{"id":1273,"date":"2019-07-05T11:43:33","date_gmt":"2019-07-05T08:43:33","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/trockist.net\/?p=1273"},"modified":"2019-07-05T11:45:35","modified_gmt":"2019-07-05T08:45:35","slug":"hak-hukuk-adalet-marksist-bir-elestiri-denemesi","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/trockist.net\/index.php\/2019\/07\/05\/hak-hukuk-adalet-marksist-bir-elestiri-denemesi\/","title":{"rendered":"\u201cHak, hukuk, adalet\u201d: Marksist bir ele\u015ftiri denemesi"},"content":{"rendered":"\n<p>1.) Saray rejiminin ve onun i\u00e7erisinde nefes al\u0131p vermeye ba\u015flad\u0131\u011f\u0131 ve ard\u0131ndan da revize etti\u011fi anayasa ile bu anayasan\u0131n Bonapartist i\u00e7eri\u011finin kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131nda; s\u00f6z konusu i\u00e7eri\u011fi olanakl\u0131 k\u0131lan yasalar\u0131n belirledi\u011fi \u00e7er\u00e7eveyi verili tek me\u015fruiyet zemini olarak m\u00fccadele program\u0131n\u0131n oda\u011f\u0131 haline getirmek, bu anayasayla birlikte (\u00e7ok daha h\u0131zl\u0131 ger\u00e7ekle\u015fecek olmas\u0131 kayd\u0131yla), m\u00fccadele program\u0131n\u0131n da \u00e7\u00fcr\u00fcmesini ve yozla\u015fmas\u0131n\u0131 getirecektir.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>2.) Bu ili\u015fkinin, ortalama bir siyaset sosyolojisi ders kitab\u0131n\u0131n akademik \u00e7er\u00e7evesi kapsam\u0131nda anla\u015f\u0131lmas\u0131, ihtimaller dahilinde de\u011fildir. Yeni toplumsal g\u00fc\u00e7lerin ve ili\u015fkilerin kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131nda tozlanm\u0131\u015f bir anayasa metninin, \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck ve adalet istemlerinin hukuk\u00ee gardiyan\u0131 olarak belirmesinin \u015fart\u0131, tozlu olan\u0131n yasal anlamlar\u0131n\u0131n teolojik bir sorgulamas\u0131 de\u011fildir. Bu, ancak o tozlu olandan rasyonal bir kopu\u015fla somutla\u015fabilir. Kitlelerin \u00f6n\u00fcne eylem olarak \u201cs\u0131\u00e7ramay\u0131\u201d s\u00fcr\u00fcp, var\u0131lacak yeri \u201ciki ad\u0131m geri\u201d olarak saptamak, ancak bu \u00e7eli\u015fkinin bir sonucu olabilir; halbuki s\u0131\u00e7ray\u0131p iki ad\u0131m geriye d\u00fc\u015fmenin anlam\u0131, dengeyi kaybedip s\u0131rt \u00fcst\u00fc yere kapaklanmakt\u0131r.&nbsp;<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>3.) Yasalar g\u00f6kten d\u00fc\u015fmezler; yery\u00fcz\u00fcnde, birtak\u0131m sosyo-politik s\u00fcre\u00e7lerin i\u00e7erisinde ve sonras\u0131nda olu\u015fturulurlar. En de\u011ferli nitelikleri, insan yap\u0131m\u0131 olmalar\u0131d\u0131r. Ancak insan yap\u0131m\u0131 olan di\u011fer bir\u00e7ok unsur gibi (Allah, devlet, meta), toplumsal ya\u015fant\u0131n\u0131n kritik bir d\u00f6nemecinde, insanlar yasalar\u0131 de\u011fil, yasalar insanlar\u0131 y\u00f6netmeye ba\u015flam\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. S\u0131n\u0131fl\u0131 toplum insan\u0131n\u0131n d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnsel ufku, kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131nda yabanc\u0131la\u015ft\u0131\u011f\u0131 unsuru de\u011fi\u015ftirebilece\u011fine ihtimal vermez. Bu nedenle s\u00fcrekli olarak insan\u0131n bu unsuru yeniden \u015fekillendirmek, onu yeniden yorumlamak gibi muhafazak\u00e2r refleksleriyle kar\u015f\u0131la\u015f\u0131r\u0131z.