klam\u0131yor. Rockefellerlar, Morganlar, Mellonlar, Vanderbiltler, Guggenheimler, Fords &amp; Co., Amerika\u2019y\u0131, Cortez\u2019in Meksika\u2019y\u0131 zapt etti\u011fi gibi d\u0131\u015far\u0131dan zapt etmediler; onlar, \u201chalk\u0131n\u201d ya da daha kesin olarak, \u201cayd\u0131n sanayici ve i\u015fadamlar\u0131\u201dn\u0131n i\u00e7inden \u00e7\u0131kt\u0131lar ve Marx\u2019\u0131n kehanetini do\u011frular bir \u015fekilde de, kapitalizmin do\u011fal zirvesi haline geldiler. En parlak d\u00f6nemindeki gen\u00e7 ve g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc bir demokrasi, zenginli\u011fin yo\u011funla\u015fmas\u0131n\u0131 s\u00fcre\u00e7 hen\u00fcz ba\u015flang\u0131\u00e7 d\u00f6nemindeyken kontrol edemedi\u011fi halde, y\u0131k\u0131lmakta olan bir demokrasinin, en \u00fcst s\u0131n\u0131r\u0131na ula\u015fm\u0131\u015f s\u0131n\u0131fsal \u00e7eli\u015fkileri zay\u0131flatabilece\u011fine bir an i\u00e7in bile inanmak m\u00fcmk\u00fcn m\u00fcd\u00fcr? Ne olursa olsun, New Deal deneyimi b\u00f6ylesi bir iyimserlik i\u00e7in hi\u00e7bir temel yaratmad\u0131. B\u00fcy\u00fck i\u015f d\u00fcnyas\u0131n\u0131n h\u00fck\u00fcmet aleyhine ithamlar\u0131n\u0131 \u00e7\u00fcr\u00fcten Robert H. Jackson \u2013 idari meclislerde \u00fcst d\u00fczey bir ki\u015fi \u2013, Roosevelt d\u00f6neminde sanayi kodamanlar\u0131n\u0131n k\u00e2rlar\u0131n\u0131n, Hoover\u2019in son ba\u015fkanl\u0131k d\u00f6nemi s\u0131ras\u0131nda kendilerinin dahi hayal edemeyecekleri kadar y\u00fckseldi\u011fini rakamlarla ispatlad\u0131; bundan da her hal\u00fck\u00e2rda, Roosevelt\u2019in tekellere kar\u015f\u0131 m\u00fccadelesinin kendi \u00f6ncellerinin m\u00fccadelelerinden daha b\u00fcy\u00fck bir ba\u015far\u0131yla ta\u00e7lanmad\u0131\u011f\u0131 sonucu \u00e7\u0131kar.&nbsp;<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Reformcular, her ne kadar kendilerini kapitalizmin temellerini savunmak i\u00e7in g\u00f6reve \u00e7a\u011f\u0131r\u0131lm\u0131\u015f hissetseler de, e\u015fyan\u0131n tabiat\u0131na uygun olarak, onun yasalar\u0131n\u0131 polisiye ekonomik \u00f6nlemlerle kontrol alt\u0131na almakta ne kadar g\u00fc\u00e7s\u00fcz olduklar\u0131n\u0131 g\u00f6sterdiler. Ahl\u00e2k dersi vermekten ba\u015fka ne yapabilirlerdi ki? New Deal\u2019\u0131n di\u011fer kabine \u00fcyeleri ve politika yazarlar\u0131 gibi Ickes da, sonunda, demokrasinin adap ve ilkelerini unutmamalar\u0131 i\u00e7in tekellere yalvarma noktas\u0131na geliyor. \u015eimdi bunun ya\u011fmur duas\u0131na \u00e7\u0131kanlardan ne fark\u0131 var? \u015e\u00fcphesiz, Marx\u2019\u0131n \u00fcretim ara\u00e7lar\u0131n\u0131n sahiplerine bak\u0131\u015f\u0131 \u00e7ok daha bilimseldir. <em>Kapital<\/em>\u2019den okuyoruz: \u201cBir kapitalist olarak, o, yaln\u0131zca sermayenin bir ki\u015file\u015fmesidir. Ruhu sermayenin ruhudur. Ancak sermaye ya\u015famda tek bir amaca sahiptir; art\u0131-de\u011fer yaratmak.\u201d Kapitalistin tavr\u0131, onun bireysel ruhunun \u00f6zellikleri veya \u0130\u00e7i\u015fleri Bakan\u0131n\u0131n lirik s\u0131zlanmalar\u0131 taraf\u0131ndan belirlenseydi, ne ortalama fiyatlar, ne ortalama \u00fccretler, ne muhasebecilik, ne de t\u00fcm kapitalist ekonomi m\u00fcmk\u00fcn olabilirdi. Muhasebecilik, tarihin materyalist kavran\u0131\u015f\u0131 lehine g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc bir arg\u00fcman olarak halen i\u015flemeye devam ediyor.