&nbsp;<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>4.) Burjuva pozitif hukukunun ontolojik ko\u015fulu, insanlar\u0131n bu hukuk taraf\u0131ndan form\u00fcle edilmi\u015f olan yasalar\u0131 ihlal edebilme kapasiteleridir. Tek ba\u015f\u0131na bu ger\u00e7ek bile, Anglosakson liberalizminin b\u00fcy\u00fck bir \u015fevkle antikom\u00fcnist arg\u00fcmanlar\u0131n\u0131n \u00fczerine serpi\u015ftirdi\u011fi o me\u015fhur \u201cinsan do\u011fas\u0131na\u201d yabanc\u0131 ve onu yabanc\u0131la\u015ft\u0131ran bir ili\u015fkiye parmak basmaktad\u0131r. Burjuva toplumun siyasal ve ekonomik kutsallar\u0131 etraf\u0131nda koruyucu bir \u00e7it olarak \u00f6r\u00fclm\u00fc\u015f olan anayasalar\u0131 var olmak zorunda b\u0131rakan dinamik, toplumsal eylemin kendili\u011finden ve bilin\u00e7li bi\u00e7imlerinin, <em>do\u011falar\u0131 gere\u011fi<\/em> bu kutsallar\u0131n <em>do\u011falar\u0131yla<\/em> bir tezatl\u0131k i\u00e7erisinde olmas\u0131d\u0131r. Tam olarak bu sebeple, yasa ve \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck kavramlar\u0131 bir e\u015fanlaml\u0131l\u0131\u011fa de\u011fil, z\u0131tl\u0131\u011fa i\u015faret eder.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>5.) Yasa bir limittir; bu limiti yasalar\u0131 belirleyen yasa koyar. Temel olarak insan eyleminin koydu\u011fu bu limit, d\u00f6ner ve insan eylemini s\u0131n\u0131rlar. \u0130nsan\u0131n, kendi eylemini k\u0131s\u0131tlayan bu limite kar\u015f\u0131, limiti belirleyen yasalar\u0131n yasas\u0131n\u0131 de\u011fil de, limiti koyan yasay\u0131 yeniden yorumlama refleksi g\u00f6steriyor olmas\u0131, yine o tutucu s\u0131n\u0131r\u0131n koydu\u011fu yetki alan\u0131na hapsolmakt\u0131r. Bu yetkiyi tan\u0131mak zorunda b\u0131rak\u0131lan bir siyaset ise ancak var olan\u0131 yeniden \u00fcretip onu me\u015frula\u015ft\u0131rabilir ama y\u0131kamaz.&nbsp;<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>6.) Var olan\u0131 y\u0131kamayan\u0131n ideal olan\u0131 in\u015fa edemeyece\u011fi barizdir. Bu ba\u011flamda yasalar\u0131n yasas\u0131n\u0131 politik eyleminin hedef tahtas\u0131 olarak belirlemeyenin, de\u011fi\u015fimin temsilcisi olmas\u0131 olanaks\u0131zd\u0131r. O, kal\u0131c\u0131 olma niyetinde olan pasl\u0131 yap\u0131n\u0131n cilas\u0131 olabilir, o kadar.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>7.) Bu noktada Amerika Birle\u015fik Devletleri\u2019nde haz\u0131rlan\u0131p y\u00fcr\u00fcrl\u00fc\u011fe sokulmu\u015f bulunan 1776 Jefferson Anayasas\u0131\u2019n\u0131, \u015fa\u015f\u0131rt\u0131c\u0131 bir a\u00e7\u0131kl\u0131kla temas etti\u011fi yasalar\u0131n yasas\u0131 sorununa bir \u00f6rnek olarak verebiliriz. 1776 Anayasas\u0131 yasama, y\u00fcr\u00fctme ve yarg\u0131y\u0131 keskin bir bi\u00e7imde birbirinden ay\u0131r\u0131yor ve Locke\u2019cu bir anayasa olarak an\u0131lmas\u0131na sebep olan \u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc bir temel ve dokunulmaz haklar sistemi \u00f6ng\u00f6r\u00fcyordu. Bu \u00fc\u00e7 hak bireyin \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fc\u011f\u00fc, bireyin m\u00fclkiyeti ve bireyin yeteneklerini geli\u015ftirmesiydi. Anayasaya g\u00f6re hi\u00e7bir h\u00fck\u00fcmet bu \u00fc\u00e7 hakk\u0131 sorgulayamaz ve me\u015fruiyetlerini tart\u0131\u015fmaya a\u00e7amazd\u0131. Jefferson Anayasas\u0131 bireyin \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn\u00fc dokunulmaz sayd\u0131\u011f\u0131 haklar aras\u0131nda g\u00f6rse de k\u00f6leleri \u00f6zg\u00fcrle\u015ftirmemi\u015fti. \u00c7\u00fcnk\u00fc k\u00f6leler, bireyin \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck haklar\u0131 kapsam\u0131na de\u011fil bireyin m\u00fclkiyet haklar\u0131 kapsam\u0131na giriyor; yani k\u00f6lelerin m\u00fclk edinilebilme hakk\u0131, onlar\u0131n \u00f6zg\u00fcr olma haklar\u0131na \u00fcst\u00fcn geliyordu. \u0130stisnas\u0131z b\u00fct\u00fcn anayasa \u00f6rneklerinde oldu\u011fu \u00fczere 1776 \u00f6rne\u011finde de, yasalar\u0131n yasas\u0131 olarak m\u00fclkiyet, di\u011fer b\u00fct\u00fcn yasalar\u0131n ve onlar\u0131n i\u00e7erdi\u011fi hak ve yetki tan\u0131mlar\u0131n\u0131n limitlerini belirlemi\u015fti. Bu ba\u011flamda, ortalama bir muhalif, yasalar\u0131n yasas\u0131 oldu\u011fu ger\u00e7e\u011fiyle hesapla\u015fmad\u0131k\u00e7a, \u00f6mr\u00fc boyunca ortalama bir muhalif olarak kalmay\u0131 s\u00fcrd\u00fcrecektir.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>8.) Hukukun tan\u0131y\u0131p muhafaza etti\u011fini ileri s\u00fcrd\u00fc\u011f\u00fc haklar ile \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fckler, hukuk \u00f6tesi ve \u00fcst\u00fcd\u00fcr. \u00c7\u00fcnk\u00fc hukuk bu \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fckleri ke\u015ffetmemi\u015f ama insanl\u0131k taraf\u0131ndan b\u00fcy\u00fck m\u00fccadelelerle fethedilmi\u015f olan bu \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fckler kendi hukuklar\u0131n\u0131 icat etmi\u015flerdir. B\u00f6ylece e\u015fitlik ile \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn tesisinin veya var oldu\u011fu derecesiyle korunmas\u0131n\u0131n bir kamu hukuku icras\u0131 olaca\u011f\u0131\/olmas\u0131 gerekti\u011fi beklentisi eylemsel anakronizmdir, somut ili\u015fkileri ve m\u00fccadeleyi ba\u015f a\u015fa\u011f\u0131 \u00e7evirmektir, alfabeye Z harfinden ba\u015flamakt\u0131r, ate\u015f yakmadan yeme\u011fi pi\u015firmek istemektir ve asl\u0131nda bir noktada, kendini tekrarlayan dua metinlerinin y\u00fczeyselli\u011fini korkutucu bir \u015fekilde kazanmaya ba\u015flam\u0131\u015f olan anayasal ilahileri uyu\u015fuk bir koro e\u015fli\u011finde seslendirmektir.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>9.) Bir\u00e7ok y\u00f6nden farkl\u0131 olan bireylerin e\u015fit haklara sahip olmas\u0131n\u0131n nihai anlam\u0131, bu bireylerin kendi aralar\u0131nda e\u015fitsiz olduklar\u0131d\u0131r. Yasalar kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131ndaki e\u015fitli\u011fin \u015fart\u0131, m\u00fclkiyet kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131ndaki e\u015fitsizliktir. M\u00fclkiyet \u00f6n\u00fcnde e\u015fitlik sa\u011flan\u0131nca, yasalar kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131nda e\u015fit olma ihtiyac\u0131 ortadan kalkmaktad\u0131r. Hukukun sa\u011flamakla y\u00fck\u00fcml\u00fc oldu\u011funun s\u00f6ylendi\u011fi e\u015fit hak ilkesi, ancak e\u015fitsiz olan ki\u015filer aras\u0131nda uygulanabilir bir pratik alan\u0131 bulabilir. Zaten aralar\u0131nda e\u015fit olan kimselere, kendilerinin d\u0131\u015f\u0131ndaki bir \u00f6l\u00e7\u00fct\u00fcn e\u015fde\u011fer bir \u015fekilde atfedilmesi olanak d\u0131\u015f\u0131d\u0131r. Ancak kendisini kendinde temsil edemeyen bir varl\u0131k; ancak kendi temsilini kendi eyleminde ve kendisi haricindeki varl\u0131klar\u0131n eylemlerinde ifade edemeyen bir kimse, kendi temsilini yabanc\u0131la\u015fm\u0131\u015f bir iradenin hakemli\u011fine terk edebilir.&nbsp;<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>10.) Hak, hukuk ve adalet kendi ba\u015flar\u0131na kald\u0131klar\u0131nda, salt kendi anlamlar\u0131yla ele al\u0131nd\u0131klar\u0131nda birer hi\u00e7tirler. Hukuk hi\u00e7bir zaman i\u00e7eri\u011fe dair olmam\u0131\u015ft\u0131r; o hep bi\u00e7im olmu\u015ftur. O, toplumsal arenada kar\u015f\u0131 kar\u015f\u0131ya gelen d\u00fc\u015fman s\u0131n\u0131fsal g\u00fc\u00e7lerin aras\u0131ndaki verili ili\u015fkinin ve m\u00fccadelenin bir foto\u011fraf karesi, bir formudur. Bu \u00fc\u00e7lemeye, kaba bir yans\u0131mas\u0131 olduklar\u0131 s\u0131n\u0131flar m\u00fccadelesinin i\u00e7eri\u011finin haricinde ve \u00f6tesinde y\u00fcklenen b\u00fct\u00fcn anlamlar, bumerang etkisiyle d\u00f6n\u00fcp s\u0131n\u0131flar m\u00fccadelelerinin fel\u00e7le\u015ftirilmesine; birtak\u0131m soyut ve sonu\u00e7suz anayasal ayetlerin kutsall\u0131\u011f\u0131 u\u011fruna m\u00fccadeleci i\u015f\u00e7ilerin ve yoksullar\u0131n politik olarak silahs\u0131zland\u0131r\u0131lmas\u0131na yol a\u00e7ar. Bu ili\u015fki, sadece bug\u00fcn\u00fcn T\u00fcrkiye\u2019sinin de\u011fil ama b\u00fct\u00fcn d\u00fcnyan\u0131n toplumsal ya\u015fant\u0131s\u0131n\u0131 belirleyen en temel yasalardand\u0131r. Bu yasan\u0131n bilinciyle program\u0131n\u0131 in\u015fa etmeyen b\u00fct\u00fcn odaklar, geri d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015fs\u00fcz bir yenilgiye mahkumdur.&nbsp;<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>11.) Devrimci Marksistler a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan, nihai anlamda ge\u00e7erli olan ve uygulanmas\u0131 gereken biricik \u201chukuk\u201d, s\u0131n\u0131fs\u0131z toplum i\u00e7in verilen m\u00fccadelenin, tarihsel deneyimlerden dam\u0131t\u0131lm\u0131\u015f ve g\u00fcnl\u00fck geli\u015fmelerle zenginle\u015fen hukukudur. Bu ba\u011flamda, devrimcilerin anayasas\u0131n\u0131n tart\u0131\u015f\u0131lmaya dahi a\u00e7\u0131lamaz olan ilk maddesi, sosyalist devrimin \u00e7\u0131kar\u0131na olan her \u015feyin me\u015fru, sosyalist devrimin \u00e7\u0131kar\u0131na olmayanlar\u0131n da gayrime\u015fru oldu\u011fudur. \u0130nsanl\u0131\u011f\u0131 kurtulu\u015fa, yani s\u0131n\u0131fs\u0131z topluma ta\u015f\u0131yan, verili hukuk \u00f6tesi de olsa, b\u00fct\u00fcn m\u00fccadeleler me\u015frudur. Bunun bir burjuva etik felsefesi \u00e7er\u00e7evesinde anla\u015f\u0131lmas\u0131 m\u00fcmk\u00fcn de\u011fildir. Proleter moral, a\u00e7\u0131k ve net olarak, s\u0131n\u0131f d\u00fc\u015fmanlar\u0131n\u0131n yaratt\u0131\u011f\u0131 demokratist, ulusalc\u0131 veya kalk\u0131nmac\u0131 seraplar\u0131n kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131nda, i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 eyleminin ve program\u0131n\u0131n politik ve \u00f6rg\u00fctsel ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131zl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 savunur. S\u0131n\u0131fs\u0131z toplum m\u00fccadelesinin hukuku, ehveni\u015fer oldu\u011fu s\u00f6ylenenin siyasal bir bile\u015feni olmay\u0131 yasaklar ve nihayetinde de, s\u0131n\u0131flar m\u00fccadelesinin ve proleter demokrasinin yasalar\u0131 e\u015fli\u011finde h\u00fckm\u00fcn\u00fc verir.