&nbsp;<\/p>\n\n\n\n<h4 class=\"wp-block-heading\"><strong>Hukuki \u015farlatanl\u0131k\u00a0<\/strong><\/h4>\n\n\n\n<p>Birle\u015fik Devletler Adalet Bakan\u0131 Homer S. Cummings, Kas\u0131m 1937\u2019de, \u201cTekelcili\u011fi y\u0131kmad\u0131\u011f\u0131m\u0131z s\u00fcrece, tekel, reformlar\u0131m\u0131z\u0131n \u00e7o\u011funu y\u0131kman\u0131n ve sonu\u00e7ta da ortak ya\u015fam standartlar\u0131m\u0131z\u0131 d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcrmenin yollar\u0131n\u0131 bulacakt\u0131r\u201d diyor. \u201cZenginli\u011fin ve ekonomik kontrol\u00fcn a\u015f\u0131r\u0131 yo\u011funla\u015fmas\u0131na do\u011fru bir e\u011filimin a\u015fik\u00e2r oldu\u011funu\u201d kan\u0131tlamak i\u00e7in \u00fcrk\u00fct\u00fcc\u00fc rakamlar al\u0131nt\u0131layan Cummings, ayn\u0131 zamanda da tr\u00f6stlere kar\u015f\u0131 yasal ve hukuki kavgan\u0131n hi\u00e7bir yere ula\u015fmayaca\u011f\u0131n\u0131 kabul etmek zorunda kal\u0131yor. Bu bir \u201cekonomik sonu\u00e7lar\u201d sorunuyken, \u201cu\u011fursuz bir amac\u0131 kabul ettirmek zordur\u201d diye \u015fikayet ediyor. \u0130\u015fte konu tam da bu! Bundan daha da k\u00f6t\u00fcs\u00fc: Tr\u00f6stlere kar\u015f\u0131 hukuki m\u00fccadele, \u201cdaha kahrolas\u0131 bir kar\u0131\u015f\u0131kl\u0131\u011fa\u201d yol a\u00e7t\u0131. Bu isabetli laf kalabal\u0131\u011f\u0131, demokratik yarg\u0131n\u0131n Marksist de\u011fer yasas\u0131na kar\u015f\u0131 sava\u015f\u0131nda \u00e7aresizli\u011fini olduk\u00e7a yerinde ifade ediyor. Ekonomik d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnce alan\u0131ndaki \u00fcmitsiz \u015farlatanl\u0131\u011fa fazlas\u0131yla tan\u0131kl\u0131k eden bu g\u00f6revleri, Cummings\u2019in hale Frank Murphy\u2019nin \u00e7\u00f6zmekte daha \u015fansl\u0131 olaca\u011f\u0131n\u0131 ummak i\u00e7in hi\u00e7bir neden yoktur.&nbsp;<\/p>\n\n\n\n<h4 class=\"wp-block-heading\"><strong>D\u00fcn\u00fc geri getirmek\u00a0<\/strong><\/h4>\n\n\n\n<p>Roosevelt H\u00fck\u00fcmetinin eski B\u00fct\u00e7e M\u00fcd\u00fcr\u00fc Profes\u00f6r Lewis W. Douglass, h\u00fck\u00fcmeti \u201ctekellere bir alanda sald\u0131r\u0131rken di\u011fer pek \u00e7ok alanda te\u015fvik etti\u011fi\u201d i\u00e7in ay\u0131plad\u0131\u011f\u0131nda, ona kat\u0131lmamak elde de\u011fil. Yine de e\u015fyan\u0131n do\u011fas\u0131 gere\u011fi ba\u015fka t\u00fcrl\u00fc olamaz. Marx\u2019a g\u00f6re, h\u00fck\u00fcmet egemen s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n y\u00fcr\u00fctme komitesidir.&nbsp;<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Tekeller bug\u00fcn egemen s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n en g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc kesimidir. H\u00fck\u00fcmet hi\u00e7bir durumda genel olarak tekellere kar\u015f\u0131, yani onun arzusu uyar\u0131nca egemenli\u011fini y\u00fcr\u00fctt\u00fc\u011f\u00fc s\u0131n\u0131fa kar\u015f\u0131 sava\u015famaz. Tekelin bir dal\u0131na sald\u0131r\u0131rken ba\u015fka bir dal\u0131 i\u00e7inden kendisine m\u00fcttefik aramak zorundad\u0131r. Bankalarla ve ha f sanayi ile birlik olarak, a\u011f\u0131r sanayi tr\u00f6stlerine kar\u015f\u0131 ar\u0131zi darbeler indirebilir; ama bu tr\u00f6stler bundan dolay\u0131 inan\u0131lmaz k\u00e2rlar elde etmeyi durdurmayacaklard\u0131r.&nbsp;<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Lewis Douglas, resmi \u015farlatanl\u0131\u011f\u0131n kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131na bilimi de\u011fil, ba\u015fka t\u00fcrden bir \u015farlatanl\u0131\u011f\u0131 koyuyor. Tekelin kayna\u011f\u0131n\u0131 kapitalizmde de\u011fil korumac\u0131l\u0131kta buluyor ve buna uygun olarak da, toplumun kurtulu\u015funu \u00fcretim ara\u00e7lar\u0131n\u0131n \u00f6zel m\u00fclkiyetinin kald\u0131r\u0131lmas\u0131nda de\u011fil, g\u00fcmr\u00fck tarifelerinin d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcr\u00fclmesinde buluyor. \u201cPazarlar\u0131n \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fc\u011f\u00fc yeniden sa\u011flanmad\u0131k\u00e7a\u201d diye kehanette bulunuyor, \u201ckurumlar\u0131n \u2013 giri\u015fim, konu\u015fma, e\u011fitim, din \u2013 \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fc\u011f\u00fc \u015f\u00fcphelidir.\u201d Ba\u015fka bir deyi\u015fle, uluslararas\u0131 ticaret \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fc\u011f\u00fc yeniden sa\u011flanmaks\u0131z\u0131n, demokrasi, nerede ve ka\u00e7 y\u0131ld\u0131r ya\u015f\u0131yor olursa olsun, yerini ya devrimci ya da fa\u015fist bir diktat\u00f6rl\u00fc\u011fe b\u0131rakmak zorundad\u0131r. Ancak uluslararas\u0131 ticaret \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fc\u011f\u00fc, i\u00e7 ticaret \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fc\u011f\u00fc, yani rekabet olmaks\u0131z\u0131n d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fclemez. Ve rekabet \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fc\u011f\u00fc tekel egemenli\u011fi alt\u0131nda d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fclemez. Ne yaz\u0131k ki, Douglas, t\u0131pk\u0131 Ickes gibi, Jackson gibi, Cummings gibi ve bizzat Roosevelt gibi, tekelci kapitalizme kar\u015f\u0131 re\u00e7etesini ve b\u00f6ylelikle de bir devrime ya da totaliter bir rejime kar\u015f\u0131 re\u00e7etesini bize tan\u0131tma zahmetine girmedi.&nbsp;<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Ticaret \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fc\u011f\u00fc de, ayn\u0131 rekabet \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fc\u011f\u00fc gibi, ayn\u0131 orta s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n refah\u0131 gibi, geri getirilemeyecek olan ge\u00e7mi\u015fe aittir. D\u00fcn\u00fc geri getirmek, \u015fimdilerde kapitalizmin demokratik reformcular\u0131n\u0131n yeg\u00e2ne re\u00e7etesidir; k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck ve orta \u00f6l\u00e7ekli sanayicilere ve i\u015fadamlar\u0131na daha fazla \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fc\u011f\u00fc geri getirmek, para ve kredi sistemini kendi lehlerine \u00e7evirmek, pazar\u0131 tr\u00f6stlerin idaresinden kurtarmak, menkul k\u0131ymetler borsas\u0131ndan profesyonel spek\u00fclat\u00f6rleri tas ye etmek, uluslararas\u0131 ticaret \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn\u00fc yeniden sa\u011flamak, vs., vs..&nbsp;<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Reformcular, makine kullan\u0131m\u0131n\u0131 s\u0131n\u0131rlama ve toplumsal dengeyi bozan ve pek \u00e7ok \u00fcz\u00fcnt\u00fcye neden olan tekni\u011fe yasaklama getirme hayalleri dahi kuruyorlar. Bu hususta, \u00f6nde gelen bir Amerikal\u0131 bilim adam\u0131, sert bir alayla, g\u00f6r\u00fcn\u00fc\u015fe g\u00f6re g\u00fcvenli\u011fin ancak mutlu amipe, ya da bu ba\u015far\u0131lamazsa, kanaatk\u00e2r domuza geri d\u00f6n\u00fclerek sa\u011flanabilece\u011fine i\u015faret etmektedir.&nbsp;<\/p>\n\n\n\n<h4 class=\"wp-block-heading\"><strong>Millikan ve Marksizm&nbsp;<\/strong><\/h4>\n\n\n\n<p>Yine de ne yaz\u0131k ki bu \u00f6nemli bilim adam\u0131, Dr. Robert A. Millikan, ileriden \u00e7ok geriye bakar g\u00f6r\u00fcn\u00fcyor. 7 Aral\u0131k 1937\u2019de bilimi savunmak ad\u0131na konu\u015furken \u015fu g\u00f6zlemini aktar\u0131yordu: \u201cBirle\u015fik Devletler istatistikleri, bilimin en h\u0131zla uyguland\u0131\u011f\u0131 son elli y\u0131ld\u0131r, ba\u015far\u0131yla istihdam edilen n\u00fcfus oran\u0131n\u0131n s\u00fcrekli olarak y\u00fckseldi\u011fini g\u00f6stermektedir.