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>12.) Evrensel hak, hukuk ve adalet mevcut de\u011fildir. Evrensel olan tek yasa, evrensel olan hi\u00e7bir \u015feyin olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131d\u0131r. Hukukun, \u00e7e\u015fitli s\u0131n\u0131flar aras\u0131ndaki m\u00fccadeleyi uzla\u015ft\u0131rmak ve ezilen s\u0131n\u0131flar\u0131 bir kere daha ezmek, ama bu sefer bir anayasa kitap\u00e7\u0131\u011f\u0131yla ezmek \u00fczerine kurulu olan ger\u00e7ek amac\u0131, mevcut durumdan \u00e7\u0131k\u0131\u015f\u0131n ara\u00e7lar\u0131n\u0131n \u201cevrensel\u201d de\u011fil, aksine \u201ctikel\u201d (yani s\u0131n\u0131fsal) oldu\u011funu ispatlamaktad\u0131r. Bizzat sosyalist devrimin ve bu devrime y\u00f6nelik m\u00fccadelenin hukuku dahi \u201chak, hukuk, adalet\u201d \u00fc\u00e7lemesinin s\u00f6zde evrenselli\u011fine indirilmi\u015f bir darbedir. Hak yoktur; i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n mevzileri vard\u0131r. Hukuk yoktur; i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n \u00e7\u0131kar\u0131na olanlarla olmayanlar vard\u0131r. Adalet yoktur; s\u0131n\u0131fs\u0131z toplum alt\u0131nda adalete duyulan s\u0131n\u0131fl\u0131 ihtiyac\u0131n ortadan kalkmas\u0131 vard\u0131r.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"<p>1.) Saray rejiminin ve onun i\u00e7erisinde nefes al\u0131p vermeye ba\u015flad\u0131\u011f\u0131 ve ard\u0131ndan da revize etti\u011fi anayasa ile bu anayasan\u0131n Bonapartist i\u00e7eri\u011finin kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131nda; s\u00f6z konusu i\u00e7eri\u011fi olanakl\u0131 k\u0131lan yasalar\u0131n belirledi\u011fi \u00e7er\u00e7eveyi verili tek me\u015fruiyet zemini olarak m\u00fccadele program\u0131n\u0131n oda\u011f\u0131 haline getirmek, bu anayasayla birlikte (\u00e7ok daha h\u0131zl\u0131 ger\u00e7ekle\u015fecek olmas\u0131 kayd\u0131yla), m\u00fccadele program\u0131n\u0131n da \u00e7\u00fcr\u00fcmesini ve yozla\u015fmas\u0131n\u0131 [&hellip;]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":6,"featured_media":1274,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"_exactmetrics_skip_tracking":false,"_exactmetrics_sitenote_active":false,"_exactmetrics_sitenote_note":"","_exactmetrics_sitenote_category":0,"footnotes":""},"categories":[701],"tags":[741,742,739,740,743],"class_list":["post-1273","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-politika","tag-adalet","tag-chp","tag-hak","tag-hukuk","tag-imamoglu"],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/trockist.net\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/1273","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/trockist.net\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/trockist.net\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/trockist.net\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/6"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/trockist.net\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=1273"}],"version-history":[{"count":3,"href":"https:\/\/trockist.net\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/1273\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":1277,"href":"https:\/\/trockist.net\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/1273\/revisions\/1277"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/trockist.net\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/1274"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/trockist.net\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=1273"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/trockist.net\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=1273"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/trockist.net\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=1273"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}