\u201d Bilim savunusu k\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131 alt\u0131nda yap\u0131lan bu kapitalizm savunusunun sevindirici oldu\u011fu s\u00f6ylenemez. \u201cG\u00fcncel ko\u015fullarla ba\u011flant\u0131n\u0131n kopmas\u0131\u201d ve ekonomi ile tekni\u011fin kar\u015f\u0131l\u0131kl\u0131 ili\u015fkisinin keskin bir \u015fekilde de\u011fi\u015fmesi, tam da bu son yar\u0131m y\u00fczy\u0131lda oldu. Millikan\u2019\u0131n referans verdi\u011fi d\u00f6nem, kapitalist refah\u0131n en y\u00fcksek noktas\u0131n\u0131 kapsad\u0131\u011f\u0131 gibi, kapitalist d\u00fc\u015f\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn ba\u015flang\u0131c\u0131n\u0131 da kapsamaktad\u0131r.&nbsp;<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>D\u00fcnya \u00e7ap\u0131ndaki bu d\u00fc\u015f\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn ba\u015flang\u0131c\u0131n\u0131 \u00f6rtbas etmek, kapitalizmin savunucusu olarak \u00f6ne \u00e7\u0131kmakt\u0131r. Henry Ford\u2019a bile olsa olsa onur verecek arg\u00fcmanlar\u0131n yard\u0131m\u0131yla, sosyalizmi elinin tersi ile iter bir tarzla reddeden Dr. Millikan, bize hi\u00e7bir da\u011f\u0131t\u0131m sisteminin insan ihtiya\u00e7lar\u0131n\u0131 \u00fcretimi artt\u0131rmadan kar\u015f\u0131layamayaca\u011f\u0131n\u0131 anlat\u0131yor. \u015e\u00fcphesiz! Ancak ne yaz\u0131k ki me\u015fhur fizik\u00e7imiz, milyonlarca Amerikal\u0131 i\u015fsize, ulusal geliri artt\u0131rmaya nas\u0131l i\u015ftirak edeceklerini a\u00e7\u0131klamad\u0131. Bireysel inisiyatifin cazibesini ve y\u00fcksek emek \u00fcretkenli\u011fini korumak \u00fczerine soyut vaazlar, elbette ki ne i\u015fsizlere i\u015f sa\u011flar, ne b\u00fct\u00e7e a\u00e7\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 kapat\u0131r, ne de ulusal sermayeyi i\u00e7inde bulundu\u011fu k\u00f6r yoldan kurtar\u0131r.&nbsp;<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Marx\u2019\u0131 ay\u0131rt eden \u015fey, onun dehas\u0131n\u0131n evrenselli\u011fi, \u00e7e\u015fitli alanlar\u0131n olgular\u0131n\u0131 ve geli\u015fimlerini asli ba\u011flant\u0131lar\u0131 i\u00e7inde anlama yetene\u011fidir. O, do\u011fal bilimlerde bir uzman olmaks\u0131z\u0131n, bu alandaki muazzam ke\u015fi erin anlamlar\u0131n\u0131 ilk takdir edenlerden biriydi; \u00f6rne\u011fin Darwin\u2019in teorisi. Marx, bu \u00fcst\u00fcnl\u00fc\u011f\u00fc, zek\u00e2s\u0131ndan \u00e7ok y\u00f6ntemi sayesinde sa\u011flad\u0131. Burjuva kafal\u0131 bilim adamlar\u0131 sosyalizmin ilerisinde olduklar\u0131n\u0131 d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnebilirler; \u015fu anda Robert Millikan\u2019\u0131n durumu, onlar\u0131n sosyoloji alan\u0131nda da \u00fcmitsiz \u015farlatanlar olmay\u0131 s\u00fcrd\u00fcrd\u00fcklerini yaln\u0131zca bir kez daha kan\u0131tl\u0131yor. Onlar bilimsel d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnmeyi Marx\u2019tan \u00f6\u011frenmelidirler.&nbsp;<\/p>\n\n\n\n<h4 class=\"wp-block-heading\"><strong>\u00dcretim olanaklar\u0131 ve \u00f6zel m\u00fclkiyet\u00a0<\/strong><\/h4>\n\n\n\n<p>1937\u2019nin ba\u015flar\u0131nda Kongreye mesaj\u0131nda Ba\u015fkan Roosevelt, ulusal geliri 90 veya 100 milyar dolara y\u00fckseltme arzusunu a\u00e7\u0131klam\u0131\u015ft\u0131, ancak bunun nas\u0131l yap\u0131laca\u011f\u0131n\u0131 g\u00f6stermemi\u015fti. Kendi i\u00e7inde bu program son derece makuld\u00fcr. 1929\u2019da yakla\u015f\u0131k 2 milyon i\u015fsiz varken, ulusal gelir 81 milyar dolara ula\u015fm\u0131\u015ft\u0131. Mevcut \u00fcretici g\u00fc\u00e7ler harekete ge\u00e7irildi\u011finde, Roosevelt\u2019in program\u0131n\u0131 ya\u015fama ge\u00e7irmekle yetinmeyecek ve hatta onu g\u00f6zle g\u00f6r\u00fcl\u00fcr \u015fekilde a\u015facakt\u0131r. Makineler, hammadde, i\u015f\u00e7iler, her \u015fey uygundur, halk\u0131n \u00fcr\u00fcnlere olan ihtiyac\u0131ndan s\u00f6z etmeye bile gerek yok. Buna ra\u011fmen e\u011fer plan ya\u015fama ge\u00e7irilemezse \u2013 ki ge\u00e7irilemez \u2013, bunun tek nedeni kapitalist m\u00fclkiyet ile toplumun geni\u015fleyen \u00fcretime duydu\u011fu ihtiya\u00e7 aras\u0131ndaki uzla\u015fmaz kar\u015f\u0131tl\u0131kt\u0131r. H\u00fck\u00fcmet destekli \u00fcnl\u00fc Potansiyel \u00dcretim Kapasitesi Ulusal Ara\u015ft\u0131rmas\u0131, 1929\u2019da kullan\u0131lan \u00fcretim ve hizmetlerin toplam maliyetinin, perakende sat\u0131\u015f fiyat\u0131 \u00fczerinden hesaplanarak, yakla\u015f\u0131k olarak 94 milyar dolar tuttu\u011fu karar\u0131na vard\u0131. E\u011fer \u00fcretimin t\u00fcm g\u00fcncel olanaklar\u0131 kullan\u0131lm\u0131\u015f olsayd\u0131 bu rakam 135 milyar dolara \u00e7\u0131kacakt\u0131, ki bu da aile ba\u015f\u0131na y\u0131lda ortalama 4370 dolar ederdi ve iyi ve rahat bir ya\u015fam elde etmek i\u00e7in yeterli olurdu. Buna, Ulusal Ara\u015ft\u0131rma hesaplar\u0131n\u0131n, Birle\u015fik Devletler\u2019deki mevcut \u00fcretim \u00f6rg\u00fctlenmesine \u2013kapitalizmin anar\u015fik tarihinden \u00e7\u0131k\u0131p geldi\u011fi haliyle \u2013 dayand\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 eklemek gerekir. Bizzat bu malzeme sosyalist bir birle\u015fik plan temelinde yeniden donat\u0131lsayd\u0131, \u00fcretim hesaplar\u0131 g\u00f6zle g\u00f6r\u00fcn\u00fcr \u015fekilde a\u015f\u0131labilir ve t\u00fcm halka son derece k\u0131sa bir i\u015fg\u00fcn\u00fc temelinde y\u00fcksek bir ya\u015fam standard\u0131 temin edilebilirdi.&nbsp;<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Bu nedenle, toplumu korumak i\u00e7in, tekni\u011fin geli\u015fimini denetlemek, fabrikalar\u0131 kapatmak, \u00e7ift\u00e7ileri tar\u0131m\u0131 sabote etmeleri i\u00e7in primlerle \u00f6d\u00fcllendirmek, i\u015f\u00e7ilerin \u00fc\u00e7te birini sefillere \u00e7evirmek ya da manyaklar\u0131 diktat\u00f6r olmalar\u0131 i\u00e7in \u00e7a\u011f\u0131rmak gerekmiyor. Toplum \u00e7\u0131karlar\u0131n\u0131n i\u011fren\u00e7 bir \u015fekilde alaya al\u0131nmas\u0131 olan bu \u00f6nlemlerin hi\u00e7biri gerekli de\u011fildir. Zorunlu ve acil olan, \u00fcretim ara\u00e7lar\u0131n\u0131 \u015fimdiki asalak sahiplerinden ay\u0131rmak ve toplumu ger\u00e7ek\u00e7i bir plana g\u00f6re \u00f6rg\u00fctlemektir. Ard\u0131ndan toplumun hastal\u0131klar\u0131na \u00e7are bulmak ger\u00e7ekten ilk kez m\u00fcmk\u00fcn olabilecektir. \u00c7al\u0131\u015fabilecek herkes i\u015f bulabilecektir. \u0130\u015fg\u00fcn\u00fc kademe kademe k\u0131salacakt\u0131r. Toplumun t\u00fcm \u00fcyelerinin istemleri artan \u00f6l\u00e7\u00fcde tatmin edilecektir. \u201cM\u00fclkiyet\u201d, \u201ckriz\u201d, \u201cs\u00f6m\u00fcr\u00fc\u201d s\u00f6zc\u00fckleri kullan\u0131mdan kalkacakt\u0131r. \u0130nsano\u011flu sonunda ger\u00e7ek insanl\u0131k e\u015fi\u011fini ge\u00e7ecektir.&nbsp;<\/p>\n\n\n\n<h4 class=\"wp-block-heading\"><strong>Sosyalizmin ka\u00e7\u0131n\u0131lmazl\u0131\u011f\u0131\u00a0<\/strong><\/h4>\n\n\n\n<p>\u201cB\u00fcy\u00fck sermaye sahiplerinin say\u0131lar\u0131ndaki s\u00fcrekli azalmayla birlikte&#8230;\u201d diyor Marx, \u201cyoksullu\u011fun, ezilenlerin, gerileyenlerin, s\u00f6m\u00fcr\u00fclenlerin ve k\u00f6leli\u011fin kitlesi b\u00fcy\u00fcr; ancak bununla birlikte de, say\u0131ca daima artan, disiplinli, birle\u015fmi\u015f, tam da kapitalist \u00fcretim s\u00fcrecinin kendi mekanizmas\u0131 taraf\u0131ndan \u00f6rg\u00fctlenmi\u015f bir s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n, i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n isyan\u0131 geli\u015fir. \u00dcretim ara\u00e7lar\u0131n\u0131n merkezile\u015fmesi ve eme\u011fin toplumsalla\u015fmas\u0131, sonunda, kapitalist kabuk ile ba\u011fda\u015famaz hale gelir. Bu ba\u011fda\u015fmazl\u0131k patlayarak parampar\u00e7a olur. Kapitalist \u00f6zel m\u00fclkiyetin matem \u00e7an\u0131 \u00e7alar. M\u00fclks\u00fczle\u015ftirenler m\u00fclks\u00fczle\u015ftirilir.\u201d Sosyalist devrim budur. Marx\u2019a g\u00f6re, toplumu yeniden yap\u0131land\u0131rma sorunu, onun ki\u015fisel tercihleri taraf\u0131ndan g\u00fcd\u00fclenen baz\u0131 h\u00fck\u00fcmlerden do\u011fmad\u0131; demirden tarihsel zorunluluktan \u2013 bir yandan \u00fcretici g\u00fc\u00e7lerin ula\u015fm\u0131\u015f oldu\u011fu g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc olgunluktan; di\u011fer yandan kaderi emek de\u011fer yasas\u0131na ba\u011fl\u0131 olan bu g\u00fc\u00e7leri ileri g\u00f6t\u00fcrmenin olanaks\u0131zl\u0131\u011f\u0131ndan \u2013 \u00e7\u0131k\u0131p geldi. Baz\u0131 ayd\u0131nlar\u0131n, Marx\u2019\u0131n \u00f6\u011fretisine ald\u0131r\u0131\u015f etmeksizin, sosyalizmin ka\u00e7\u0131n\u0131lmaz de\u011fil, ancak m\u00fcmk\u00fcn oldu\u011fu temas\u0131n\u0131 i\u015fleyen eserleri, i\u00e7erikten hepten yoksundur. A\u00e7\u0131k\u00e7as\u0131, Marx, sosyalizmin insan\u0131n irade ve eylemi olmaks\u0131z\u0131n ger\u00e7ekle\u015febilece\u011fini ima etmedi: B\u00f6ylesi bir kir d\u00fcped\u00fcz sa\u00e7mal\u0131kt\u0131r. Marx, kapitalist geli\u015fmenin ka\u00e7\u0131n\u0131lmaz olarak ula\u015fmak zorunda oldu\u011fu son noktadaki ekonomik \u00e7\u00f6k\u00fc\u015ften \u2013 ve bu \u00e7\u00f6k\u00fc\u015f g\u00f6zler \u00f6n\u00fcndedir \u2013, \u00fcretim ara\u00e7lar\u0131n\u0131n toplumsalla\u015fmas\u0131 d\u0131\u015f\u0131nda hi\u00e7bir \u00e7\u0131k\u0131\u015f yolu olamayaca\u011f\u0131n\u0131 \u00f6nceden haber verdi. \u00dcretici g\u00fc\u00e7ler yeni bir \u00f6rg\u00fctleyiciye ve yeni bir efendiye gereksinim duyacakt\u0131r ve varolu\u015f bilinci belirledi\u011fi i\u00e7in, Marx\u2019\u0131n, i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n hatalar ve yenilgiler pahas\u0131na ger\u00e7ek durumu anlar hale gelece\u011fine ve er ge\u00e7 zorunlu pratik sonu\u00e7lara ula\u015faca\u011f\u0131na dair hi\u00e7bir \u015f\u00fcphesi olamazd\u0131.&nbsp;<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Kapitalizmin yaratt\u0131\u011f\u0131 \u00fcretim ara\u00e7lar\u0131n\u0131n toplumsalla\u015fmas\u0131n\u0131n ekonomik a\u00e7\u0131dan muazzam faydal\u0131 oldu\u011fu, bug\u00fcn sadece teoride de\u011fil, ayn\u0131 zamanda t\u00fcm s\u0131n\u0131rl\u0131l\u0131klar\u0131na ra\u011fmen SSCB deneyiminden de g\u00f6r\u00fclebilir. Do\u011fru, kapitalist gericiler, hi\u00e7 de beceriksizce de\u011fil, Stalin rejimini sosyalizm kirlerine kar\u015f\u0131 bir bostan korkulu\u011fu olarak kullan\u0131yorlar. Ger\u00e7ekte, Marx hi\u00e7bir zaman sosyalizmin bir tek ve dahas\u0131 geri bir \u00fclkede ba\u015far\u0131labilece\u011fini s\u00f6ylemedi. SSCB\u2019deki kitlelerin devam eden yoksullu\u011fu, kendisini ulusun ve onun yoksullu\u011funun \u00fczerinde y\u00fckselten ayr\u0131cal\u0131kl\u0131 kast\u0131n mutlak kudreti, nihayet, b\u00fcrokratlar\u0131n kudurgan sopa-yasas\u0131, sosyalist ekonomi y\u00f6nteminin de\u011fil, kapitalist ku\u015fatma \u00e7emberine yakalanan SSCB\u2019nin yal\u0131t\u0131kl\u0131\u011f\u0131 ve gerili\u011finin sonucudur. \u015ea\u015f\u0131lacak olan \u015fey, planl\u0131 ekonominin b\u00f6ylesi istisnai elveri\u015fsiz ko\u015fullar alt\u0131nda bile, yenilmez faydalar\u0131n\u0131 g\u00f6stermeyi ba\u015farm\u0131\u015f olmas\u0131d\u0131r.&nbsp;<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Kapitalizmin demokratik t\u00fcr\u00fcn\u00fcn oldu\u011fu kadar fa\u015fist t\u00fcr\u00fcn\u00fcn de t\u00fcm koruyucular\u0131, \u201cm\u00fclks\u00fczle\u015ftirenlerin m\u00fclks\u00fczle\u015ftirilmelerini\u201d engellemek i\u00e7in sermaye kodamanlar\u0131n\u0131n iktidar\u0131n\u0131 s\u0131n\u0131rlamaya ya da en az\u0131ndan \u00fcst\u00fcn\u00fc \u00f6rtmeye \u00e7al\u0131\u015f\u0131yorlar. Reformist giri\u015fimlerinin ba\u015far\u0131s\u0131zl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131n ka\u00e7\u0131n\u0131lmaz olarak sosyalist devrime yol a\u00e7aca\u011f\u0131n\u0131n hepsi fark\u0131nda ve pek \u00e7o\u011fu da bunu a\u00e7\u0131k\u00e7a kabul etmekte. Hepsi de kapitalizmi koruma y\u00f6ntemlerinin ancak gerici ve \u00fcmitsiz bir \u015farlatanl\u0131k oldu\u011funu g\u00f6stermeyi ba\u015fard\u0131lar. Marx\u2019\u0131n sosyalizmin ka\u00e7\u0131n\u0131lmazl\u0131\u011f\u0131 \u00f6ng\u00f6r\u00fcs\u00fc, b\u00f6ylelikle olumsuzundan kan\u0131tlama yoluyla t\u00fcm\u00fcyle do\u011frulanm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r.&nbsp;<\/p>\n\n\n\n<h4 class=\"wp-block-heading\"><strong>Sosyalist devrimin ka\u00e7\u0131n\u0131lmazl\u0131\u011f\u0131\u00a0<\/strong><\/h4>\n\n\n\n<p>1929-1932\u2019deki b\u00fcy\u00fck kriz d\u00f6neminde geli\u015ftirilen \u201cTeknokrasi\u201d program\u0131, ekonominin, sadece bilimin doruklar\u0131ndaki teknik ile toplumun hizmetindeki h\u00fck\u00fcmetin bile\u015fimi arac\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131yla ak\u0131lc\u0131 bir bi\u00e7imde d\u00fczenlenebilece\u011fi do\u011fru \u00f6nc\u00fcl\u00fc \u00fczerine kurulmu\u015ftu. B\u00f6ylesi bir bile\u015fim, sa\u011flanan teknik ve h\u00fck\u00fcmet \u00f6zel m\u00fclkiyetin k\u00f6leli\u011finden kurtar\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131nda m\u00fcmk\u00fcnd\u00fcr. B\u00fcy\u00fck devrimci g\u00f6revin ba\u015flad\u0131\u011f\u0131 yer i\u015fte buras\u0131d\u0131r. Tekni\u011fi \u00f6zel \u00e7\u0131karlar kli\u011finin elinden kurtarmak ve toplumun hizmetindeki h\u00fck\u00fcmete vermek i\u00e7in, \u201cm\u00fclk sahiplerinin m\u00fclks\u00fczle\u015ftirilmeleri\u201d zorunludur. Yaln\u0131zca, \u00e7\u0131karlar\u0131 kendi kurtulu\u015funda yatan ve tekelci s\u00f6m\u00fcr\u00fcc\u00fclere kar\u015f\u0131 olan g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc bir s\u0131n\u0131f bu g\u00f6revi tamamlayabilir. Yaln\u0131zca proleter bir h\u00fck\u00fcmet ile uyum i\u00e7indeki kali ye teknisyen tabakas\u0131, ger\u00e7ekten bilimsel, ger\u00e7ekten ulusal, yani sosyalist bir ekonomi in\u015fa edebilir.&nbsp;<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Bu amac\u0131 bar\u0131\u015f\u00e7\u0131l, a\u015famal\u0131, demokratik yoldan ba\u015farmak, \u015f\u00fcphesiz en g\u00fczeli olurdu. Ancak kendi \u00f6mr\u00fcn\u00fc t\u00fcketmi\u015f bir toplumsal d\u00fczen, yerini ard\u0131l\u0131na hi\u00e7bir zaman direnmeksizin b\u0131rakmaz. E\u011fer gen\u00e7, g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc demokrasi, zaman\u0131nda zenginli\u011fin ve iktidar\u0131n pl\u00fctokrasi taraf\u0131ndan zapt edilmesinin \u00f6n\u00fcne ge\u00e7ememi\u015fse, bunak ve harap bir demokrasiden, altm\u0131\u015f ailenin s\u0131n\u0131rs\u0131z egemenli\u011fi \u00fczerine kurulu olan bir toplumsal d\u00fczeni d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcrme yetene\u011finde oldu\u011funu kan\u0131tlamas\u0131n\u0131 beklemek olanakl\u0131 m\u0131d\u0131r? Teori ve tarih, bir toplumsal rejim de\u011fi\u015fikli\u011finin s\u0131n\u0131f m\u00fccadelesinin en y\u00fcksek bi\u00e7imini, yani devrimi \u00f6n gerektirdi\u011fini \u00f6\u011fretmektedir. K\u00f6lelik dahi Birle\u015fik Devletler\u2019de bir i\u00e7 sava\u015f olmaks\u0131z\u0131n kald\u0131r\u0131lamad\u0131. \u201cZor, yeni bir topluma gebe her eski toplumun ebesidir.\u201d S\u0131n\u0131fl\u0131 toplum sosyolojisinde bu temel prensip \u00fczerine Marx\u2019\u0131 \u00e7\u00fcr\u00fctebilen hen\u00fcz olmam\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Sosyalizme giden yolu ancak sosyalist bir devrim temizleyebilir.\u00a0<\/p>\n\n\n\n<h4 class=\"has-text-align-center wp-block-heading\"><strong>***<\/strong><\/h4>\n\n\n\n<h4 class=\"wp-block-heading\"><strong>Dipnotlar:<\/strong><\/h4>\n\n\n\n<p><strong>1.)<\/strong> Orijinali <em>marasmus<\/em>. Kuruyup zay\u0131flama anlam\u0131na gelen t\u0131bbi bir terim. (\u00e7.n.)<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p><strong>2.)<\/strong> Pl\u00fctokrasi: Zenginler hakimiyeti. (\u00e7.n.)\u00a0<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p><strong>Kaynak:<\/strong><em> Marksist Tutum.<\/em><\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"<p>S\u0131nai kriz\u00a0 Ge\u00e7en y\u00fczy\u0131l\u0131n sonlar\u0131 ve bu y\u00fczy\u0131l\u0131n ba\u015flar\u0131, kapitalizm taraf\u0131ndan \u00f6ylesi ezici bir ilerlemeyle damgaland\u0131 ki, \u00e7evrimsel krizler art\u0131k \u201crastlant\u0131sal\u201d s\u0131k\u0131nt\u0131lardan \u00f6te bir \u015fey olarak g\u00f6r\u00fclm\u00fcyordu. Hemen hemen evrensel olan kapitalist iyimserlik y\u0131llar\u0131 boyunca, Marx\u2019\u0131 ele\u015ftirenler, tr\u00f6stlerin, sendikalar\u0131n ve kartellerin ulusal ve uluslararas\u0131 geli\u015fiminin pazar\u0131n planl\u0131 kontrol\u00fcn\u00fc ba\u015flatt\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 ve kriz \u00fczerindeki nihai zaferi m\u00fcjdeledi\u011fini [&hellip;]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":14,"featured_media":130,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"_exactmetrics_skip_tracking":false,"_exactmetrics_sitenote_active":false,"_exactmetrics_sitenote_note":"","_exactmetrics_sitenote_category":0,"footnotes":""},"categories":[636],"tags":[191,193,159,59],"class_list":["post-129","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-ekonomik-kriz","tag-ekonomik","tag-kriz","tag-trocki","tag-uzerine"],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/trockist.net\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/129","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/trockist.net\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/trockist.net\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/trockist.net\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/14"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/trockist.net\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=129"}],"version-history":[{"count":5,"href":"https:\/\/trockist.net\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/129\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":2417,"href":"https:\/\/trockist.net\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/129\/revisions\/2417"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/trockist.net\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/130"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/trockist.net\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=129"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/trockist.net\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=129"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/trockist.net\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=129"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}